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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Jan 1971

Vol. 69 No. 5

Unit Trusts Bill, 1970: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Let me say initially that, arising from the discussion which has just taken place in connection with this particular measure, this was a Bill which was already introduced in the Seanad in July last. We are having the Second Reading today. It is not a Bill which has been transferred from the Dáil to the Seanad. It is a Bill which was introduced into the Seanad in the first instance.

The objects of this Bill are to provide protection for investors in any unit trusts which may be established here and also to promote the investment in this country of funds raised by unit trusts.

A unit trust is a scheme which provides for a pooling of resources by a number of investors in a fund which is invested in securities or other property and administered in accordance with the terms of a trust deed for the benefit of the participants. The trust deed is a formal legal document drawn up between the manager, usually a management company specialising in this type of business, and a trustee, usually a bank or insurance or finance company, which holds investments in trust for the unit holders whose interests the trustee protects in accordance with the provisions of the deed.

The pool of money subscribed by investors is divided into equal units of a convenient size. Each subscriber thus acquires a fractional interest in a block of securities or other property and the dividends from the investment are paid to subscribers in proportion to the size of their holding of units. The value of a unit will vary up or down as the total value of the investments in the portfolio varies. According as subscribers buy more units, managers buy more securities or property: if there is a net withdrawal of units, the managers sell off securities. The advantage claimed for this form of investment is that it gives a small investor the benefit of a spread of risk combined with skilled management.

The spread of risk is achieved by limiting investment in individual companies; in a typical case of a trust investing in securities not more than 5 per cent of the portfolio would consist of securities of any one company. In the case of trusts investing in real estate, the blocks of property are large but the element of risk is comparatively small.

Investment in unit trusts and similar institutions for collective investment has been growing in the United States of America, the United Kingdom and the Continent of Europe since the early 1930s. The growth has accelerated in the United Kingdom in recent years; by the end of last year a total of 280 unit trusts were operating and the total value of their funds amounted to £1,500 million as compared with less than £100 million in the late 1950s.

This development has been instrumental in getting financial interests in this country to examine the possibility of setting up Irish units trusts. In fact, some unit trusts have already been established here and a number of groups have indicated that they are considering such action. As matters stand unit trusts are virtually free from statutory control, apart from the general provisions of the law relating to fraud. It is necessary, therefore, to provide legal safeguards as has been done in other countries where this form of investment has become well established, and at the same time to stimulate the development of our economy by increasing investment through a medium which has proved to be very attractive, particularly to the small investor.

The institution of collective investment known as the unit trust has been regulated by legislation in the United Kingdom since 1939 and in the United States of America since 1940. More recently the idea has spread to the Continent of Europe where the concept of a trust does not exist in the legal systems. The arrangement in European countries is governed by a set of fund rules and includes a managing company but instead of the trustee company there is a depositary bank which holds the investments. Examination of the arrangements made in all these countries shows that the unit trust form of collective investment is best suited to our conditions and has the great merit of being already well known here even to people with little knowledge of investment techniques.

As I have already indicated, one of the main objectives of the Bill is to protect investors. Accordingly, provision is made for registration of unit trusts, and only registered unit trusts will be permitted to carry on business or advertise in this country. The conditions for registration set out in section 3 are designed to ensure that registered trusts will be run by persons of satisfactory probity, competence and financial backing. In order to ensure that effective control can be exercised over the activities of a manager and trustee, it is essential to require that they should be bodies corporate incorporated in this country and having a place of business here.

It is obvious, of course, that the body acting as trustee should be financially sound, hence the requirement that it should have a minimum capital of £500,000 and that its assets should be sufficient to meet its liabilities. As the role of the trustee is essentially that of a watchdog on behalf of the individual investors, it is necessary that he should be independent of the manager.

An application for registration may be refused, and this would arise if a manager or trustee was unable to meet one or more of the conditions for registration. Registration of a unit trust may be cancelled under section 4 for breach of a provisions of the Bill or if any of the conditions under which registration was granted were no longer being fulfilled. The manager or trustee may appeal to the High Court against refusal of an application for registration or against a proposed cancellation of registration. As a safeguard for unit holders, I will have power under section 5, in a case where cancellation of registration is contemplated, to replace the manager or trustee and, in the interim period before the new appointment takes effect, to require the manager to suspend the sale of units and the publication of advertisements. The right of appeal to the High Court also applies in relation to the exercise of this power.

The operation of unregistered unit trusts is prohibited under section 6. The prohibition extends to arrangements, resembling unit trusts, which provide for the participation of persons in profits or income from securities or any other property. Such institutions may be similar to unit trusts but there is the vital difference that they do not contain any provisions for trusts, and if they are not prohibited the legislation could be very easily and completely rendered ineffective. I feel that the inclusion of a trust is desirable in the interests of investors and that any arrangement not including a trust should not be allowed.

The Bill does not prohibit investment by Irish citizens in the unit trusts or investment funds of other countries but it does provide, as I have already said, that these funds cannot carry on business here and, in addition, section 7 prohibits advertising by them. There is nothing in the Bill that affects the present position in regard to the establishment of a company so that non-nationals will not be precluded from participating in the operation of a unit trust provided it is duly registered in this country.

I should like to point out also that any unit trust established in this country which proposes to attract funds from abroad will face restrictions on operation of business and on advertising in other countries similar to those proposed under this Bill. It also prohibits advertising by foreign based open-end investment companies which resemble unit trusts inasmuch as they do not have a fixed capital and their shares may be bought back from the shareholders and new shares may be issued without restriction. It would be anomalous to prohibit advertising by foreign unit trusts and to place no restriction on advertising by open-end investment companies. The Companies Act, 1963 prohibits the registration in this country of companies of this kind.

Advertisements relating to investment funds appear not only in Irish newspapers but also in a number of foreign newspapers and periodicals circulating in this country. Some of these periodicals are high class, and specialised to such an extent that they have a relatively small readership. I do not wish the Bill to have the effect of preventing such publications from entering this country in view of their value to the commercial community and to those interested in the economy. Section 7, therefore, provides for the grant of an exemption in any case where the cost of producing a special edition of such a newspaper or magazine for circulation in this country would be unreasonably heavy. I do not intend to grant exemptions lightly and I would require adequate evidence to support a case that the production of a special edition would impose an unreasonably heavy burden on a newspaper owner.

I have been concerned to ensure that persons contemplating the establishment of a unit trust will find in the legislation as much of the requirements which they will have to meet as it is possible to put into an Act and you will find these requirements set out in detail in sections 9 to 15. You will appreciate, however, that it is not possible in legislation of this kind, where it is necessary to allow flexibility, to put all the requirements into an Act and provision is, accordingly, made in the Bill under section 8 to give me power to make orders in relation to a number of other requirements which may prove to be necessary for the protection of the interests of the unit holders. An indication is given in section 8 of the principal matters which may be provided by order.

I should like to draw your attention particularly to the fact that it is proposed under section 8 to give me power to provide by order that not less than a specified proportion of a trust fund shall be invested in Irish securities or other property in the State. I think you will all agree that an expanding economy such as ours needs investment capital and it is my intention that unit trusts should make a contribution to this investment as insurance companies do. The two Irish life assurance companies have invested in this country a substantial proportion of the amount of their liabilities to Irish policy holders.

Under a gentleman's agreement the external life assurance companies operating here had undertaken to have invested in Ireland, by the end of 1969, a sum equivalent to 66? per cent of their outstanding liabilities to Irish policy holders at that date. This agreement was revised towards the end of 1969 and a new agreement was drawn up providing for an increase in the percentage investment to 80 per cent by the end of 1977. The Bill does not prescribe the minimum level of investment by unit trusts in Ireland but instead leaves it to me to determine the proportion by order. This method has the advantage of enabling me to determine and, if necessary, vary from time to time the appropriate level of investment having regard to changing circumstances.

I should like to point out here that a requirement to invest in domestic assets is not exceptional and, in fact, several European countries have similar requirements.

I am sure that no one will disagree with the view that most, if not all, forms of investment offered to the general public should be subject to statutory controls. Even though unit trusts are less speculative than some other forms of investment the needs to regulate them has been recognised in other countries. Investors should welcome the safeguards afforded them by the Bill. Judging by the views expressed in discussions with my Department, prospective promoters of unit trusts in this country recognise the need for legislation. If the Bill leads to a growth in Irish based unit trusts, investing a substantial proportion of their assets in this country, it will have a beneficial effect on the economy as the availability of continuing large amounts of investment money should make it easier for expanding industries to raise the necessary capital.

I commend the Bill to the House.

I am in difficulty in addressing myself to this Bill in that it shows signs of competent draftsmanship and careful consideration of the necessity to protect investors in unit trusts. It is, however, fatally flawed by the parallel between the position of insurance companies who are free to discharge the obligations involved in a gentleman's agreement with the Minister as to the proportion of their assets that they will invest or their premium income that they will invest in Ireland and the position of the manager of the unit trust. It is fatally flawed because an essential feature of the unit trust, which is recognised in other parts of this Bill— which is an enlightened Bill so far as enlightenment is possible while this flaw casts a shadow over their preparation of the document—a recognition of the best modern thought on the kind of protection that depositors require.

I would criticise it myself under one or two headings for the lack of that degree of specification which the Minister referred to when he spoke of the determination of the proportion of the funds which were to be invested in Irish securities. Perhaps it is worth while to point out to this House that while this Bill, if enacted, will protect investors in unit trusts, the implications of a blurb which appeared in some newspaper some months ago to the effect that we were to have legislation permitting unit trusts in Ireland, is already contradicted by what the Minister himself has said. As we know, we already have unit trusts in Ireland— well managed unit trusts. The managers and trustees are persons of probity who are the kind of persons from whom investors do not need protection. But the Government are right in thinking that there could come here people who would seek to take advantage of the absence of legislation. It should be noted that those people have not come here and perhaps I shall be pointing them out in the course of what I have to say.

In this Second Reading speech— perhaps it would be far more appropriate to say this at Committee Stage —there are certain inherent difficulties arising from our arrangements with the United Kingdom why unit trust schemes have not been established here.

At this point I should make it clear why there are these difficulties. The unit trust is essentially the same as any trust. However, it is a trust whereby the trustees are given powers of managing funds, shifting and transferring them, realising profits on them and distributing the resulting profits among the beneficiaries. For a long time it was considered that unit trusts were rendered illegal by what is described by lawyers as a strange decision in 1880. One unit trust survived—the Submarine Cable Trust— because a judge was upheld by the court of appeal to the effect that the persons in this unit trust were not in association with each other and that the matter of managing investments was not a business and therefore that they did not require registration under the Companies Act.

Let us suppose you have an ordinary trust, let us take a simple trust here where the funds are partially invested in Ireland, partially in the United Kingdom. To make it easy, say there are five beneficiaries under that trust. The trustee distributes the income he receives. If that income is income which has been received from an investment in Britain, it is received after deduction of UK tax. The trustee has no power to recover that tax. The beneficiary who receives his share of the income is the only person who will be recognised by the British Revenue as entitled to repayment. You have a unit trust of which the legal nature is essentially the same as a trust with five persons, but it may have 10,000 persons.

Now you have got the situation where unit trusts cannot be repaid without special arrangements being made by the British Revenue, which presents very real difficulties. One of them is that Revenue has got to be satisfied that the trustees will police the administration of the UK code here so as to ensure that a UK investor does not get his part of his income from a UK investment through an investment in an Irish trust because there is no machinery under the UK income tax code whereby if he does, he can be taxed on it. There are real difficulties here and these are the difficulties which have prevented the establishment of unit trusts in any extensive way. There are unit trusts in existence on a particular basis; there are special cases affecting these particular trusts. There may be investors therein so substantial that they can easily look after the matter of reclaiming their refunds, but where the small investors in such trusts may not be aware that in fact they are losing the UK tax, they are not claiming by way of refund.

These are the difficulties which I had hoped, although the administration of it is not a matter within the jurisdiction of the Minister, he might have referred to.

These are some of the difficulties which have prevented the establishment of the unit trusts here to date, even though there were no inhibitions, no requests to register, no obligations of the kind that are going to be imposed on them here, obligations which are proper to impose if the difficulties which are to be eradicated are to be overcome.

You have the situation, therefore, in which we have a primary difficulty to be overcome, and if it is not overcome the loser is the Irish investor to the extent that there is an investment in the United Kingdom.

We come now to the parallel between the insurance companies that have taken on an obligation to invest up to, I think, 80 per cent the Minister, said, by 1977 of UK investments. In regard to Irish investments, by the way, I ask the House to take note that the Minister a number of times in the course of his introduction of this Bill referred to "securities and other property". In fact "unit trusts scheme" is defined in the first section of this Bill as including profits or income arising from the acquisition, holding, management or disposal of securities or any other property whatsoever.

Here is a point at which the Minister and his advisers have departed from the best opinions, but it is true that there are some trusts with investment in property; it is true that there are some trusts with investments in real estate; but it is also true that the committees that have sat on this matter and considered the operation of unit trusts have recognised the manifest inconvenience to investors in unit trusts of having investments in property other than securities, and in fact in Britain— and no harm in that because much of the good features of this Bill come from the careful study of the experience of Britain which is manifestly very considerable—the recommmendation is that the definition should be changed so that the words "or any other property whatsoever" should be deleted for the obvious reason that the manager or trustee of the unit trust is obliged by the investor—he is to be obliged by statute now here—to buy back the unit if the investor in the unit trust wants his money back. He cannot go off and sell a corner of a room to get a proportion of the real estate in which the funds have been invested.

All that he can do, and all that under such trusts he does, in fact, is to distribute such proportion as he can realise, seeing that the securities that are under his control are quotable on the Stock Exchange. He cannot sell that other property, and the investor is in the position that he is being given a statutory right to sell back to the manager, a statutory right which in this Bill, if I read it correctly, does not recognise that he may be sitting there for five years before he gets the balance of his money.

The statutory right, the execution of which may give great trouble to the managers—a question, for example, that if they do not want to sell the property but to pay him off by a full realisation of his securities—a problem will arise with regard to the valuation of that property at the time of the request for repayment.

I am interested in the technical questions of the administration of unit trusts but I am much more interested in the question of the future of the economy and its safety and its improvement. I realise that anything which can be done to make available savings, to encourage savings first of all and make savings available for development of our own economy, ought to be done even if it means we have got to deny ourselves or deny certain members of the community certain other advantages that might be got.

It is clear in so far as this Bill would have the effect of preventing the outflow of funds into the UK or other based unit trusts and make these savings available to the public authorities here in relief of inflationary borrowing from foreign borrowing or inflationary borrowing from banks, that this would be a good thing, but I have the greatest doubt as to whether this effect will result. It is a debate we cannot here conduct with much sense. The Minister of Finance was reported, I think in yesterday's newspapers or the day before, as saying, very properly I thought, that there ought to be less secrecy about the administration of our affairs.

Bureaucracy ought to tell the public what it has in mind when it is proposing policy. The thinking behind legislation should be offered to the people. It should be offered particularly to the legislature so that we know what we are talking about. I have not been given, I do not know whether it is available to me, information on the outflow of funds to foreign-based unit trusts. I do not know how much money is being lost—let us use that word—to the economy in this way.

If we look at section 7, which prohibits the advertising in Ireland of foreign unit trusts, we find the provision for an exemption. I noticed the Minister saying that he will be slow to give that exemption. There will be considerable inconvenience in relation to the general administration of our affairs if, for example, the Financial Times refuses to produce special editions for Ireland, and if we cannot take them in and cannot formulate our own views about our own situation because we cannot read them because they happen to contain an advertisement for a save-and-prosper unit fund on page 11. It is all very well for the Minister to say that he will be very slow to grant that exemption. He will be in very great difficulties internationally if he does not, and the burden here, it seems to me, will be carried by the Irish newspapers who will be denied these advertisements which are to appear in UK publications that will circulate here.

Quite apart from that, I think the Minister has overlooked another matter, or his advisers have, which, indeed, if this is thought of as something that he wishes to remedy, I am not sure that I want to remedy, but I want to point out a loophole. I am sure the Minister has heard of tombstones. Well, there is a well-known financial tombstone. It is this: having had your block offer of the units in a unit scheme you are in a situation here where you cannot advertise that unit scheme in the country where you want to get investments for future offers. What you do is you report what has happened, you report that the investment has been made, the circumstances under which it was made, the prices which were given, the yields, you give all the information as a record, a historical record, of what has happened and the people in the country can take note that the next time they are around that will be an interesting one to invest in.

I see the greatest difficulty in designing legislation which will make that illegal and in fact these tombstones are now published in the UK by, for example, Channel Island-based unit trusts which are not registered or managed, whose managers and trustees are not registered or incorporated in or managed or have a place of business in the UK and therefore do not comply with the Prevention of Frauds and Investments Act, 1958, which is the current governing legislation. They make the British investor aware of the advantages of their particular unit trust schemes by telling them what they have done and reporting on their performance.

To come back to the important point, that is this matter of the trustee standing ready to give cash to the man who has made his investment and who may want cash. He is generally likely to want cash, He is generally likely to want cash, incidentally, when the stock market is low. In respect of 1969 I should like the Department to have a look at the experience of mutual funds in South Africa when the market leaders were standing up all right but there was a general tendency for the South African stock market to collapse. The confidence of the investors of the unit trusts went and they looked for their money because the stock market was dropping. They forced the managers of the mutual funds in fact to sell even good counters and depress further the markets in question.

The Johannesburg stock market is, of course, vastly rich. There is no comparison whatever with the size of the Dublin stock market and the stock market in Johannesburg. If the Johannesburg market can take a knock because of the lack of confidence in mutual funds such as developed there, imagine what the situation would be in the Dublin market. A primary consideration is to try hard at saving for the benefit of the economy. At certain times in my life I thought anything that would encourage Irish companies to go to the stock market and expand the number of marketable securities available was a good thing. I have some regrets when I see companies disappearing from the stock market, even though there may be improvements in the management of the particular unit resulting from that.

Let us look at the position of the stock market. Take a not particularly conservative approach to what might be regarded as a security fit for what the British would call a wider range investment for the trustee to make. Take a company with an issued and paid up capital of £1 million, covered by net assets of at least the same amount, with a cover for the dividend of, before tax, 1½ times. I think there are not more than 25 companies in the stock market, if you exclude the two banks, which would, in fact, qualify. I am not going to develop anything about the banks, but say there had been a unit trust scheme established 12 months ago, what would have happened to the investments that would have been made by the unit trust managers in the banks as regards the course of prices of their stocks in the period—to take the two, I suppose, strongest units that there are in the stock market?

The turnover of the stock market here is extraordinarily low. Sometimes weeks will pass after an intending investor places an order for security before he can get it. Sometimes months will pass, and these are good securities. One of the features of an Irish investor—something which may indeed come in aid of the manager of the unit trust—which has a disturbing effect on the stock market is that the Irish investor intends when he buys to hold. He tends on the whole—surprisingly enough this is the opinion of the stock market—not to play round too much in the market, unlike the ordinary British investor who has in mind some capital depreciation and shifts a good deal. This has the effect of reducing the amount of stuff that is there in the market for buying and selling.

There is another point. I have figures taken about 13 or 14 months ago, excluding the banks again. The market valuation of say 50 or 60 of the reasonable securities, over £500,000 I think was the figure, was £160 million and a lot of that was held by people who have no intention of selling it because they are that kind of investors. A lot of it was also held by people who could not sell it because they would lose control of their companies if they did. These are very small sums when you think in terms of limiting the investment by a unit trust holder in, and this would be a cautious figure, a company to 5 per cent. The insurance company is not in any position which anybody can require them to go off and sell their securities at any time it is inopportune for them to sell. Take the investment trust holding company. If the Minister had specified a figure in section 8—I think it is, a proportion— and had even reserved himself the right to vary that proportion, we would have here a much more relevant debate. If the proportion is a modest proportion and is not a proportion determined in the darkness caused by the shadow of the gentlemen's agreement with the insurance companies, if it were a moderate proportion such as was contemplated by the Government of which the Minister is a member and which introduced the Finance Act, 1968, which provides for relief against corporation tax payable in respect of an investment made by an Irish investment trust holding company where certain conditions are complied by that investment trust holding company, one of the conditions—the only one that is relevant to the point I am now concerned to make—is that at least 15 per cent throughout the accounting period the following conditions are satisfied. The value of the Irish securities held by the investment trust company was not less than 15 per cent of the value of the securities held by the investment trust company.

I am quite sure that entrepreneurs who have it in mind to establish unit trust schemes here with advantages to the country, would do so if one particular suggestion that I am going to make to the Minister were adopted, and this would have advantages that would benefit the revenue of his colleague. If the proportion were established at 15 per cent I am quite sure this would not be found to be an impediment, but figures much higher than 15 per cent have been hinted round the city and a parallel has been sought to be drawn by a similar percentage which was fixed in Italy. I am not too sure that it is the best model for us, and in any case the range of securities is very much greater than would be available here. If the figure was 15 per cent this would not put people off.

Take the position of an investment trust company and this legislation. There is no question here of the investment trust company being in breach of something. If the investment trust company do not invest more than 15 per cent they are not in breach of anything. They get a reward if they comply with it. They save tax if they invest 15 per cent. Look at the position of an investment trust company and compare it to a unit trust. If you put your money into an investment trust company there are certain advantages. For example the investment trust company can go off and get what the financiers call "geary", that is they can persuade some insurance company to lend them some significant enough proportion of the capital that is subscribed and is under the administration of the directors of that company. The investors in the investment trust company get the parallel advantage to the advantage of the investor in the unit trust scheme in the spread of securities. They also get an advantage over the unit trust investors in that the cost of administering an investment trust company is very much less than the cost of administering a unit trust.

There is one thing which, in particular, distinguishes the investment trust company from the unit trust. To the managers of an investment trust company and the board of directors, while their vanity may not be encouraged if they see their securities slipping in the market, there is no skin off their nose —it is a little red perhaps but there is no skin off it. However, there is no loss to the investment trust company. They are not in the slightest degree embarrassed. They have got to do nothing about it. When people lose confidence in the investment trust company all that happens is that the security issued by the investment trust company falls in value. But if there is a loss of confidence in the unit trust administered by the same people—these are the sort of people who probably will be administering the unit trust scheme—there is a lot of skin off their noses. They will have to realise, at a time which might not be good for realisation, they have got to stand ready to deliver cash.

In the one case the legislation encourages an investment in Irish securities, gives a reward if the investment is made in Irish securities to a proportion that is reasonable, recognises the realities of the Irish stock market and, in the other case, there is no question of a reward. There is a breach of statutory duty. If section 8 is enacted in the form in which it is proposed to this House I do not mind going on record —I do not think it is the sort of matter that I will be taunted on—as saying that there will be no respectable body of persons prepared to establish a unit trust scheme in Ireland under this Bill. Why? Because they have to comply with the requirements of the Minister's order under subsection (4) and provide that not less than the proportion specified in the order of any property for the time being subject to any trust created under a registered unit trust scheme shall be Irish securities or other property in the State. If they fail to comply with that look at what happens to them under subsection 5, where, in relation to a unit trust scheme, there is a contravention of or failure to comply with a provisional order under this section and then there is a proviso in certain subsections or certain paragraphs of subsection (2) which do not affect this matter.

The manager and the trustee under the scheme, and where the contravention or failure relates to the publishing of any document, the person who publishes the document, and any person who procures such publishing, shall each be guilty of an offence. Section 19, subsection (3), says:

(3) A person guilty of an offence under this Act (other than section 14 (6)) shall be liable—

(a) on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds, or

(b) on conviction on indictment, to a fine not exceeding five thousand pounds,

and if the contravention or failure in respect of which he is convicted is continued after the conviction, he shall be guilty of a further offence and shall be liable on conviction on indictment to a fine not exceeding two hundred and fifty pounds for each day on which the contravention is so continued.

Section 20 says:

Where an offence under this Act is committed by a body corporate and is proved to have been so committed with the consent or approval of, or to have been facilitated by any neglect on the part of any person being a director, manager, secretary, member of any committee of management or other controlling authority of such body or official of such body, that person shall also be guilty of the offence.

Who will take a directorship, a managership or a trusteeship where the offence may arise overnight because there is a collapse in the value of the investments in the Irish securities reducing the proportion to below what the Minister has determined by order? Perhaps the Minister may, by appropriate amendment, provide against it, but this Bill does not provide against it. I cannot make Committee Stage observations at this Stage obviously. The Minister must be invited to give serious consideration to spelling out more than he has done, and telling us what proportion he has in mind. Let us have a debate about it when it arises on the Committee Stage of section 8. Information can be provided by those with knowledge in the city about this affair to the Members of this House and I am quite sure Members of this House on the basis of the information available will be able to make their own estimation of it.

I have said that the draftsmen and the Minister's advisers have had to prepare this under the shadow of this gentlemen's agreement—the insurance companies. I imagine there is some embarrassment arising out of this. This embarrassment should be faced, rather than that we should be circulating for the world to see a document which anyone who knows about the management of unit trusts will recognise in the Irish situation is inappropriate. The proportion should be spelt out here with some marginal power to the Minister to adjust it. The question of an offence should not arise. He has got the right anyhow under another section to cancel the scheme and the managers and trustees will take good care I imagine to cover. If, for example, a figure such as 50 per cent were mentioned that would mean that any wise manager would have to take 60 to 70 per cent to cover himself against the risk of a fall in value. The Minister should, I suggest very strongly, consider between now and Committee Stage telling us more about the proportion he has in mind to impose as a requirement on the managers and trustees of unit trusts. He should also consider the section under which the Minister may order the kind of information which is to be contained in the circular, or prospectus, to be issued by the unit trust managers. We have the parallel of the British legislation when the President of the Board of Trade was obliged, in approving of the trust deed, which was his task, provided certain statutory conditions were satisfied as regards the independence, for example, a manager and trustee, the place of incorporation and place of business of the manager and trustee and so on, to have regard to certain matters that were set out in the Schedule. It was held in a decision of 1956 that he was not restricted by being obliged to have regard to these matters; he was free to have regard to others. That has been criticised. It is thought that with all the experience that is now being gathered in Britain, which is available I am sure to the Minister anyhow, that the exact statutory obligation should be spelt out or be set out in instruments which might have to vary from time to time. The Minister should then be obliged— and I think he has taken it on himself to be fair here—if certain conditions are complied with, subject to his being satisfied as to the probity of the manager and trustee, to register the unit trust scheme here. That is good. He ought to consider to what extent he can tell us more about a matter which I think is very important and that is what the document should contain, and for the benefit of the House, knowing perfectly well that the Minister's advisers will have this information before them anyhow.

The Committee which considered this matter most recently, the Jenkins Committee, said that the prospectus should contain the names of the manager, the trustee and the auditor. If the company are a subsidiary of another company they should be required to state the name of the holding company, details of the maximum charges permitted by the trust deed, divided between initial and annual charges; details of investments held as at a date not earlier than that of the last half-yearly accounts to have been filed; an explanation of the investment policy followed, including any provision of the trust deed as to the minimum number of different investments to be held as a trust at any one time; the maximum percentage trust funds to be invested in any one security; the maximum percentage of the total in issue of any one security to be held by the trust, any prohibition or restriction or holdings of unquoted securities, particulars of distributions made to unit holders over the last three years and where the trust deed can be inspected. Some of that is provided for in other parts of the Bill, but it is provided for in the sense that they are the rights of the unit holders. I am thinking of the person who is not a member and who is considering making an investment.

I should think, having lived through the unit trust boom that we all associated with, the stock market boom, which ended about two years ago, that what would be impermissible if you are issuing a prospectus under the Companies Act, ought to be impermissible in the case of issuing an advertisement under a unit trust code. It should not be allowed to take an arbitrary date when if you put in £100 it would now be worth about £290. Whereas if they put in another date, the £100 would probably, under the conditions then existing, be worth a very different figure indeed. There ought to be an obligation on people advertising for money to be under their control and managed in this way. To save £100, if initially invested, be now what? That would be a very useful guide. Perhaps we would be entitled to go and compare that with experiences of people who invested in market trends and so on just to show if they had meat in the market.

The Minister is taking power to control the position of managers. The language of section 12 which is relevant to the manager making a profit out of unit trust schemes, may not be adequate to deal with the actual situation of managers. It may be dangerous in its implications and may not realise the realities. I should like to give a quotation here from a book dealing with unit trusts. It is entitled Pennington's Company Law—Second Edition—page 768. He gives an account of the remuneration of the manager. The view seems to be that the remuneration ought not to be controlled but that it should be disclosed and published in any documents relative to the unit trust and clearly demonstrated in the audit which is circulated with the distribution. The cost of administering a unit trust, where the investment unit is a fiver, will be very different to the cost of administering a unit trust, where the minimum sum taken is £5,000. Accordingly, what would be adequate remuneration in the one would be wholly inadequate remuneration in the other. It is a matter for the trustee to provide for what the remuneration ought to be. It is a matter for informed financial scribes to criticise and say if the remuneration in any given case is too much. I see great difficulty in the Minister making an order which would cover all the different types of cases which may arise. In relation to financial developments which are constantly changing they ought not to be over-controlled. Protection of investors ought to be of primary importance. An investor is protected by full disclosure and this is the best type of protection. He should also obtain advice from his broker, his bank manager and the financial pages of the newspapers.

I should like to quote from the Pennington book on unit trusts:

The manager is always remunerated by an initial service charge which forms part of the price at which units are issued, and by an additional annual or semi-annual service charge equal to a percentage of the current value of the trust fund which is sometimes payable only out of the income of the fund, but is often charged on its capital as well.

That does not seem to conflict with the section in this Bill. But listen to this:

Additionally, the manager is sometimes empowered to retain the adjustment of the issue price of units, that is the amount added to round off the price to the nearest threepence——

I interpose here and do not quote, 1 per cent of the total value of the fund is the usual formula, whichever is the less—and continue quoting

——and also to retain holding profits made by vesting securities in the trustee at their current value when the manager has purchased them earlier at a lower price, or by re-purchasing units and re-issuing them at a higher price than was paid on the re-purchase, or by realising securities on the cancellation of re-purchased units for a greater sum than was paid on the re-purchase.

We are not talking about the performance of any little men in back streets. We are talking about a common practice of large institutions of high integrity who manage large sums, have the full confidence of their investors and are not subject to criticism by financial scribes. I think section 12 would cut right against that, even if the essential change required in this Bill to make it workable is that the Minister should tell us the proportion and the proportion should be a realistic one. Granted adjustments and margins, the Minister should be empowered to vary that percentage. Allow one bit of development to take place here all sorts of companies will get floated for one reason or another. I should like to see that proportion increased but I say this: if that happens you will not need to increase the proportion. The investors and the managers will be after these securities because they will be good investments in their judgment.

Let us do without unit trusts, let us freeze them away, let us have no legislation. Let us not go through the nonsense of introducing legislation that will prevent them from being established here. The benefit is that savings will be retained in the country for the good of the country. I do not see that benefit coming. I simply see a piece of legislation which has a great deal of good in it. It seems a pity to have it spoiled by having regard to a consideration which is irrelevant.

The consideration the Minister ought to be regarding as relevant is what is Government policy with regard to investment in investment trust companies. In fact the situation is that it is very much easier for investment trust companies to make an investment in a much higher proportion than it is for unit trust holders because they are not standing in the position of having to deliver the proceeds of securities which they may have to sell at a sacrifice price.

Might I mention a matter that I regard as important? It may be said to the Minister that this is an unreal problem for the reason that these gentlemen need not be taking any risks. There is the Government. They can put their money in Government securities. May I tell the House they will not. I have not got these figures with me today but when we come to the section I can bring them. The performance of the unit trust funds that were limited themselves to gilt edge is the worst of all over the period that I have seen and accordingly they will not attract investors.

Theoretically there are two kinds of unit trust. There is the rigid one where there is a set of securities spelled out and in one of these trusts they spelled out Government securities and the way these went was nobody's business. It was a serious loss all round. Therefore there is built-in prejudice, which is going to take years to overcome even with the highest interest rates and even assuming we make all the necessary adjustments here in the administration of affairs to increase confidence. The rigid one is rather gone anyhow, where you invested in these limited securities and this type of unit trusts. All that is universal now is a flexible one where they are free to move from one security to another. They may have to add to their list by the consent of the trustees and so on but the recognised thing is the skill which is used for the benefit of the unit trust investor, the skill of switching from one security at the right time to another. That means you will have a curious hybrid if you have a unit trust established here at all under this Bill. It will be a curious hybrid because you will find if people comply with the proportions they regard as wrong they will deal with it by taking a block of gilt edge and leaving it there, and that will be rigid, or some other security and they then have the difficulty of administering a proportion only of their fund to meet the demands that will be made on them from time to time.

This is not my final point but it is certainly one of them. I should like to see a section in this protecting depositors who are innocently misled by statements contained in the advertisement as a result of which they subscribe. It is thought that, contrary to what you would primarily think, they can get recision of the contract to invest even after the name is entered on the register of unit holders. It is thought that it is possible that they may. Of course that is not much of a remedy really. The real remedy is that they should get damages if they suffer loss as a result of misrepresentation which is innocent. I think there ought to be a provision equivalent—I ask for no more than this—to the sort of protection that someone would get if he invested in a company pursuant to a prospectus that contained a statement that was wrong but not fraudulently wrong.

I want to mention a problem here with regard to two points and then I will really end. Forgive me for being so long. The UK view is that the manager needs a trustee to keep him in order and the trustee's job is to see that, when investments are made in the unit trusts through the manager, there are underlying securities vested in the trustee which represent what has been subscribed. If you get a manager of probity you do not need a trustee and we have a situation here—and I would like the Department to consider this— that the number of potential trustees who will be independent of the manager or the managers and who will have the capital of, what is it, £500,000 to 50,000 paid up, ready to do this business, is small. There may be difficulty in complying with this and the question arises— passing, if you like, from the path of virtue for a moment— for me as to whether or not in Irish circumstances this will be necessary or whether the trustee might not be someone not necessarily established in this country. I would think, in relation to the provisions regarding manager and trustee, that we ought to get some money from them. I know we have a £10 registration fee and £1 for every inspection, registration or whatever it is, but why do we not require them to be managed and controlled in Ireland? Then they would have taxes here. Then it would be attractive in another way and it would be very attractive to the Revenue if we were sure. You know they can have their place of business here but they can be managed and controlled anywhere. They can be managed and controlled in the Bahamas, managed and controlled in the Channel Islands. Perhaps in these cases they would pay taxes here, but if they were managed and controlled in Britain they would not. They would pay some corporation profits tax.

Finally, with regard to the manager, and ending on a very controversial note in relation to this whole field. It is not universial, you know, the prohibition against managers dealing in the underlying securities. That is not universal. It is a feature of the UK legislations. I suggest to the Minister that it is possible that the difficulty which I see, because of the size of the Irish market, might to some extent be mitigated. The proportion which he might be able to fix might be more than, I think, would be encouraging to people to establish unit trusts here but might be closer to what he wants himself. If the managers were free to take these units themselves to buy the underlying securities where there is a pressure by unit holders for funds, perhaps this could be a proviso in the deed—that in such circumstances rather than realise the securities the managers could, if they wanted to, hold them if they had the finances available for that task. I just throw that out as a suggestion with regard to this Bill which contains so much that is interesting. I do not think I have anything more to say except to thank the House for its patience in listening to me.

I should like to welcome the objects of this Bill and to commend the Minister's efforts to provide protection for investors and also to endeavour to promote investment in this country of funds raised by the unit trusts. I must, however, join with Senator FitzGerald in doubting the success of this effort unless there are amendments to the Bill, or at least an indication that the portion of funds required to be invested in property or other securities in the State, is a realistic one. The unit trust movement has been going on now for some years very strongly, as the Minister has pointed out, in the United States and in the United Kingdom. It is a very effective way of extending what I regard as a very sound principle—the principle of co-ownership or the wider ownership of property. It gives the small man with limited capital an opportunity of investing his funds in a trust or a group with a very wide range of safe investments—or as safe as it is possible to ensure against the risks normally associated with investing, even in the soundest undertakings. It gives the small investor the opportunity of availing of the experience of people professionally expert in this type of business. Under no other form of investment, except perhaps the contiguous type of scheme—the investment trust—is this type of benefit to be secured. Therefore, it is agreed that there is a lot to be said for the encouragement of the unit trust movement in this country.

There are numerous people in all countries—not necessarily people with limited funds—who, for one reason or another, have neither the time nor the necessary knowledge to invest their funds to the best advantage. It is to people like this, as well as to the small investor, that the unit trust movement makes a very real appeal.

One of the great advantages is the wide spread of investments in the portfolio of any unit trust, so that, when one section may be going through a difficult time, another section may be making a profit or showing an improvement. Therefore, I am sure the Minister and his advisers would accept that a basic need of the success of any unit trust is a wide spread of investment. Without that, no unit trust can hope to be a success. That has been proved, time and again, both in the United States and in the United Kingdom. We should be very foolish in this country to assume, for a moment, that, merely because shares are Irish, shrewd, efficient, hard-headed managers of a unit trust movement will invest their clients' or investors' funds in them. For this reason, I support very strongly the point made by Senator FitzGerald as to the desirability of every possible amount of funds available being invested in Irish security.

I am in sympathy with the Minister's desire that the greatest amount of capital should be channelled into Irish securities. Allowing for that fact, I cannot see that efforts to promote unit trusts in this country will be a success unless, at the outset, the Minister pitches his requirement, in regard to the specified proportion of the funds to be invested in Irish companies, at a realistic figure. I can only suggest without any foreknowledge of the type of figure the Minister might have in mind, that it might be necessary to start as low as 15 or 20 per cent. I hope I am not either unrealistic or unpatriotic in suggesting such a low figure. I should be so anxious for the success of this movement that I should be prepared to start it at quite a low figure —the requirement to invest in Irish companies—and then, if the economy grew, to adjust that figure upwards. As Senator FitzGerald pointed out, as the economy grew and as the opportunities for investment in this country grew with it, the need for adjusting the proportion upwards might not arise. Obviously, the unit trust managers would take advantage of the growth of the economy and the opportunities for investment. I wish to emphasise that point because it is a necessary quid pro quo to the success of this whole effort that in the initial stages, the proportion of the funds required to be invested inside the country should be kept at a realistic figure. It would be better, in the long term, to pitch the figure too low rather than too high.

Any question of comparing the requirement to the figure of 80 per cent arrived at in the gentleman's agreement with the life assurance companies would be disastrous for the success of this unit trust movement. I have no information at my disposal. I hoped the Minister would give some indication of the success or otherwise of efforts to establish unit trust companies in this State. Have they been a success or have they been a failure? If they have been a success, has the Minister any information at his disposal that would suggest that part of the reason for their success has been the relatively high proportion of their funds invested in Irish securities? Alternatively, if they have not been a success, or have been a partial failure, has one of the reasons been that they have not had the opportunity of investing more of their funds outside the country? Information of this kind would be helpful to the House in deciding what changes might be necessary in the Bill or in supporting, or otherwise, the viewpoint of Senator Fitzgerald and myself in regard to the question of the proportion of the investment in Irish securities or other properties.

The list of publicly-quoted Irish companies is very small. By international terms, it is quite tiny. Rather than expanding, during recent years it has shown a tendency to get smaller, due to mergers and take-overs and one thing and another. We should be foolish to believe that this movement towards mergers and take-overs will not continue. In fact, if some of our medium-sized and larger companies are to be successful in the teeth of the international competition that will come with our entrance into the Common Market it is obvious that there will be more mergers. We shall have one company taking over another company manufacturing a similar type product, or in a similar type of business, in order to strengthen both companies. If that movement goes on, the list of securities, as distinct from other properties in the State, will be restricted still further. The Minister has not mentioned any minimum proportion in the Bill but that factor will strengthen the requirement to fix the proportion at a realistically low figure. If the Minister does not look at it from that point of view—he and his advisers may have very good reasons for not doing so—if he goes ahead and pitches that proportion at what I regard as too high a figure, I fear it may have very unpleasant effects. Take, for example, a fund with a minimum capital of £250,000—and it may be substantially bigger. If we restrict the field of investment it will obviously have certain repercussions. It will force up the price of existing Irish public-quoted companies. That might be a good thing for people holding those particular shares but, for the benefit of people who want to buy the shares, I think the Minister would be at one with me in urging that the widest possible ownership of Irish companies is desirable. If a pushing-up of the price of shares should happen, it will make it very difficult for new investors to buy those shares or, indeed, may be pushed up to a completely unrealistic level. They will have no regard to their asset value, to their earning value or to the dividends they are paying. The reason for forcing up the price of shares will be the fact that certain unit trust managers, in order to comply with the Minister's requirement, will have to buy them. Secondly, due again to the small market for Irish shares—stock exchange quotations in the Dublin, Cork and provincial exchanges—these unit trust managers will be looking for other outlets for their funds in, as the Bill says, "other properties". The only other types of properties that would be available would be land or buildings and I do not think it desirable to encourage people with substantial capital to enter that type of field.

We all agree that in recent years the price of land in and contiguous to towns and cities has gone far too high and likewise the cost of property of all kinds—dwellings, warehouses, factories, and so on. I see a danger here. If we force unit trust managers to buy a stated minimum proportion of their funds in Ireland we may force up the prices of land and property to too high a value. Perhaps it is a danger that does not exist but that is how it seems to me at the present time, unless the Minister is realistic in his decision as to what the minimum proportion of Irish-held securities or property should be.

There is another feature, too. As things stand at the moment, there is nothing to stop the private investor or the corporate investor from buying outside this country as many shares or properties as he desires. If he has £1,000 to invest he can buy £900 worth of shares outside the country and £100 worth of shares inside the country but his prototype, the small investor—the man who decides he would like the unit trust manager to look after his affairs—is, or will be, under the terms of this Bill, restricted as to the proportion of his funds that can be used to purchase stocks or shares or property outside the country. In my view, such a situation will tend to drive the investor away from the unit trust movement and either to rely on his own judgment to purchase shares or property as best he can or to engage in, say, group purchases or corporate buying with others of a similar point of view.

In regard to the limited number of shares available for purchase inside the State, I feel that the Government could make a substantial contribution towards lengthening the list of Irish stocks and shares by encouraging semi-state companies to go public, thereby making their stock or equity available for the unit trust managers to buy into. It would be a great indication of the success of semi-State companies if the shrewd, hard-headed managers of the unit trust movement bought these securities.

Again—perhaps this is more the concern of the Minister for Finance than of the Minister for Industry and Commerce though I think it is pertinent to this debate—there is the general question of taxation in this country. If we want to encourage the small investor or the man who desires to invest funds through the unit trust movement, we must realise he will not buy into dividend-paying companies if taxation in this country is unduly high. He will invest or speculate in other things. He will buy land or property. He will engage in speculation. He will not do the type of thing I think the Minister would like him to do: he will not buy into the ownership of Irish companies or even of good, sound companies established outside this country. He will engage in the type of speculation which I think we should rather discourage than encourage in this country. He will buy property or land or something else like that if our taxation system is too high.

Perhaps my remaining comments on this Bill would better be made on the Committee Stage. I shall conclude now by again impressing on the Minister the views very competently expressed by Senator Alexis FitzGerald about the success of this unit trust movement, which is a very worthy and a very desirable movement and, in the long-term, could bring a lot of benefit to our country by making capital available for the expansion of the economy. If it is to succeed, the limit in regard to the requirement for investment inside the country must be realistically low. The Minister has given himself power to adjust that proportion. The first thing to do is to get this movement off the ground by offering attractive terms and, having done that—and in the hope of expansion in the country's economy —I think the movement would then keep going.

Like Senator Russell, I suggest that the first thing to do here is to get it off the ground, to get it moving. Looking at the range of available investment on the present day market in Ireland and comparing it with 20 or 25 years ago there is, as we all know, a very significant change. Twenty years ago, although a number of stocks were being quoted, they were not available for purchase outside of the Government securities and transport securities. I doubt if there were more than five or six industrials that really could be bought, although a number of Irish companies were being quoted fairly regularly, yet I understand that when one went looking for them one found they were not available.

This situation has changed very considerably over the past 20 years and, as anybody looking at the newspapers on Mondays will see, the range of securities and the business being done here has broadened very considerably. This is very important to the future of our economy because if we can expand investment opportunities this will improve our economy and improve the prospects of employment. However, I do not know myself, I am not competent to know, what stage we have reached, but I welcome the initiative of the Minister and his advisers in going ahead with this. Like many other ventures in the past 40 years or so in our country you cannot know how you are going to get on if you are not willing to try. If you are not willing to try, of course, you cannot make mistakes and I would in that sense welcome the initiative of setting up of provision for unit trusts. What has deeply disturbed many people in this country is the continuous advertising one way or another of different types of foreign securities causing a fairly substantial drain on private capital resources in Ireland. It occurs to me here that, listening to Senator Alexis FitzGerald, the problem of how the Minister is going to deal with newspapers and periodicals that advertise is by no means an easy one. I realise that the Minister must have some right or some power to try and cope with it but it is certainly not one that I would relish. The constant advertising of foreign unit trusts over the years has been a regular feature in certain Sunday papers. There is another element in advertising that has not been mentioned so far and that is the circularisation, certainly throughout Dublin, at regular intervals from London of different types of investments available through banking systems and trusts. I wonder if we have any power that can deal with this sort of thing? I would hope that we have. One item worth mentioning is whether there is a sufficient range of Irish securities to enable the Minister to set some sort of a limit, or minimum, and I do not know what sort of minimum he has in mind. I imagine that he is really setting this thing up and going to look at it and see how it will go before he commits himself to any minimum rate of investment. It certainly could not, as Senator Russell said, be anything like the agreement between the State and the insurance companies. I wondered also if the suggested 5 per cent in each holding, a maximum of 5 per cent, is advisable under the circumstances since we have some Irish companies that are very small and others that are quite large. The manager of a unit trust may be up against a situation where there are not enough companies available. I wonder if the Minister could consider in a case of perhaps larger securities that he might vary this 5 per cent in order to fulfil the requirements that he would have in relation to the proportions of investment in Irish securities.

I do not feel inclined to go into the penalties that are referred to in the Bill. I suppose these penalties are merely included just as a precaution. I am inclined to agree with some of the other speakers that it is not so much penalties to ensure that the management carries out the policy that is best for our community but that incentive through some means or other, possibly by way of lower tax levels, might be a better way of encouraging the sort of enterprise that the Minister is seeking—that is the attraction into Irish unit trusts of Irish money. The Minister may like to say a few words on this question of penalties. If it relates merely to the question of protecting the investor, then I would see no objection to it. I can see that if the State is taking the initiative by providing for the unit trust organisation, well then they must take the responsibility to ensure that the small investor is protected. If the idea is that the penalties are to be used to pursue policy I would prefer myself to see this done through an incentive.

I would congratulate the Minister on going ahead with this proposal. Certainly from the point of view of our own economy I wish it well. I would encourage all types of investors to invest in Irish unit trusts because you get a wide spread and you are getting the benefit of the expertise of people who are concentrating full time on investments. I would urge the small investor to support this Irish initiative in the belief that is the very best for our economy and for the future expansion of Irish industry. One of the problems that I see in it is, of course, that we have succeeded, in the past ten years particularly, in encouraging companies to establish themselves here in industry but in almost all cases these are industries which are not on the market, they are privately established by overseas concerns and in many cases you do not see them quoted at all.

I would hope that the range of industrial investments in Irish industry available is sufficient to enable this project to be successful.

It is a very good thing that we should have groups interested in establishing unit trusts in this country. It is very good for the economy and it is also good for the investor, especially the small investor, because it means that he can spread his load and at the same time have a chance of getting a good return. But I should like to emphasise the main point that has been made by Senator Alexis FitzGerald and Senator Russell. That is the problem in section 8 (4) (a) of the percentage of the investment in Irish securities and Irish property. I know that everybody in the House wishes to see the maximum investment in this country and I would hope, as the other Senators have said, that the conditions in the Irish stock market will be sufficiently attractive to encourage managers of the unit trusts to invest a good proportion of their capital in the Irish stock market. But I think it is dangerous that the Minister has not stipulated any figure. He has not given any idea of the proportion— the actual figure he is going to work on—and I agree that the figures quoted relevant to insurance companies of 66? per cent and 80 per cent is going to be much too high a figure to work on. We will have to start off a great deal lower.

I hope the figure will not be more than 30 or 40 per cent or perhaps a bit lower. The lower the better because then, if necessary, it can be raised. This is very important. We want to see this scheme get off the ground and become a success.

Consider the problem of flexibility. We must allow the trusts to make investments which are flexible so that money can quickly be withdrawn. The Irish stock market, relatively speaking, is not a very flexible stock market. Also, as has been pointed out, unit trusts would have a large capital and, if a large proportion of this capital has to be invested in securities in this country, it could mean a very large pressure of inflation of prices in the Irish stock market. This could be bad. I hope the Minister will give us some indication of the figure he intends to work on and that he will be generous to these trusts according as they start their operations.

I am glad safeguards are recommended. The accounts will be audited annually and circulated to the holders of units. It is important, too, that the registration of schemes is carefully worked out and that directors, trustees and managers are all named and registered. I am glad to note that this is very carefully worked out in the registration sections—2 and 3—of the Bill. I hope proportion of investments in this country can satisfactorily be worked out. We all desire to see Irish unit trusts get off to a good start.

I welcome very heartily what are obviously the Minister's intentions in this Bill, namely, that people should be encouraged to save and that as much as possible of their savings should be invested in our country. Unfortunately, with the constant depreciation in the purchasing power of money, people who heretofore invested in national loans are becoming somewhat sceptical. People who, a number of years ago, bought 5 or 6 per cent national loans at par find today their money value very much reduced. If they have to sell the same loans at £74 or £75, when they had to pay £100 for them, they are naturally very disappointed. They are also disappointed inasmuch as the £74 which they get for those investments will buy very much less today so that they are at a double loss.

Quite obviously, it is important to have some basis of investment which will make allowances for depreciation in the value of money. If investments are bought in industrials the purchaser has a share in the buildings, the goodwill, the stock in trade and all the assets of the company into which he buys. As the purchasing price of money depreciates in relative terms the value of his investment naturally goes up.

I am rather fearful of some of the aspects of the Bill. I hope I am mistaken. The important thing, first of all, is to have provision made for unit trusts in this country and for unit trust companies. The next most important thing is that adequate provision should be made to prevent frauds by illicit companies. There are many provisions in an English Act of Parliament which would be appropriate to such a Bill— the Prevention of Fraud (Investments) Act, 1958. The Minister, instead of adopting the flexibility of the Act, builds into this Bill various safeguards which I fear may possibly be too inflexible for an Irish unit trust company to be a success. This is what I fear but I hope I am wrong. If such a company is started and if the first company or the second company is not a success a very bad day's work will have been done through thrift denying. It is most important that the first unit trust company started in Ireland should be a success. If it is to be a success I incline to the view that there should be much more flexibility than there is in the Bill now before us. At the same time, there could be provision to prevent frauds through adequate investigation and ensuring that the unit trust company is properly managed and properly supervised and that an inquiry may be held into its affairs at any time.

The one big difference between the English stock exchange and the Irish stock exchange is that in the English stock exchange there is a system known as "jobbers". They will buy, agree to buy or sell shares one month or three months hence. The jobber will agree to sell today and deliver in three months' time £50,000 or £100,000 worth of shares not one of which he holds but he quotes his price. On the closing day, in three months' time, he must either deliver those shares or pay the person to whom he has agreed to sell them the difference between the original price and the price three months later. The same procedure operates regarding the purchase of shares. That has a tremendous balancing affect on the English stock exchange. We have no such provision in Ireland.

The one big horror of buying any large block of industrial shares in Ireland is that if they have to be unloaded on the market suddenly for any particular reason there are not adequate purchasers. As the price of shares varies according to demand and supply, there will be a supply, which, for the time being, will be very much greater than the demand. On the English stock exchange, the system of jobbers gets over that difficulty and minimises it.

If anyone goes to an Irish stockbroker and tells him "I want you to invest for me £50,000 in Irish industrial securities with a reasonable hope that, if I have to realise them on the market in 12 months' or in two years' time, I will retain my capital as I may have to realise them in a hurry and may not be in a position to spread the realisation of them over years" he would be very slow in getting an answer which would leave him happy in his own mind. For that reason, the more flexible a unit trust in Ireland is in relation to the amounts which must be invested in Irish securities, the better. I am not being unpatriotic in urging that: I say it because I believe it to be so utterly important that the first unit trust company in this country should be a success. Success will beget success. It is far better that Irish people should invest their money rather than spend it. It is better to invest even in trust companies abroad than to spend the money foolishly and refuse to make any saving. The dividends coming from that money abroad are an invisible income into the country. The assets and shares which are abroad are part of our external assets. The dividends earned on those shares, in turn, supply part of the requirements of the Exchequer in that income tax is paid in this country on them. The important thing, therefore, above all is to save. Next to that, but only very secondary to it, the savings should if possible be invested in Ireland. To provide that any substantial proportion of these unit trusts must be in Irish investments, particularly at the beginning, would be most unwise.

It is easy to say that insurance companies invest 50 or 60 per cent of their assets in Ireland. They do, but they do not invest 50 or 60 per cent of their assets in ordinary Irish industrial shares. They do it by running up blocks of office buildings which cost vast amounts of money. They do it by advancing money to people to pay for their own houses. They do not invest their moneys in industrial shares and, if they had to, they would not be able to find an outlet. If they had to realise a substantial block of the shares at any particular point in time they could not hope to do so and find purchasers for them at a realistic figure. I would strongly recommend the Minister to make this as flexible as possible.

I have grave fears regarding prohibiting advertising by unit trusts which are not registered in this country. Some of those unit trusts are excellent with every possible precaution against fraud and against loss of capital. To prohibit them from advertising in this country will put a damper on Irish investments. If such a prohibition is put into effect there are many journals which could not be purchased at all. No one could even purchase the Financial Times because, any day in the week, it is apt to have a prospectus for a unit trust company in Britain. It is even more important that people should save than that they should invest their money in Ireland.

This Bill has wonderful potential which I hope will be realised. I congratulate the Minister on having the foresight and imagination to introduce it. I should feel happier if the Bill were more flexible. Perhaps, through orders the Minister may make in due course, he will give this measure the necessary degree of flexibility.

I, too, should like to join with the other Senators who welcomed this Bill which provides the necessary measure of security for savers investing in unit trusts in our country. I disagree with the Government's introducing, even in a small way, a type of censorship. Our newspapers have enjoyed freedom and have given the public an excellent service. People in the investment business like to follow their fortunes up and down and we should not be completely isolated in this respect. I support the sentiments expressed in this regard by Senator Nash.

I should like to support Senator Alexis FitzGerald's request for an elaboration of section 8. This is very important for a number of reasons. The Bill has, even in a negative way, very many worthwhile features. It is regrettable that the Minister and his advisers did not adopt a more positive approach to this problem. The Minister should have come here today with direct proposals for the setting-up of a national investment trust company. This would give would-be investors a new outlet and a new system of saving. The unit trust system of saving has not been popular so far as small investors are concerned. The Industrial Credit Company now hold investment in Irish securities mostly in preferred shares. This is now well over the £3 million mark. Could these investments not form the basis of a State-sponsored Irish Unit Trust which, ideally, could be operated by the Industrial Credit Company?

While I agree there is some virtue in discouraging Irish savers investing abroad I should like to see measures which would facilitate those same investors to leave their money and their investment at home. If the Industrial Credit Company offered their present investments through unit trusts to the Irish public more capital would be provided for the work of the ICC in this country. As the Minister is well aware more capital is badly needed for capital investment in every sphere. I welcome the measure and hope it will have the desired effect.

This is a Bill that can be dealt with more effectively on the Committee Stage. A few generalisations at this stage may be no harm. Everybody who is anxious about the building up of the economy would go a long way to secure any improvement in the capacity of the people to realise for themselves how important savings are. We, the Government and any Government agencies, including the Post Office, and the various Savings Committees, should realise that the amount of capital which can be generated for industrial and agricultural expansion should come from the savings of the people. It is most desirable that it should come that way because the people at least get some marginal remuneration from their efforts. I have not any great experience of unit trusts but I think that a lot of people who invest in unit trusts do so not because of the interest remuneration they get but rather because they are involved in a capital gain.

In England and America, where the field of investment is so enormous and where the pace of inflation is greater than ours, most people who invest in unit trusts are probably attracted to them because of the possibility of appreciation of capital. The extent of the field of investment here is really so limited that I could not imagine many sizable unit trusts operating in this country and being able to find the field of investment because, as has been said by somebody else, while you see quotations on the Dublin Stock market for shares belonging to companies, I am told that when you inquire about them they are rarely available. They are only nominal quotations. If a unit trust was going to generate something in the region of probably £50 million to £100 million of investment, the only way I could see is that it would be fed into the speculative fields for the purchase of property or maybe the building of highrise buildings.

The danger I see working within the limited field here is that, as has been said, this is bound to have an inflationary effect. Nevertheless, I do not suppose that any group would be foolish enough to try to start unit trusts unless they thought that they had a fair prospect of success. One would have to leave a certain amount to the discretion of the people who would promote them and I do not suppose the people who would invest in them are any greater fools than the fellows who would promote them. So I presume that common sense would right that one but there is the danger of inflationary pressures through too many people wanting too few goods.

Somebody commented here on what they thought the size of a unit trust should be and suggested that the amount of guaranteed capital initially required should be so low that it would make it easy to start trusts, that you get them off the ground easier if you have not too many requirements at the beginning. However, the smaller is the unit trust, the probability is that the management will be as bad and as small as the trust. Naturally a small trust will not be able to employ the skilled management that a bigger one would. It is fairly common knowledge that in a lot of our industrial promotions here this is found to be one of the limiting factors. Small factories cannot afford the top class management. So I have grave doubts if it is a good thing to have a proliferation of small trusts badly managed or two or three or maybe four good ones well managed, because the trusts will only be as good as their management.

Senator Russell raised the point— but I do not suppose it was appropriate to the present Minister—about taxation.

I admitted that.

I am not going to criticise the Senator. I agree with him on that because small investors have small outlets where their money is on call and in a lot of cases they see their small earnings being whittled away by high taxation. I do not know whether there would be difficulty in administering this. The first £70 of interest in a deposit account with a bank is free of taxation. Indeed, it might be as well to look at the whole field of fixed interest loans because people would be induced to put money into the loans if the first £500 or some reasonable figure would be considered to be free of income tax. It keeps out a lot of small investors who would rather keep their money at home than invest it and see their capital being whittled away on a fixed rate of interest and then having to pay tax on it. If we want to get the type of investment that we require in this country we must offer incentives to the people to invest money.

I am very surprised that practically all those who have spoken up to this have welcomed this Bill on the grounds that, first of all, it will help the economy and, secondly, it will help investors, especially small investors. I wish I could be so certain of these two points. I am not opposed to the Bill but I would urge a great deal of caution in the passage of this Bill through the Seanad and the Dáil. If we have not faith in this country the country will not prosper. I am surprised that so many people have urged the Minister to be flexible in the investment in this country of the funds of these trust units. The Minister has suggested, I think, a limit of 66? or even 80 per cent. I would suggest 100 per cent. Quite a few industrial plants have closed in this country in recent years. There are four about to close down at the moment and in most cases it is due entirely to lack of capital, lack of investment. I could mention one in point that the Minister knows full well; Castlecomer closed down after almost a century of operation. The coal mine that produced the best coal in Europe closed down for lack of capital. Yet it is suggested, apparently, that we should enable the trust funds to invest Irish money perhaps in a coal mine in South America that none of us ever heard of or ever saw instead of investing it in an Irish coal mine. I would therefore urge a great deal of thought and consideration before this Bill goes any further.

As I see it, the real virtue of this Bill is a preventative one, that it will prevent some body of persons starting a unit trust where the proper precautions were not in the form of a statute. Like other speakers, I cannot quite see how the Minister can hope to have a unit trust operated here if he sets the proportion high. The impossibility of putting much money in the Irish market has been mentioned ad nauseam. A Senator has talked about companies dying because of lack of capital. This, I dare say, can happen. He mentioned one in particular. I do not remember Castlecomer going on the open Irish market looking for capital. One of the great troubles in Ireland is that there are so many privately owned companies in comparison with public companies. There are vast organisations in Ireland, quite big ones, which are entirely privately owned, private limited companies. The result is that far too much of the potential capital is cut away from the ordinary investor and would also be cut away, I would imagine, from a unit trust. I do not know if the Minister could make an order giving a unit trust permission to invest in a private company where the shares are not freely marketable except by permission of the directors. At this stage I am not sure how far the Bill prevents more than a certain number of foreign investors investing in the unit trusts here. Senator Alexis FitzGerald mentioned what happened in South Africa. If the high proportion of the units were held abroad, some scare would arise. People abroad do not always understand what happens in Ireland; they form an exaggerated view. You can have this unloading which would have to be met by the managers and the trustees, and if there were a lot of Irish shares there could be an absolute disaster. It has happened in a much stronger economy than ours and it could certainly happen here. How is the Minister going to find a figure which would be realistic in relation to investment in Ireland if he is also limited to securities and is asked to do away with the wider scope, that is envisaged in the Bill, of other property?

Senator Alexis FitzGerald sensibly pointed out the danger in a unit trust where it is relying on property other than securities. This is true and is causing trouble in the UK. The Minister would be unwise to accept the suggestion that he should limit the unit trust here to securities, because of the size of the Irish market. Some method of protection would have to be found where units were being offered for sale too rapidly to prevent the trust company being forced to dispose of real property other than securities. Something would have to be done certainly if some of the big insurance companies who have that type of property themselves were involved as backers so that the unit trust holders who wanted to cash their units could be satisfied that they could do this without the real property having to be sold suddenly on the market. I am quite sure that safeguards on that side can be found and I hope the Minister will resist any suggestion that investment in Ireland should be limited to securities. If that were done, the Bill would have only the one effect, and that is to prevent a unit trust being started. That might be good in the sense that it might prevent a bad unit trust being started. There is not much point in having a Unit Trusts Bill if it is going to prevent all unit trusts being started.

A lot has been said and very well said about this Bill. It is a Bill the skeleton of which Senators have welcomed. However, in the implementation of its main proposals certain reservations were expressed by many Senators and it is proper that those reservations should be mentioned.

It is correct that a Bill of this nature should be introduced. As Senator FitzGerald has mentioned, what has been said in newspapers to the effect that there are no unit trust companies here, is untrue. There are unit trusts here but they are unit trusts without control. They are not properly controlled and they are not under proper legal supervision. This Bill purports to bring all unit trusts under legal and proper control and to limit and minimise to the greatest limit any idea that fraud might be brought into unit trust methods.

I am a very bad second, third or fourth to either Senator FitzGerald or Senator Nash. I am very impressed by certain remarks made by Senator Nash. He voiced a certain amount of the fear that I have. He particularly voiced the fear that if one insists on investment in Irish securities—and the savings we are dealing with here are the savings of those people who invest in unit trusts, the savings of small people— and if, by any chance, something goes wrong, the small saver will get a sickening—he will be soured against the whole idea. The second purpose of the Minister in bringing in this Bill is to promote the idea of saving by small savers. The promotion of saving by small savers will, of course, cut into inflation and reduce inflation, which is another great aspect of the idea of advocating small savings by certain people.

I wish to advert again to the question of investment in Irish securities. I have a particularly schizophrenic mind as regards this. At one stage I have the mind that Senator Kennedy has as regards providing capital to invest in Irish industry; at the same time I have the other side—the side which says that those people who have charge of unit trusts must do the best for the people who provide them with the money to invest, regardless of anything else. That is their first trust, to get the money for those people who give them the money. If, by investing in Irish securities, the best available return is not got from that investment, the incentive to the small saver to save will be thereby reduced. If the returns from these unit trusts are small, or if the return is less than it would have been if they had the freedom to invest otherwise, that incentive to save will also be reduced.

I should like to see investment trusts invested in Irish securities, even in Irish bonds and Government stocks and bonds. It would help to reduce inflation, if the Government could be assured that money would be available to invest in loans and bonds and that thereby they would be induced to float loans in this country and take up free money in this country by fraudulence instead of borrowing from the Central Bank or borrowing from abroad. By doing either of the latter two they are not squeezing the flow of money that is going around; they are not taking up that flow of money at all by borrowing abroad. But they would be taking up that flow of money if these small investors, through the unit trusts, could be induced to take up loans and by their being so induced, the Government would be assured that if they did attempt to float a loan, it would be taken up in sufficient amounts and would not be a failure. I am quite sure that what induced the Government to seek money abroad in various loans was the fear that any loans floated in this country would not be a success.

I have a slightly divided mind on this. I see Senator Kennedy's point. It is an idealistic point, but to me it is not as practical as Senator Nash's point. Senator Nash's approach is, in my view, very practical in that he has said that, initially at any stage, it would be wise for the Minister to move slowly in the amount of Irish investment he will insist on from these unit trusts. If he succeeds, he may then increase it, though I find a slight difficulty on this. There are a few points I would like to bring out here.

Senator Nash mentioned one of them, that is the amount of money invested. There is a phrase here in the Minister's statement:

under a gentleman's agreement the external life assurance companies operating here had undertaken to have invested in Ireland, by the end of 1969, a sum equivalent to 66? per cent.

We are told that this agreement was revised. I do not know how you revise a gentleman's agreement. In fact, I think it is paradoxical and I do not know whether a gentleman's agreement is ever written down. But in any case, coming back to what Senator Nash has said, the insurance companies have invested. Yes, but in what? Have they invested in the productive industry, in the productive items of this country? I am quite sure Senators will know what is in my mind when I say productive items. What proportion of insurance money is invested in productive items? I do not know but I would like to know.

There is another point in that there may be a difficulty for the Minister if he fixes a proportion of investment in Irish securities and he finds it is going well. Let us say it is a relatively low percentage of 30 or 35 and he finds that circumstances are such that he can increase it to 45, 50 or 60 per cent and he makes an Order of such a nature those who are running the trust will then have to revise their portfolio. There may be slight difficulty in the revision of this portfolio to bring it up to this proportion of investment in Irish securities that is required. I am not an expert in economics, neither am I an expert in investment. I am only putting this forward as there may be some difficulty. It may be easily overcome by those who know more than I about it. It is just a point I would like to bring out.

Before I sit down there are just a few other points I should like to make. One of the difficulties, I believe, that unit trusts are experiencing in England is the cost of their administration, the expenses of administration of unit trusts. When I say expenses in administration they may be expenses, period, or expenses in administration. I do not know which. When I got notice that this was coming up before the Seanad, I was speaking to a stockbroker and he mentioned to me that one of the great snags about unit trusts in England is the expenses involved in their running.

I think the Minister when he is having a look at this, should investigate clearly what it costs to run these trusts and what expenses would be involved in their running; whether they are genuine bona fide expenses of administration or whether somebody may not be doing something that is not particularly pertinent to the administrative side of the trust. I believe that this is occurring in England; it might come in here.

Before I sit down, I commend the tone of the debate that I have heard here. There has been a free exchange of views. There are two ways of looking at the investments in Irish securities. I have given both sides. If unit trusts are to succeed I would go slowly, as Senator Nash said. I have sympathy with Senator FitzGerald's views, and Senator Kennedy's views in relation to investing in Irish securities. Everybody has spoken truthfully and honestly. The tone of this debate, from what I have heard of it, has been very high and I hope it will be a headline to the Dáil when the Lower Chamber meets and reads our contributions.

In replying to this debate I would hope, as Senator Belton remarked, to be able to complete the Second Stage in the same high tone as it has been conducted up to now. Let me say at the outset that I appreciate that all of the Senators in dealing with this Bill have approached it, as I see it, in an extremely constructive way. It is quite natural, I think, that the centre of discussion should have been, to a great extent, concentrated on what the Minister might determine as being the particular figure of investment that a unit trust should reinvest or invest directly in Ireland. The debate, as it progressed, proved in its own way the necessity for me to read that section of the Bill without having included specifically a given amount. There have been contributions from almost everybody. Senator Alexis FitzGerald and Senator Nash dwelt on the possible success of unit trusts and the potential of unit trusts and on the development of unit trusts in this country being dependent on the fixing of a reasonably low figure to allow for outside reinvestment. This is the kernel of the whole problem and I would refer the House to my introduction to the debate today, to the first paragraph of my address in this regard, where I spelt out the two objects of this piece of legislation. It was, first, to provide protection for investors in any unit trust which may be established here and, secondly, to promote the investment in this country of funds raised by unit trusts. When one looks at the second object of this Bill, one must appreciate that it is not, as was described by one speaker here—I think it was Senator Brugha—a unit trust promotion Bill as such. Senator Nash mentioned that we want to make sure that the first unit trust that we get off the ground here must get off on a proper footing, that it must be given a chance to succeed.

We already have unit trusts operating here at the present time and this piece of legislation is necessary. It was originally felt necessary from the point of view of endeavouring to ensure that the small investor, who is mainly the person interested in unit trusts investment, be protected. Senator Belton was the only speaker who referred to the possibility of certain developments within unit trusts. He mentioned that the Minister should look into something that he heard may be going on in the UK. That brought home to me the necessity for the provision in this Bill protecting the investor. On the other hand, there is the fact that we have a number of ways of trying to encourage the Irish saver to invest his money here and we have the normal run of State borrowing. We have a number of semi-State bodies all requiring money and we have the Post Office Savings and the Trustee Savings Banks all of those giving the small saver the opportunity of investing his money and getting some type of reasonable return.

I fully appreciate the fact that in order to operate a unit trust here it should be necessary for the management to do a certain amount of investing outside. It is because of this that I have provided in the Bill for the determining by myself at any given time of the amount that must be invested in the country. We shall have the opportunity on Committee Stage of going into a number of the other matters that worry us. This is a new piece of legislation as far as we are concerned here. There was no referring back to a Unit Trust Bill of 1925 or a Unit Trust Bill of 1942. We have this question of preparing fresh legislation to deal with a new type of development. In relation to a number of the comments, observations or criticisms that were made today I am very anxious to look at certain sections of this Bill with a view to seeing if some of the observations that were made could help me to improve the Bill as we go along and to make amendments on Committee Stage.

As I have said already, I am most conscious of the validity of the point made on the main subject of discussion here today—that, if I fix at unduly high a figure the proportion of unit trusts which are to be invested here, it can have the effect of discouraging the development of unit trusts. But, on the other hand, this is not a unit trust promotion Bill. Certainly it would be wrong of me to fix too low a figure which would encourage to a great extent the collecting of savings here in competition with various other people requiring money for redevelopment, enabling the management of a unit trust to channel money out of the country.

I do not go all the way with Senator Kennedy. It would be the ideal if we could feel that we were in the position to have unit trusts here who can reinvest all their money here and who can be encouraged to and can show a return to the small investor by reinvesting all of the money in this country. In regard to the point he made in connection with industries and in connection with say, Castlecomer, may I say that a number of industries have been quite generously helped by the State and by my Department. On the other hand, I am afraid—let us be quite frank about it—that if unit trusts were able to raise money here from savers and were found to reinvest it in projects like Castlecomer coal mines, it would act as a heck of a deterrent to anybody from further saving their money in that particular investment trust.

I would propose in dealing with this Bill in Committee to go into more detail about the question of the percentage of investment that would be laid down by order to be reinvested here. I am conscious of the point made by Senator FitzGerald that if we take any figure, take a figure of 50 per cent: if the manager is operating on the borderline basis, between 49 and 51 per cent, and if there was any falling off in value, it would be normal to expect that the Minister would make an arrangement whereby the manager was not considered to have broken regulations if he found the value of the Irish section of his investment had fallen and, consequently this had the effect of lowering his share to a point under 50 per cent. I am just taking that 50 per cent for the sake of discussion at this stage. Senator FitzGerald did mention the figure of 15 as a jumping-off point. I think it was pretty well supported and backed up by Senator Nash, but it struck me that Senator Belton at a later stage took 35 per cent as a relatively low figure. He just took it out of the air. One of the things that I must be conscious of is that there is no point in fixing such a low figure. Investments in unit trusts here can only be simply a way of preparing to channel saving out of this country, savings which we must appreciate are badly needed here. On the other hand, let me say that I have no intention of trying to use those figures from the point of view of saying, in the interest of trying to make a success of the unit trusts, that anybody who says we should start at a figure as low as that should be accused of not being a good patriot or otherwise. Reference was made to this and I certainly would feel that it would be very improper in dealing with legislation of this nature to make those sort of allegations.

A point was made by Senator FitzGerald in this regard. He queried the inclusion in unit trusts of trust investing in properties such as real estate as well as in securities. It is recognised that in many cases investment in such property would be unsuitable but there are other cases where it could be considered to be not objectionable and it is desirable that we should deal with both types of case in this Bill. From that point of view it is a matter that, again, could be more adequately dealt with on Committee Stage. This is a Bill which can certainly be most advantageously dealt with from that point of view in Committee. However, I certainly welcome the opportunity of this Second Reading to get more of an impression of what the House feels in general about the various sections of the Bill and the overall object of the Bill.

Senator Fitzgerald, in speaking about deductions of UK income tax dividends on Irish trust investments in the UK, rightly commented it is a matter mainly for the Revenue Commissioners and the Minister for Finance, and I do not think it would be appropriate for me to try to make any effort to have it dealt with at this stage: it probably can be dealt with more adequately on Committee Stage.

Senator Brugha drew attention to the sending around of circulars advocating unit trusts and suggested that maybe they should be controlled. My understanding of the Bill is that the prohibition on advertising contained in the Bill extends to forms of canvassing such as the distribution of circulars. Advertising is the second most likely bone of connection. We have not a bone of contention in connection with the former except that it is suggested that a specific amount should be written into the Bill: the Minister should write into the Bill what proportion of the investment in unit trust should be reinvested here. Certainly, it is my intention to do what I can to control unit trusts. I am quite entitled to do this and I think that I should take what steps I can, bearing in mind that that is included in the section in which I can make arrangements for exclusion, if it interferes to any great extent with magazines or newspapers coming in here. These matters can be dealt with reasonably.

Reference was made by Senator Brugha and several others to the unit trust being allowed to hold more than 5 per cent of its overall property in the purchasing of shares or buying securities in any individual company. I mentioned this 5 per cent in the course of my introductory speech by way of reference to the normal manner in which those unit trusts endeavour to spread their investments on behalf of the subscribers in order to try to ensure that they would have a level without any sort of a serious impression on the value of their units arising from any failure of any company in which they would have invested.

Senator McDonald raised the question of the possibility of opening a State sponsored unit trust. As I see it, that would seem rather unpromising. It is hard to see how it would appear to be any more public attraction than the variety of investment opportunities offered from time to time by the State and semi-State bodies. I do not think it is a good proposition.

In general, we have had a very useful debate on this. I am conscious of a number of points that I would be anxious to deal more with. Certainly, the question of the use of the unit trust to channel too much money, too much savings, out of this country to investments overseas is one of the factors that I must be very conscious of in the preparation of this legislation. The other factor is to protect the investors in this regard. Arising from the discussion that we have had so far, if the House accepts this Second Reading, we can have a useful and progressive further debate on Committee Stage.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 17th February, 1971.
Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7.30 p.m.
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