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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 2 Aug 1973

Vol. 75 No. 9

Finance Bill, 1973 ( Certified Money Bill ): Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

As this Bill is closely related to the budget for the current financial year, it would be appropriate, at the outset of my speech, to describe the economic background to the budget and to outline the action taken by the Government to improve the overall position.

Last year, unemployment among insured persons averaged 8.1 per cent, a level higher than in any year since 1958; the number of unemployed on the live register last year averaged 72,000; the total number at work fell to 10,000 below the 1971 level.

The consumer price index was up by 8½ per cent last year—the fourth successive year of high price rises—with food prices rising especially strongly and there was a ubstantial spillover effect on price in the current year. For the past three years, the growth of GNP was running at about 3 per cent. Although there were indications that the economy would expand at a rate of about 4 per cent, this was unsatisfactory because a far greater improvement is needed if we are to make fuller use of productive capacity, reduce the level of unemployment and raise the all-round standard of living.

Faced with these difficult problems of inflation, hardship due to poverty, unemployment and under-utilisation of resources, the Government set out to remedy the situation by way of an expansionary budget planned to get the economy on to a higher growth path and the granting of large social welfare increases which more than compensated the less well-off for the rise in the cost of living. The removal of food from the scope of VAT was a further step of major social significance.

The principal fiscal action to stimulate the economy was the rise of about £190 million in the combined capital and current budgets.

The capital budget for this financial year shows a rise of about 23 per cent over last year's outturn. This increase has been widely spread with substantial additional sums being earmarked for housing, industry, agricultureand telephones. These increases aredesigned to lift the growth rate appreciably and, by enhancing resources and making for their fuller use, will add to employment and boost the general levl of prosperity.

Current outlay, up by about 20 per cent, will also contribute to the stimulation of economic growth. Significant increases in the non-capital budget were attributable to the fresh instalment of the phased transfer of housing subsidies and health charges to the Exchequer, higher outlay in the sphere of education, a higher provision for security and many other items. A main feature of the current expenditure side of the budget sas, of course, been the addition to the social welfare outlay. The 1973 budget did more in the social welfare field than any of its predecessors. An idea of its extent is gained from the fact that, in a full year, the improvements will cost £68¾ million of which £52½ million will fall on the Exchequer.

This is a brief summary of the policy underlying the 1973 budget and an outline of the planned expenditure pattern which has both social and economic implications. Since borrowing to meet fully the financing requirements of the budget would over stimulate the economy, we had recourse to some increases in taxes and charges.

These increases, however, were relatively moderate when compared with net increases imposed in other recent budgets. The full year effect of the 1973 tax changes will be an increase of about 3½ per cent in tax revenue, while the budgets of 1970, 1968, 1966 and 1963 resulted in increases of 8½ per cent, 6½ per cent, 9¾ per cent and 10¾ per cent, respectively.

The major social welfare concessions and the substantial projected rise in overall Government expenditure do not, I hope, minimise the Government's equally considerable tax reform programme launched in the budget, or the variety of tax reliefs being provided in the Finance Bill. This Bill is but the first concrete step in the realisation of this long overdue reform and it is our intention to proceed quickly with the necessary research and other background work, already begun, so that reform may be a reality at the earliest possible date. I shall refer to the question in greater depth later, in my outline and brief commentary on the provisions of the Bill, when dealing with the various taxes involved.

I now turn to Part I of the Bill which deals with income tax, including sur-tax, and corporation profits tax matters. Senators will agree with the view that the plague of unemployment has ben with us for far too long and that it is of fundamental importance to put our economic activity on a firm and expansionary footing for the highly competitive years ahead. Every encouragement must, therefore, be givn to the xploitation of new ideas and improved methods which will help to secure and indeed widen employment opportunitis here for all our pople. As a supplement to the direct measures already taken by the Government to this end, the Finance Bill provids a number of indirect, but none the less valuable, incntives for increased investment, research and innovation in the years immediately ahead.

The Bill proposes to renw for a further two years, to 31st March, 1975, the special accelerated capital allowances for plant, machinery and industrial buildings so as to speed up investment and bring about faster growth. Section 9 renews the 100 per cent initial allowance for capital expenditure on new plant and machinery, enabling such expenditure to be written off in on year, and also ensures that a trader will not get allowances, apart from the additional 20 per cent investment allowance— being renewed in section 16—which applies in the designated areas, of more than 100 per cent of the cost of plant and machinery. Section 11 ensures the recovery of excess capital allowances which may have been obtained by virtue of an unintended loophole in existing legislation. Section 17 renews the provision for the free depreciation of new plant and machinery provided for use outside the designated areas and section 10 renews the 20 per cent initial allowance for capital expenditure incurred on industrial buildings.

Section 8 secures that the 40 per cent shipping investment allowance will not be available in respect of future contracts during the currency of the free depreciation provision being renewed by the Bill. Income from patent royalties arising to any person resident in this country will be exempt from both income tax, including sur-tax and corporation profits tax under section 34, provided the work in connection with the devising of the patented invention is carried out here, and section 21 provides tax relief for payments made by traders or professional people to any Irish university for the purpose of enabling that university to undertake research in, or engage in the teaching of, industrial relations, marketing and other approved subjects. I am hopeful that these two reliefs will herald a new bloom of creative endeavour for the benefit of the community at large.

I now turn to the other reliefs provided in Part I of the Bill. At the outset, I should mention that while the Government would be glad to be in a position to increase personal tax-free allowances in this Finance Bill, it is, however, not possible because of the present heavy commitments on the limited resources available. It is the Government's earnest wish that the special expansionary measures to which I have just referred will amply bear fruit and thus provide the resources for further alleviation of tax burdens where they bear most heavily. Within the limited resources available, the Government decided to provide relief at this time to a number of special categories.

Section 2 increases from £74 to £104 the maximum special earned income relief in respect of a wife's earnings and is designed to reduce the comparatively heavy tax burden on working wives and thereby ease the staffing problems encountered in a number of sectiors. Section 4 raises from £295 to £347 the limit on a dependent relative's income to ensure that the full dependent relative allowance can be claimed where the dependent relative has no income other than the caximum non-contributory old age pension which was increased in the budget. Section 19 exempts from tax payments to or in respect of Irish thalidomide victims from the German foundation.

With a view to facilitating the adaptation, over an extended period, to the 1972 code of occupational pension schemes approved for the purpsoes of tax reliefs under pre-1972 legislation, section 7 enables such schemes to pay in lump sum form a tax-free death-in-service benefit of up to four times the deceased employee's final remuneration, as permitted under the 1972 legislation. Section 12 raises from £350 to £450 the limit on the maximum annuity payable by registered trade unions enjoying tax exemption in respect of the income from which such annuities and other provident benefits are paid.

Section 14 secures that the benefit of the tax exemption in respect of non-bedded minerals is passed on by a holding company to their shareholders when they are paying dividends out of exempted income. I should mention in this context that the Minister for Industry and Commerceis at present reviewing the fiscal policy in relation to mining in the light of the report of the interdepartmental committee. Section 33 and the Third Schedule to the Bill extend the charge to tax of profits derived from activities and of income from employment on our section of the Continental Shelf.

This country has, I regret, been somewhat lethargic in its adoption and in its promotion of the observance of international conventions relating to fundamental human rights and freedom. In order to stimulate more public awareness of and direct involvement in this very important task the Bill makes a special two-fold provision for tax relief. Section 20 provides exemption from income tax for certain consultative bodies whose objects are the promotion of observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and/or the implementation of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, while section 15 provides that annual payments under covenant to such bodies for a period of three years or more will be recognised for income tax purposes.

Section 36 extends to 31st December, 1973, the exemption from corporation profits tax which applies to certain public utility companies, the Agricultural Credit Corporation and building societies.

Sections 13, 31, 32, 37 and 38 of the Bill arise out of and give effect to the agreement and protocol of 2nd May, 1973, between the Irish and the British Governments in regard to new arrangements for the avoidance of double taxation of dividends flowing between the two countries. The texts of the agreement and protocol are set out in the Second and Fourth Schedules, respectively, to the Bill. The new arrangements will, however, continue for a period of two years only, commencing on 6th April, 1973, and the negotiation of a further agreement will, of course, then arise.

Briefly, the new arrangements ensure that, as far as possible, the position of the Irish Exchequer and of Irish residents who have shares in companies located in Britatin or Northern Ireland will not be adversely affected during the currency of the new arrangements. Under these arrangements the tax credit relating to dividends allowable under the new British system will be paid to all shareholders resident here other than direct investors, that is, companies with a stake of 10 per cent or more in the company paying the dividend.

Direct investors, however, will be allowed a credit against Irish income tax in respect of so much of the British corporation tax on the profits out of which the dividends are paid as cannot be allowed against our corporation profits tax. On the other hand, British residents will continue to be entitled to exemption from Irish income tax in respect of dividends received from companies in this country except that, in the case of dividends paid by Irish companies to direct investors in Britain, income tax of up to 5 per cent on those dividends will be retained here so as to safeguard the Irish Exchequer. Britain will, however, give relief against corporation tax for Irish income tax so retained, as well as for the Irish corporation profits tax underlying dividents paid to direct investors in Britain.

Much attention has been focussed in the other House and outside on section 3 of the Bill which secures, in the case of taxpayers whose net income for income tax purposes exceeds £2,500 a year, the recoupment of the budget income in social welfare children's allowances. Marginal relief from this recoupment is provided where net income slightly exceeds that figure—the recoupment does not, of course, apply for sur-tax purposes. The Government considered that a line must be drawn at a certain income level so as to direct Exchequer family assistance to the most needy. To do otherwise would clearly be wasteful of scarce resources. The Bill's proposal will, however, only affect a rather small proportion of tapayers, some 5 per cent or about 40,000 in all, as far as can be estimated at this stage.

Section 6 of the Bill is designed to remove a legal doubt as to the validity of tax assessments on the personal representative of a deceased member of a partnership in respect of that member's share of the partnership profits arising prior to his death and section 18 authorises the administrator of a statutory superannuation scheme to deduct the appropriate tax from refunded contributions.

I now come to the question of tax reform and the remaining sections of Part I of the Bill. As the Minister for Finance indicated in his Budget statement and in reply to debates in the other House, considerable progress has been made towards the simplification of personal taxation and I am hopeful that it will be possible to introduce the necessary legislation in the present year. It will then be possible to divert the necessary staff and resources to an in-depth examination of more fundamental aspects of personal taxation. Progressing concurrently with work towards the simplification of personal taxation is the examination of the detailed comments of interested parties on the question of changes in company taxation on the lines set out in last year's White Paper on the subject. We are not at this stage in a position to put forward concrete proposals in this regard but, subject to EEC and other developments in this field, we hope to be able to do so at an early date.

Tax avoidance, which is socially and economically undesirable, must also be curtatiled and scare resources channelled into the most worthy avenues. Conscientious taxpayers must not be put at a disadvantage vis-á-vis defaulters and I am certain that Senaors will support the Government's efforts to create the climate which will ensure that obligations in this matter will be duly fulfilled.

It is in this light that the remaining sections of Part I of the Bill, namely, sections 1, 5, 22, 23, and the First Schedule, sections 24, 25 to 30, 35, 39 and the Fifth Schedule and sections 40 to 46 have been drafted.

Section 43 is designed to impose the same penalty—of £20 plus £20 per day with a separate penalty on the secretary where a body of persons is involved—for failure to remit PAYE as applies in the case of failure toremit VAT. Section 1 imposes the same minimum interest charge of £5 in respect of overdue tav collected under PAYE by employers as applies in the case of overdue VAT. Section 35 ensures that interest on unpaid PAYE tax, VAT and stamp duty will not be allowed as a deduction for income tax or corporation profits tax purposes.

Section 22 is designed to facilitate penalty proceedings for the payment of PAYE tax estimated to be due by specifying that a certificate signed by an officer of the Revenue Commissioners that the tax so estimated is payable will constitute prima facie evidence to that effect.

Section 46 aligns the income tax penalty for fraudulently made incorrect returns or statements by a body of persons to the VAT penalty of £1,000 and section 45 raises from £50 to £100 the penalty for failure to produce records in connection with claims for exports tax relief. In short, these provision are designed to align the penalty provisions for the various taxes and thus provide greater ease of administration.

Anti-avoidance measures are contained in section 5 which deals with tax on income accumulated under a trust, section 23 and the First Schedule to the Bill which restrict tax relief in respect of life insurance premiums to policies of at least ten years: this applies only to policies made on the lives of persons under 56 years of age. Section 24 restricts tax relief in respect of business entertainment expenditure to expenditure wholly, exclusively and necessarily incurred for the purpose of the trade or profession with the similar restriction on capital allowances for plant and machinery used in this connection. Sections 25 to 30 which are designed to restrict capital allowances in the case of expensive cars to what these allowances would have been if the cars had cost only £2,500. Section 40 which withdraws the right to certain allowances in respect of industrial buildings where contrived transactions between companies of a group can result in the cost of such buildings being written off for tax purposes at a greatly accelerated rate and section 44 which is intended to prevent tax avoidance through the medium of friendly societies.

Section 39 and the Fifth Schedule to the Bill aim at disallowing the tax saving to purchasing companies of companies which are dormant or near dormant and have accumulated substantial tax losses. It is not intended that ailing companies with sizeable employment will be affected by these provisions and the section will be liberally interpreted so as not to discourage worthwhile mergers in bona fide cases where tax saving is not the primary motive in the purchase of the ailing company. Sections 41 and 42 deal with benefits in kind. The purpose of section 41 is to stop a tax avoidance device which enables some benefits in kind to escape tax because they are provided, not by the employing company, but by an associated company. Benefits in kind provided by non-trading bodies will, by virtue of section 42, be charged to tax in the hands of the directors or employees in the same way as similar benefits provided by trading bodies.

I now come to Part II of the Bill which is largely concerned with the increases in customs and excise duties imposed in the budget. Sections 47, 48 and 49 are concerned with the beer, spirits and tobacco increases respectively. While any Government approaches tax increases with some reluctance, we felt justified in imposing these moderate increases in view of the remarkable buoyancy of revenue from the "old reliables". We are also confident that consumers appreciated that these increases were essential to enable the undertaking of this year's unprecedented improvement in the lot of the poor and disadvantaged.

Section 50 deals with the imposition of a special excise duty on tobacco stocks held by manufacturers at 5 p.m. on budget day. This is in line with the practice in recent years when the tobacco duty was increased and is designed to divert to the Exchequer the enhanced value of stocks held by manufacturers on budget day. The Minister for Finance introduced an amendment to this section at the Committee Stage in the Dáil to give full relief from this special excise duty to the small manufacturers, who specialise in plug and twist tobaccos and whose clientele—which consists largely of elderly rural people—presents little scope for passing on the rise in the duty on stocks. I am satisfied that this concession was warranted in order to avoid the risk of a loss of employment that might result from a contraction in sales by these small manufacturers.

Section 51 provides for the use, under certain circumstances, of materials other than tobacco in the manufacture of cigarettes for export, while section 52 confirms a number of orders made by the Government under the Imposition of Duties Act, 1957.

Part III of the Bill is concerned with death duties and contains the interim reliefs in the field of estate duty which are designed to alleviate the greatest hardships of the system pending its replacement by a new system of capital taxation. Senators will appreciate that the abolition of estate duty, to which the Government are totally committed, could not be done without making provision for an alternative form of capital taxation. Quite apart from the revenue involved, which is substantial, a balanced system of taxation requires that large holdings of wealth should be taxed, in addition to whatever other forms of taxation apply to income and expenditure.

The exemption limits for estate duty and for legacy and succession duty are raised from £7,500 to £10,000 by sections 53 and 54 of the Bill. Section 55 increases the rates of legacy duty and succession duty, which are payable only in respect of property passing outside the lineal family. The very valuable abatements of estate duty in favour of widows and dependent children are increased to twice their present levels by section 56. The limit for the application of artificial valuation to agricultural land, by virtue of which the great majority of farms escape estate duty, is raised from £2,000 to £3,000 by section 57.

Sections 58 and 59 provide that the first £7,500 of superannuation death benefits and insurance policy benefits, respectively, will be excluded from the estate for estate duty purposes.

Some securities—for example certain Government, semi-State and local authority stocks—are exempt from estate duty where the owner is neither domiciled nor ordinarily resident in the State. Section 60 of the Bill provides that a similar exemption will apply to units of a unit trust scheme all of whose underlying securities are of this type.

At present when a person who jointly holds a bank deposit account dies, the bank may not pay out a balance exceeding £1,000 to the surviving joint-depositor unless a certificate or consent from the Revenue Commissioners is produced. This provision is designed to prevent death duty evasion through non-disclosure. Section 61 proposes to extend this restriction to all institutions accepting deposits from the public.

In Part IV of the Bill there are two Chapters, the first dealing with the stamp duties changes announced in the budget and the second providing for the implementation of an EEC directive relating to stamp duty on capital companies.

In Chapter 1, section 62 is a commencement provision and section 63 is consequential on the exemption from duty of mortgages up to £10,000 which is provided in section 64, together with a reduction in the rates of duty charged on sales of houses and lands up to £10,000 in value. These reliefs are of substantial benefit to persons buying moderately-priced houses. As announced in the budget, we decided to recoup part of the cost of these reliefs by increasing, from 10 per cent to 15 per cent, the rate of stamp duty on certain contracts for the construction, alteration and enlargement of offices, and the necessary provision is contained in section 65. As we were anxious that the stamp duty reliefs should operate from the earliest practicable date, the Government made an order under the Imposition of Duties Act, 1957, bringing the changes into effect from 1st June last. The provisions of this Chapter of the Bill will replace the provisions of the order which is, accordingly, revoked in section 66.

Chapter II of Part IV of the Bill implements an EEC Directive, issued in 1969, concerning indirect taxes on the raising of capital by companies and firms. One of the purposes of the Treaty which established the European Economic Community was the creation of an economic union whose characteristics are similar to those of a domestic market. One of the essential conditions for achieving this union is the promotion of the free movement of capital. The differing indirect taxes in force in the member states on the raising of capital give rise to discrimination, double taxation and disparities which interfere with the free movement of capital. To prevent these interferences, the tax on the raising of capital within the EEC by a company or firm should be charged once only and the level of the tax should be the same in all member states. In short, the theme of the directive is that harmonisation of the duties on the raising of capital is essential, both as regards the structure and the rates of duty. The directive sets out the lines which that harmonisation should follow and this Chapter of the Bill provides accordingly. The present company capital duty and loan capital duty require to be abolished and a new stamp duty imposed in their stead.

Section 67 contains the necessary definitions appertaining to this Chapter, including provision that the Chapter will become operative from 1st August, 1973, or the date of the passing of the Bill, whichever is the later. In this connection I should mention that any company that paid stamp duty under the present system in respect of a transaction which took place after 1st January, 1973, will have the option of having the duty reassessed under the new system.

Section 68 sets out the transactions which will give rise to a charge of stamp duty. This section also prescribes the effective centre of management of a company as the criterion for determining the location of a company for the purpose of the new duty whereas, under the present system, the relevant factor is the registered office, which, of course, would not always be in the same place as the effective centre of management.

Section 69 provides that the rate of stamp duty to be charged in respect of capital contributions will be 1 per cent, which is the lowest rate permissible under the directive and which is the common rate which all member states will be required to charge as from 1st January, 1976. This compares with a rate of 0.25 per cent in the case of the present company capital duty and 0.125 per cent in the case of the present loan capital duty.

The base on which the new stamp duty will be charged will, as provided in section 70, be the amount of the actual value of the assets contributed to the company or firm instead of, as under the present system, the nominal value of the shares issued. Section 71 abolishes the present company capital duty and loan capital duty and gives taxpayers the option, to which I have already referred, of having these duties reassessed in the case of transactions since 1st January, 1973.

Section 72 provides an exemption from the new duty in the case of certain merger and take-over transactions and section 73 exempts certain public bodies and cultural, charitable and educational organisations. Section 74 provides for appeals on the question of the value of the assets on which duty may be charged while section 75 provides for the recovery of duty and the furnishing of information in relation to liable transactions.

Part V of the Bill deals with value-added tax. It implements the major changes in VAT announced in the budget. These changes involve the removal of the tax from food and the necessary increases on other items. In addition, Part V provides for some matters of detail, designed to facilitate administration or prevent avoidance. The opportunity is being taken to effect also some necessary modifications of penalty provisions and to incorporate in the statute some minor matters which are at present provided for in ministerial orders made under the Value-Added Tax Act, 1972.

Anything which affects the price of essential foodstuffs is a matter of basic importance for the poorer sections of our community since they spend a large proportion of their incomes on food. By contrast, the food expenditure of well-off people represents a much smaller proportion of their incomes. A tax on food, therefore, bears relatively heavily on poorer people. The removal of such tax through a zero rating for VAT purposes is a practical step to give relief to people on limited means.

The exact definition of the commodities to be zero rated was settled after discussions with trading interests. The results are indicated in the Bill—sections 78 and 88 refer. They have also been published in a Press notice for the information of traders generally. As well as essential foods the zero rating covers oral medicines. On the other hand, the concession will not extend to certain luxury items which affect family outlay only marginally. Neither will it extend to catering but I might mention here that it is being provided in section 87 that an exemption for catering services will be provided for patients in hospitals and pupils in schools.

It is, of course, essential that when VAT is removed from food, there will be a corresponding reduction of 5 per cent in retail prices. My colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, is attending to this aspect. We have, of course, been anxious to give the relief as quickly as possible. However, it was found that it would not be practicable for traders to make the necessary preparations to operate the proposed VAT changes before September and the date set is Monday, 3rd September. Making the change on a Monday will give traders the advantage of a week-end to complete preparations and should help to ensure a full and general reduction of prices of the goods to be zero rated.

The transfer of food and oral medicines to the zero rate of VAT necessitates increases in other rates of VAT. These increases are provided for in section 80 of the Bill. In addition to meeting the cost of the reliefs given in respect of food, et cetera, the increases are designed to provide a relatively modest contribution of some £2.6 million this year towards general budgetary needs. When account is taken of the food concession, I think that the increases in VAT on other items will not be a financial burden on anyone.

I might mention that the effective rate of VAT on building work, which is about 3 per cent, is not being increased; in fact, as a result of the adjustments, there will be a slight marginal reduction in the rate for building work.

The changes in VAT to which I have referred—that is the zero rating of food, et cetera, and the offsetting increases on other items—are calculated to have a net downward effect equivalent to 0.5 per cent on the consumer price index. Among the various items which enter into the base of the index food has a high weighting, as would be expected in view of the importance of food costs in the household budget.

Having now outlined the salient features of the proposed VAT changes, I will move on to some matters of detail.

Section 79 relates to what are called "self-services", that is, services rendered by a trader for his own business or in connection with it. It replaces an existing statutory provision and ensures that VAT will be neutral as between services provided within a firm and similar services by an outside contractor. Chiefly in mind here is the position of commercial firms supplying catering services for businesses. Section 80 provides that a commercial caterer will be accountable for tax on the value of food used by him in rendering his services, whether or not he himself purchased the food. This is essentially an anti-avoidance provision.

Section 80 also enables the Revenue Commissioners to settle doubts by making formal statutory determinations of the rates of VAT appropriate in particular cases. Such determinations by the Revenue Commissioners will, of course, be subject to appeal to the appeal commissioners—and from them to the courts.

Under sections 81 and 85, small traders who have not been registered for VAT, but who want to get tax credit for the VAT element which they have borne on stocks held on 3rd September, will be able to do so by becoming registered for VAT.

Normally, traders have 19 days of grace for payment of VAT after the end of a taxable period. Section 82 is necessitated by the provision—made in the Tenth Schedule—for extension of the normal July-August taxable period to end on 2nd September this year. Tax in respect of this taxable period will be payable on or before 19th September.

In sections 83 and 84 penalties for certain offences under the Value-Added Tax Act, 1972, are being increased. The change brings them into line with similar penalties under the income tax code.

Section 86 provides that, in the absence of agreement between the parties concerned, prices quoted in existing contracts will be adjusted where this is necessitated by the changes in respect of VAT.

Section 87 provides for the exemption of horses and greyhounds from VAT. It has been found that, due to the frequency of importations, the operation of VAT was affecting the functioning of these industries. The exemption now provided is considered to be the best solution.

Section 87 also provides an exemption from VAT in respect of the natural or artificial insemination of cattle, sheep and pigs. This will remove an anomaly arising out of the VAT arrangements for agriculture.

Section 88, which deals with zero ratings, includes provisions of importance for agriculture. It extends the zero rate, which at present applies to manufactured fertilisers and feeding stuffs and also to cover oral medicines for animals as well as seeds and plants for the production of food. It is calculated that these reliefs for farmers will suffice to offset the extra input tax which will arise for them from the increased VAT rates on other items.

Under VAT, farmers are not required to register for the tax but are compensated for the tax on their inputs by a 1 per cent tax addition to the prices of their outputs. This addition by unregistered farmers does not affect food prices, since the traders who buy from farmers are usually registered for VAT: these traders, therefore, get a refund from the Revenue Commissioners in respect of the 1 per cent tax addition which they have paid to farmers.

Section 88 also incorporates certain zero ratings already provided by ministerial orders made under the 1972 Act. An example is the zero rate for the life saving services of the Royal National Lifeboat Institution.

Section 89 makes some necessary changes consequential on the zero ratings and exemptions which I have just mentioned. It also provides for the consolidation in the legislation of certain ministerial orders, apart from those referred to in connection with zero rating.

Section 90 and the Tenth Schedule provide for various amendments of the 1972 VAT Act. These are mainly of a consequential or supplementary nature. Only one of the amendments merits specific mention. It extends the definition of manufacturer to include a person who supplies materials to another for the purposes of having motor cars, television sets, or any of the other goods which are at present liable to the 30.26 per cent rate of VAT, manufactured or assembled on his behalf. The 30.26 per cent will, of course, be increased to 36.75 per cent under section 80 from 3rd September. Of the full 36.75 per cent, 30 percentage points will effectively apply at the manufacturer level only. The amendment, which is to take effect immediately on the enactment of the Bill, is designed to ensure that linked companies cannot make arrangements to reduce the element of value of such goods to which the tax levied at manufacturer level only will apply.

Apart from some routine and consequential matters the main content of Part VI of the Bill relates to the vehicle excise duties increases, imposed in the budget, which are contained in sections 93 to 95 inclusive. Section 93 increases the rates of road tax on motor cars, motor cycles, agricultural tractors and other tractors. In the case of commercial goods vehicles there are increases on vehicles up to about 8 tons unladen weight and reductions on heavier vehicles. There is no change in the road tax on small public service vehicles, taxis and hearses.

A new charge to be levied when a vehicle is registered for the first time is imposed in section 94. This charge will go some way towards covering the costs incurred by licensing authorities on the first registration of a vehicle. The increase in driving licence fees is contained in section 95.

A tax exemption is provided in section 92 for securities issued in this country by certain European bodies. The section will put such securities in the same tax position as securities issued by certain semi-State bodies. Section 91 contains the usual annual provisions relating to the annuity charged on the Central Fund and paid into the capital services redemption account.

Section 96 repeals a number of enactments to the extent necessary to comply with the EEC directive on stamp duty to which I referred earlier. Section 97 is a routine provision regarding the care and management of the taxes and duties imposed in the Bill. Section 98 contains the necessary citation, construction and commencement provisions.

The provisions of the Bill will I believe contribute in no small measure to the development of this country as a progressive society based on social justice and accordingly, I recommend it to the House.

There are a number of measures in this Bill which will commend themselves to the Seanad, particularly those matters related to improving the tax avoidance situation as far as the Revenue Commissioners are concerned. This is a hardy annual battle in which every year the Revenue Commissioners seek to tighten evasions and to ensure the maximum amount of justice in regard to collection of taxes.

As the Taoiseach rightly stated in his opening speech, the Finance Bill must be taken in the context of the overall economic background of our economy and in particular of the budget which is the annual instrument of the Government in implementing their economic policy. The Finance Bill implements budget provisions which one would hope would improve the economy not only in the year ahead but in the years ahead. This is the continuing process of the economic management of modern Government.

I will refrain at the present juncture from any consideration of details in regard to specific sections. My party propose to engage section by section in a detailed debate on Committee Stage. At this stage it is important to bring this debate back to a sense of reality and, with all due respect to the Taoiseach and to the Minister for Finance in regard to their contributions on both the Finance Bill and the budget in the Dáil, a sense of reality was noticeably absent.

The first reality is that the Government were elected by the people last March fundamentally on the basis of doing something about prices. A false hope was engendered in the course of their 14-point programme that they could do something about prices. A highly dishonest impression was conveyed to the public that by some magic notion of a change of Government the prices situation and the cost of living could be remedied. The Government, faced with this situation, and having to live up to promises made, embarked on a policy of price control in regard to which they are already rowing back fast. Recently, the Minister for Industry and Commerce raised more than ten of the maximum retail prices which he had set at a fixed level one month prior to that.

CIE rates and fares have been raised by Government decision to a level above that recommended by the National Prices Commission. We are faced with the position where already between February and May of this year in the consumer price index food group alone, prices have risen nearly three times more than in the corresponding period last year. On a basis of 100 based on mid-November, 1968, the consumer price index in regard to the food group which rose this time last year from February to May from 131.6 to 134.6, this year rose from 153.4 to 161.4; a rise last year of three points, a rise this year of eight points, practically three times the rise during the equivalent period last year.

This is a serious problem and there is no point in the Government seeking to assuage the public by price control measures which are totally defective and ineffective. There is no point in the Government, at enormous cost to the Exchequer, indeed, on their own admission in the budget statement, at a cost of £16.75 million, removing VAT from food and giving notice to the various people involved in the food business that the food VAT provisions will be removed on 3rd September while, at the same time, allowing the price of food to gallop ahead.

The Government are hamstrung by their own unwise election promises. We have seen a situation recently in the North of Ireland which is a discredit to democracy. In this part of Ireland we have operated democracy in a reasonable way since 1922. The only thing which can discredit democracy here is either galloping inflation or a Government declaring an ability to deal with the problem and very rapidly being shown to have a total inability to do so. It is important that we come clean with the public on the notion of purporting to halt food price increases by removing VAT on food in early September, allowing inflation to proceed in regard to food prices to the extent I have mentioned, depriving the Exchequer of £16.75 million in a full year, £8.35 million for the remainder of this year, and all to no effect.

If we could be guaranteed that the removal of 5.26 per cent VAT on food would automatically deliver, as the Minister for Finance has stated, a 5 per cent reduction in foodstuffs, this would be all right, but this is something the Government cannot deliver. On the performance to date, inflation in regard to foodstuffs is proceeding, due notice having been given to everybody in the trade that action will be taken within the food trade between now and early September, despite any price control measures which are being threatened by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The whole exercise will have been proved nugatory at a cost of over £16 million to the Exchequer in a full year. Foodstuffs will not be reduced by the 5 per cent claimed.

It will, in effect, have cost the Exchequer £16.75 million—all in the interests of a very stupid election promise. I do not deny that they might have been elected without making such promises, but those promises were made by the groups that formed themselves into the National Coalition. As a result of those promises, one of which is the one I am mentioning, certain votes were gained to achieve power. This, in my view, is a corrupting influence in democracy.

The budget and the Finance Bill, which we are now debating, are the culmination of a thought process introduced last February and now coming to fruition and which, as I will elaborate on later, will result in very real Nemesis, depending on the Budget introduced by the present Government next spring. The fundamental error in the thinking behind the new VAT provisions is that automatically reducing to zero the VAT on food, in order to reduce the price of foodstuffs by 5 per cent, has been shown palpably, by reason of the rise in the consumer price index on food, to have already failed.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce has allowed increases above what he fixed within a month of fixing them, as has been shown in regard to CIE fares and rates. The Government know they cannot observe the National Prices Commission recommendations but must give increases in fares and rates even above what is recommended by that Commission. All of this adds up to a total admission that price control cannot do this. The whole exercise amounts to an enormous mirage, an enormous bluff, on the part of the two parties forming the National Coalition to persuade the Irish people that they in some way had a panacea for this problem.

As if the loss of £16.75 million to the Exchequer in one year is not bad enough the Government then proceed, in the Budget and in the Finance Bill before us, to transfer this loss of £16.75 million to other commodities in the mistaken notion that those commodities do not represent any factor in the cost of living. We are no longer living in a primitive society that depends entirely on foodstuffs. All this was debated— and the Taoiseach is well aware of it —in the Oireachtas in the 1940s and the 1950s in a debate concerning food subsidies. We thought that debate was finally settled in 1957 when food subsidies were dispensed with. Now we have this debate brought back here again.

The notion that we are a primitive economy and that food is the only item in the expenditure of people is a crude, political, primitive notion that can be got over in a facile way by political propagandists but it does not represent reality. The reality is that equally as important as food, and indeed a very high factor in food prices as well, are items such as petrol, fuel, electricity, the factors associated with transportation, the factors associated with the various services involved in producing food, the factors involved in producing the packaging and advertising of food, the factors involved in erecting and constructing the premises necessary for presenting food. It is a facile assumption to think that food alone, of itself, is a factor in the ordinary person's cost of living.

It is quite obvious that the categories which include clothing, footwear, fuel, electricity, petrol, tobacco, liquor—the rate for which has been increased from 5.26 per cent to 6.75 per cent, an increase of 1½ per cent— are now basic factors in the ordinary person's cost of living. There is no point in living in cloud-cuckoo land. There is no point in telling people, when they come along seeking the next increase in the national wage agreement, even if food can be reduced—although I have already demonstrated that cannot be done and it is not being reduced—that VAT on food has been reduced by 5 per cent when by deliberate Government action the price of other commodities equally used and enjoyed, commodities which are a factor in everybody's way of life, have gone up by 1½ per cent. It is a reality now that the price of bus fares, train fares, petrol, clothing, footwear, drink and so on are essential factors in people's way of life today. There is no point in putting those various categories into compartments and pretending that one is important in the cost of living and the other is not.

On the higher rate of VAT, which has been increased substantially—by more than 3 per cent, from 16.37 per cent to 19.5 per cent—we have the whole area of furniture, furnishings, hardware, electrical goods. This is an area that is basic to the establishment of any home, and the people who are establishing homes are surely the people who should be basic to our thoughts on the expansion of the community and on the proper social development we all envisage. Those categories of goods have been increased, by a deliberate provision in this Finance Bill, from 16.37 per cent to 19.5 per cent.

Again, on the higher rate, a jump of over 6 per cent—from 30.26 per cent to 36.75 per cent—has taken place in the price of motor cars, television sets and radios. These are commodities which due to the improved standard of living of our people, are becoming a factor in many people's way of life. The thinking behind this is the crudest and the most primitive possible. It is thinking that goes back to the 1950s. Twenty years ago we went through this kind of debate on the food subsidies at that time. Today we are still immersed in the same backward thinking that seeks to say that foodstuffs, and foodstuffs alone, are a factor in the cost of living.

Many of our people due to proper economic expansion and social development over the years—initiated and worked on by various Governments— have become more prosperous and more conscious of a wide range of consumer items which they can afford to acquire. They are not included in food but are included in a wide range of activities, both goods and services, outside food. A fact of life today is that as the standard of living improves, which is the basic object of all governmental activity and economic encouragement, this area of consumption in non-food items widens regularly year by year. It is something all of us here have seen developing over the last 20 years.

There is no point in coming in here and telling us that if the price of food can be reduced by 5 per cent all will be well as far as the cost of living is concerned while at the same time ignoring the basic prices in regard to services, to clothing, to footwear, to petrol and to any one of the numerous items I have mentioned which have been increased by positive Government action and decision.

The previous rates which were introduced after very careful consideration and which have now been departed from will be a direct incentive to inflation. The original rates were devised by the previous Minister for Finance, and by the Department of Finance, considered by the Government and adopted on one very clear basis that there was little or no departure from the rates proposed under VAT and the rates which existed under the previous tax situation.

That is a fundamental matter. It was carefully worked out and the various rates devised. The 5.26 per cent rate, the 6.75 per cent rate, the 16.37 per cent rate and the 30.26 per cent rate were the exact rates that already existed under the existing tax situation. There was little or no departure from that and, therefore, no inflationary element built in.

It is quite clear that even though every effort was made to avoid an inflationary experience under decimalisation it did arise. That was the practical experience of all of us when decimalisation was introduced. Now, we are departing from the tax rates that existed prior to the introduction of VAT, those rates which were carefully worked out by the Department of Finance in conjunction with the trade and itemised down so that there would be little or no change, and we are increasing the tax rates apart from zero rate in the next category by 1½ per cent, in the following category by 3 per cent and in the final category by 6½ per cent.

There straight away is an in-built inflationary trend because you are going to have X percentage of that over and above increase going into the pockets of people along the commercial highway. It is as plain as night follows day that unless the increases under VAT were tied to the previous indirect tax situation that existed, unless that was done meticulously, the way was being opened to the flood gates of price increases that can be done at various levels of commercial activity.

It is happening already and will happen to a greater degree and all in the interests of pursuing an election promise which could never have been achieved, an election promise designed to ensure the elimination of a Government—I have nothing against that, it is part of a democratic process—and which was so ill-thought out and ill-conceived that it will result not in a reduction in food prices but in a substantial increase in food prices which we are already witnessing, it will result in the transfer of £16,750,000 from the VAT on food to these other items I have mentioned without any benefit in regard to food prices. The £16.75 million saved in regard to the removal of VAT on food will not reflect itself at all in a 5 per cent reduction of food prices. We already see evidence of that trend.

All that will happen is that food prices will go up. There will be no reduction of 5 per cent or any other percentage in food prices after early September because the price control measures will be totally ineffective. The food consumer loses, the Exchequer loses and, furthermore, the Exchequer loss in that area is being translated by the policy of the new Government into the area I have mentioned where there is massive in-built inflation by reason of the increased rates over and above the rates carefully constructed by the Department of Finance and the Minister for Finance under the original VAT scheme.

If that was not enough to add further to the inflation, we have this pretended effort to remove VAT from the inelastic area—food—and transfer it to the elastic area, where there is going to be a massive increase in consumption by reason of the improved standard of living. People cannot consume any more than an X amount of food but they can buy any number of these other items—the elastic items. They will not eat more by reason of the next pay agreement. They are going to buy more and more of the items whose prices have been substantially increased in the various categories I have mentioned over the zero category because the appetite is limitless in regard to consumption under the non-food categories.

This is a situation where a highly-elastic area has been opened up, where more money is going to be pumped in, where people are going to buy more of these goods and services at greater cost and are going to demand more money in the way of salary and reward to pay for the increased amounts. It is a classical case not just of inflation induced by itself or by natural processes or induced by international trade or the vagaries of international commerce but inflation deliberately encouraged and fostered by Government policy.

In order to ensure that a uniform tax such as VAT has the lowest possible effect on the cost of living it must be spread across the board at the lowest possible rate. This will result in the minimum amount of dislocation as far as the consumer is concerned. The situation now is that that basic principle has been departed from and instead we have a situation within the VAT structure in which the cost of living will be increased in very definite areas adding considerably to the inflationary spiral.

Our economy will not improve in the year ahead unless inflation is tackled vigorously. The Government show no sign of tackling it seriously. Along with the total failure which I submit is involved in regard to this particular tax measure, we have a situation in which in a number of other areas the Government are not facing up to responsibility.

I will mention another very practical matter which again, concerns the Exchequer and which is again adding to the inflationary spiral. I refer to the removal of the health charges from the rates. Here at a cost of £12.7 million, just like waving a wand again, health charges are removed from the rates to the Exchequer. That is excellent for one year and over a four-year period health charges are to be removed altogether from the rates. It will not be £12.7 million but £20 million next year or something more.

The Exchequer is being circumscribed and hemmed in because of a specific Government commitment. Because of the anchor to specific election promises nothing can be done to help the people who are really affected by inflation. I am referring to the earned income allowance and the personal allowance situation in regard to income tax payers.

The question of income tax is not a matter for what used to be referred to as the middle class. Income tax now affects every worker. Our society depends fundamentally as any society does, on the people who work and invest in the community. This Finance Bill is a disincentive to any firm who wants to work or invest. The one area of encouragement in that direction has been totally ignored. In the interests of pursuing election mirages, in the field of transferring health charges from rates to the Central Fund, in the jiggering around with the value-added tax we find the Government circumscribed to the extent that they can do nothing for the taxpayers. There is no point in telling me that the increase from £74 to £104, under section 2 in the earned income allowance of a wife's earnings is anything marvellous. That figure was set out in section 141 of the Act of 1967. After six years of a fall in the value of money the earned income allowance concerned with a wife's earnings has been raised from £74 to £104. There is no use talking about that. That is merely rectifying, and not even rectifying, a situation that has arisen by reason of the erosion in the value of money.

The same thing applies to the dependent relative allowance under section 4 of the Bill which was raised from £295 to £347. These are mere matters of rectification in regard to allowances by reason of the fall in the value of money. What has been done in any real sense in regard to the earned income allowances? They should be increased. Personal allowances should be increased for the people who are making this economy of ours work. They are the people who are asking the questions at the present time: the people in jobs, the people who invest, people who are carrying our country. They are asking very serious questions about the budget and the Finance Bill which was geared, first of all, to the promises made in the general election and, secondly, tailored for a Presidential election which was to come two weeks afterwards following the budget. It worked the first time but it did not work the second time.

Similarly, you see the lack of thinking in regard to the people who work, invest and contribute to the community in section 3 on what has been called the plough-back provision in regard to children's allowances over the level of £2,500 a year. If there is a new pay agreement, there will be many people in this category. We will have a situation in which people over that level with big families who are doing things in our community, buying houses with furnishings up by 6½ per cent, paying as they will be—unless the Government step in again with something or other—increased mortgage rates.

As far as children's allowances are concerned, I appreciate that it is £2,500 net and that there are allowances in income tax to bring it down to that figure, but, at the same time, there is a massive injustice in this situation. On one side of the barrier a person with a small family is included. On the other side of the barrier a person with a large family is excluded. Surely some brains might have been devoted to the question of grading children's allowances in some way on a scaled basis in regard to the members of one's family. That would have been a very logical way to approach it if the Government were concerned about saving £1 million in this income tax provision. Some thought could have been given to providing for a figure way ahead of £2,500 related to the numbers of the particular individual's family. No thought was given to that. Again, we have the people who have secured nothing in the way of a personal allowance and nothing in the way of an earned income allowance. People in these categories go well below £2,500 a year.

People in the £2,500 and upwards bracket who have got nothing under either of these two headings are being further penalised under tax provisions that heretofore existed whereby they could get the full benefit of their children's allowance. The ridiculous situation now is that the man with a large family who is over that particular level is in the situation where his wife collects the children's allowances and he gets no tax remission for them and is, in effect, paying income tax equivalent to what his wife receives by way of children's allowances.

The budget shows a total lack of imagination in regard to the whole question of family incomes. I appreciate that there are substantial increases in children's allowances and increases in the various social welfare allowances. The two parties who fought vigorously to secure our entry into the EEC made it quite plain in May, 1972, that the moneys we would save, in the region of £30 million in agricultural subsidies by reason of our pending membership of the EEC, would be devoted to the less well-off categories of our community, particularly people in receipt of social welfare and other allowances. The allowances in the budget are by and large the sort of allowances that would have been brought in by any Government.

There was a total commitment by the two parties who fought for our entry into Europe to the less well-off sections of our community, that this compensation would be made available to them. There is no point in using honeyed phrases of social development and the achievement of social justice. This is a practical matter of legitimate increases to which these people were entitled by reason of specific guarantees given to them by the Fianna Fáil Party and the Fine Gael Party in fighting to secure the support of the people for the referendum in May, 1972. That particular aspect was regarded as a hallucination on our part by the Labour Party. However, a 14-point programme can bring strange bedfellows together.

Even though I agree that the increases in the children's allowances may appear to be big, I would say they should be even bigger and that the area of social welfare to which the Government should now apply their brains is the whole question of family income. If, as is apparent, the Government cannot do anything about the rising cost of foodstuffs, instead of setting up a whole apparatus of inspectors in the Department of Industry and Commerce —and we have to get this costed out sometime—to control prices, which they cannot control, they should apply their brains to finding a way to rectify it. The way to rectify this is quite evidently by increasing substantially family incomes. Who is the person worst affected by the increasing rise in foodstuffs? It is the woman with a large family. By increasing family income and children's allowances it would enable them to pay for these increased foodstuffs. They should be substantially increased.

I may be talking to wooden ears in this respect, but it is far better to compensate for the increase in the cost of living in that manner and be open and straightforward about it than to pursue some vague objective of price control and hire a whole lot of administrative mercenaries to seek to administer it for you and try to battle against a tide which is inevitable. The public will find out very quickly—and there is certain evidence that they have already found out—that any Government who make promises they are unable to keep are pursuing a very idle, fruitless and hopeless objective. It is the old Lincoln adage of fooling some of the people some of the time. It can happen some of the time but it cannot happen all the time.

It would have been a far more honest exercise for the Government to face up to price increases and to say: "Right, we will compensate the people who are hit most by the price increases in regard to food," and to decide on substantially increased social welfare allowances. I mention only the area of family allowances where obviously the impact is greater, particularly with large families. All social welfare recipients are affected, for example, the old age pensioners, the handicapped, et cetera. An assessment of substantially increased social welfare allowances, well ahead of what was included in this budget and Finance Bill, would be a far better approach to the problem than the futile transferring of value-added tax, the establishment of price control machinery, installation of inspectors and the whole panoply of bluff in regard to the ordinary people of this country. I feel strongly that there has been a grave omission in this area by the present Government. The chickens will come home to roost very quickly in that direction.

The other area on which I should like to comment is this. The farming community have been misguided by election promises included in the 14-point programme. I do not see any reason why Opposition parties seeking power should not make guarantees to any group in the community provided they are reasonably achievable. But there is no point telling farmers that death duties can be eliminated at the drop of a hat. That is the type of commitment involved in the nomenclature, which I will read, of the 14-point plan. In this particular area the commitment was so fantastically specific as to defy description. However, there is no harm in quoting it again from the Irish Independent of 8th February, 1973:

With a view to relieving the heavy and unjust burden on ordinary house purchasers and farmers, the National Coalition Government will abolish estate duties on property passing on death to widows and their children and replace them with taxation confined to the really wealthy and to property passing on death outside the immediate family.

That is the sort of language used: "will abolish estate duties". As a Government, they now realise the realities involved. They bring up something which would have been done by any Government in power. They have raised the minimum limit from £7,500 to £10,000. But that does not even keep pace with the minimum inflation in land values since the former limit. That is something any Minister for Finance in any year would have done automatically. Even a Minister for Finance from a Communist party, who never referred to the matter in his life, would bring in a Finance Bill to raise the limit from £7,500 to £10,000. That was just elementary recognition of land values increasing to that sum. This is what we have instead of a specific commitment to abolish death duties. The same thing applies to legacy, succession and estate duties—the three forms of death duty.

Here again disillusionment has set in. It comes back to the point I made earlier about the disillusionment of the ordinary people who are concerned about inflation and price rises. In this case you have the disillusionment of a very important section of the community, a section who carry the main burden in the export field. I do not want to elaborate on what the President of the National Farmers' Association has said about the integrity and word of the Minister for Finance. He speaks for himself. I should like merely to endorse what he has said, and his opinion is in accord not just with our experience but with that of the general public of the Government since announcing this 14-point plan. It is impossible to trust people who rush into print. I sympathise with the Taoiseach in this respect because he himself is a careful and cautious man. I sympathise with him in regard to some of the people with whom he has to deal. He had to deal with them last December. He still has them on his hands. They are giddygoat people who, verbally and in writing, tend to over-stress matters.

I do not think this 14-point plan was necessary. The change of Government resulted from an ordinary natural move of the people. Fianna Fáil had been there for 16 years and it was time for a change. There was no need to corrupt the people. The people are incorruptible, thanks be to God. There was no need to try to corrupt the people by announcing a 14-point plan and specifying promises which have only got the Government into trouble. If the Government were straight with the people and went to them as a coalition and said: "We want to get these fellows out." I am certain the people might have obliged them. I am being totally honest. Why should they hang these 14 points around their neck and put themselves into a situation in which they have shown themselves incapable of dealing with prices, inflation, handling Exchequer finances—all because they have circumscribed themselves, in the Exchequer sense, by commitments into which they need not have entered and which are now crucifying them. This is leading them on as a Government to a situation where they will be in an appalling mess by the next budget, because the £40 million deficit is an unprecedented gamble by the present Government.

The previous Government introduced for the first time a substantial deficit in last year's budget. That deficit was introduced deliberately and explained in the Dáil by the then Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley. Last April and May 12 months it was explained by him in the Dáil to be a deficit in anticipation of our entry into the European Economic Community and in being in a position to make use of the funds which would accrue—and they have accrued to the Government since then. That was a legitimate deficit for a specific purpose. This deficit of £40 million in the present year is one which amounts to a leap into the dark and a gamble with the future of the economy of this country. This is a deficit which will lead to enormous trouble when the pay agreement has been negotiated—and I firmly hope it will be negotiated—and also because of the Coalition Government's 14-point plan. It does not deserve the word "plan", but that is what it is called.

As far as we on this side of the House are concerned, we have given constructive opposition in this Seanad since it was established. We will continue to do that; but we must point out the areas of fundamental importance to the economy of our country and warn that we are heading for very serious trouble if the problems of these areas are not tackled. I will not use any more emotive language than that. I do not like using disaster language. But we are heading for very serious trouble if the prices and inflation issues are not tackled.

Inflation—the basic issue—can be tackled by a Government which faces the problem. I have pointed out one area in which it can be tackled, that is, by providing substantial allowances to the working and investing people under the income tax code. Unless it is tackled in a positive way like this we are heading for serious trouble. It can be tackled in an elementary way in regard to estate duty by the simple expedient of raising the artificial value of land. I give that as a hint to the Department of Finance. This would be a much better way of doing it than talking about messing around with the estate duty system. This cannot be done because of specific arrangements we have with the British Government, as the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance well know.

The important area to tackle is inflation and we cannot get down to tackling that until something is done about our income tax code. It is in that area fundamentally that we wish to encourage the workers and the investors in our community. Unless we do something better than the negative, niggardly thinking incorporated in this Bill and unless the energies of the Government are devoted to a very substantial remission and improvement in the income tax code by way of earned income allowance and personal allowances so as to ensure that the workers and the investors in the community are given a far freer rein than they have now, then the country will be in serious trouble. Fundamentally we are all dependent on the people who work and create wealth and these are the people who must be encouraged and these are the people who are crucified in this Budget, crucified at the altar of political expediency.

I do not share much of the pessimism of the previous speaker, but inflation is a real problem for any Government. The arrangements made in the Finance Bill, as I hope to show, go some measure towards tackling this. The economic policy of the present Government may be taken from one sentence from the Taoiseach's address, in which he stated:

Every encouragement must therefore be given to the exploitation of new ideas and improved methods which will help to secure and indeed widen employment opportunity here for all our people.

The accent is being placed quite rightly on new ideas and improved methods with the ultimate aim of more secure and wider employment.

That is the right aim and for many years we have been led on much too much by the ideal of gross national product. Has anyone ever died for such a concept as a gross national product? People can understand and appreciate that the job of a modern State is to provide reasonably secure employment for its citizens. That is a task we are committed to and in the present circumstances, with the approach being used and with the opportunities provided by the Common Market, we should achieve this aim.

I welcome in section 21 the tax reliefs granted to contributions given to universities for the purpose of furthering research in approved subjects. This is following the aim I have quoted to get new ideas and improved methods. I am somewhat disturbed by the narrow range of those mentioned, such as industrial relations and marketing. We know both of those are highly important and also there is an escape clause which states:

Any other subject which is approved for the purpose of this section by the Minister for Finance.

The lesson we can learn from the past is that investment in research is largely unpredictable. One never knows the area of investment that will give the greatest dividend; and although it is obvious that the two areas mentioned should produce results, any other area of research, provided there is a research leader in charge who has imagination and ability, is worth comparable treatment and is likely to prove of great value to the community.

I will instance one area. We are all concerned to see computerisation and investment at all levels, whether in educational institutions, research institutions or in industry, into computers. The cost at present must be approximately £20 million to £30 million. It is growing so fast it will probably pass the £100 million within three to four years. It is a type of industry where at present we are paying out for the machinery, and both the hardware and the software have to come largely from outside, from IBM centres, et cetera. Our only hope of getting a national counter-production to this is to be able to develop either hardware or software in the computer field within the country. Hardware is out—that is the job of the giants, the job of those building new computers, et cetera. We have many computers and we have some firms who are doing interesting work in them but the amount they can take is very small.

The software part of this industry, which is the provision of codes and programmes that tell the computer what to do to achieve a certain objective, is largely a brain power job. We can do it just as well as any group anywhere else. Like the Swiss with their watch and other precision industries, this is the type of industry which depends on the ability of the individual, and it is this we should try to cultivate. Research money diverted into this will produce comparable gains to industrial relations and marketing. There is enormous potential there. I appeal to the Government to interpret this very literally and look at the man, not at the project. If you are satisfied that the man who will head the project has the ability to do that job, that he has some brain power and some creativity, that is the essential.

There is also the question of restricting this to the universities. I might appear to be talking against my own group in saying that but, frankly, I do not see any reason for this restriction. I do not see any reason why money given to the Agricultural Institute, the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, the Social and Economic Research Institute or to any other institute for specific work along those lines, especially for work in marketing problems, industrial relations and so on, would not pay equal dividends. I commend what has been done. It is, I believe, only a first instalment and I hope the next Finance Bill will widen the scope of this.

We have had incentives offered to writers and other artists in the past. Now we have incentives offered to inventors. I think that is well worth while but I think we could move along a little further in this field. There is a project that appeals to me and which was mooted by the late Reverend Father Coyne, who was a very distinguished President of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society. He had a vision of developing in Ireland, particularly in regions such as the South coast, colonies for retired people which would include the building and creation of services for them. He envisaged giving certain tax concessions to them to encourage them to settle in those areas. Perhaps the developers could interest themselves in that type of project.

I am not very enamoured by developers nor am I enamoured by the provision of office blocks—perhaps they are a necessary evil in our society— but the development of colonies or settlements where essential services would be provided to make retirement more enjoyable for people to settle in those places, that type of development, which would be aimed at attracting people from America, England and elsewhere, would be a real, integrated one and would be well worth while.

The same type of development is worth exploring in the educational field where we could provide residential schools. People in England and America are looking for places such as those. It is a type of permanent tourism on which we could well set our sights. We have the manpower and teaching personnel to undertake such a development. We have also got the philosophy and the approach that would make those people want to send their children to our educational institutions. Far from closing residential schools, which unfortunately happened in some places in the last few years, we should be seeking to get students from abroad to fill them.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator is straying rather wide of the Finance Bill.

I intend to come back to the land again now. I do not see anything wrong with the tax we have placed on the old reliables. It is something we have learned to expect and, in any event, it is only just to ensure that the tax percentage on those items will remain the same as it was a few years ago, taking inflation into account. It would probably make things easier for those paying tax on drink, tobacco and so on if the Minister for Finance showed that the tax collected on those items was used to confer some special benefit on, say, the old age pensioners or some other needy group. If that was done the pint drinker would know that the increase of 2p on his pint was going to somebody in the social welfare classes. It is the type of balancing the Minister for Finance could well use.

I want to touch, very briefly, on the death duties question. I do not join in the criticisms of Senator Lenihan and the farming organisations on this question because it is something that will take time to work out. Probably the frustration of the farming organisation, expressed by their leader, Mr. Maher, is due to a lack of understanding of the complexity of the problem. I do not think there is any doubt about the Government's willingness and ability to fulfil that promise within the next year when the promised review of taxation is being carried out. On the other hand, I sympathise with the farming organisation when they see some of their members becoming victims of this tax. In honouring the promise the Government have given, I think the adjustment, when it comes in 12 months' time, could well be retrospective to the date on which the Government took office or some date reasonably close to that.

If a Fianna Fáil Government were still in power they would have to make like adjustments because the whole kernel of the death duties situation, so far as land is concerned, is that the greatly inflated values of land due to our accession to the Common Market —land has doubled in price over the last one and a half years—has meant that totally unsustainable and unrealistic figures are charged at present on land. They are figures that would make it impossible for a unit to continue functioning economically. Any of us do not wish to see such a situation continuing because our primary objective should be to ensure that all our land is raised to its fullest possible level of production. Only in doing that can we ensure the full development of the country. It would be wrong and shortsighted to have a tax system that militated against farmers.

The Government have in the present Finance Bill taken many measures that will bring considerable relief in the field of death duties. The reliefs for widows, which we are familiar with and for which we have been fighting over the last 12 years, have been doubled in the present Bill. That is a very valuable concession. It means that in the case of a widow with four children the total estate would have to be almost £50,000 before any death duties are claimed.

For people outside agriculture such a concession goes a long way to meeting most of their worries. The only question I would raise is that in this age of equality, where we have been debating about women's rights, what about the rights of men? Because the present concession—and this has been a defect over the past six to eight years—makes no provision whatsoever for the widower who is left with a family. We know the modern approach —and one to be commended—where husband and wife are joint partners in their estate. If the husband dies the reliefs here can be claimed; but if the wife dies—and I say this subject to correction—as the Act stands at present there is absolutely no relief for the husband or the dependent children. That should be put right as soon as possible. It is obviously wrong and against the whole thinking of our times.

The Government made an effort in this to try to bring some relief to the owners of small and medium farms that would be involved in the death duties by increasing from £2,000 to £3,000 the notional valuation that would be acceptable. Valuation is taken as 40 times the poor law valuation. Taking reasonable land at £1 valuation per acre it will mean that a farm of 70 acres would be valued at £2,800 and would qualify to be classed on a notional basis. If that were valued at market value it probably would be valued at £20,000, with of course the consequent unreal boost to the estate. That is where the estate is being passed on to a member of the family.

While that helps a little it does not cater for the farms of 70 acres or more. These are still completely open to the unreal values that the market forces on them today. Consequently, I would ask the Taoiseach to tell us, when replying, if it is at all possible to give some promise that the new scheme to be introduced will be made retrospective in the case of land and so that those dying this year will not be placed at a disadvantage compared to those dying next year.

Now I should like to touch on the thorny question of income tax on farmers. The main consideration here is the tremendous need for capital in Irish agriculture if it is to reach its potential. The average farm in Ireland today is capable of carrying twice or three times as much stock than at present and we would hope over the next eight or ten years to achieve that doubling of the cattle population. We have made a good start already. It is very heartening to see that last year the increase in stock retained was 11 per cent. If we keep that up we will double our stock numbers in seven to eight years. However, the bill last year for doing that was £15 million; that was the estimate of the value of retained stock. That is only a first instalment because more housing, more silage facilities, more planned layout on the farm is all needed. We are moving into high cost industry because agriculture, from being the low cost industry of the past, is now one of the highest cost industries we have. It probably costs anything from £40,000 to £50,000 to place a worker in employment in agriculture. Yet it is worthwhile and valuable.

The whole force of the tax code and everything else we have should be aimed at getting as quick a development in agriculture as we can. That means encouraging by every means possible the farmers to plough back as much as they can into their farms so as to bring them up as soon as possible. It is obviously much more desirable that the farmers should stint themselves in their spending and plough back that addition rather than spend more and merely be paying the interest to loan companies based on the stock involved. A recent survey spoke of £500 million as the cost of this development. We just cannot borrow unless we want to put ourselves and the country into pawn to the bankers of Europe and elsewhere. The main bulk of it will have to come from the savings of the farmers themselves. Therefore a tax code will and can in the next five to ten years be of great assistance in gently forcing our people to plough back money into the development of their land. In ten years time, when it is capitalised and producing more, there will not be so much need for continuing the very high rate of plough back. There will be more contribution to general taxation. In designing a tax code that can be kept in mind.

I have no sympathy whatsoever with the man with large acreage who is just working that at one-third efficiency and making good money which he spends. By all means tax him and take whatever is right and proper from him. But in the case of the man who is prepared to plough back money, then, just as we do in industry, we should allow that against any tax we put on the farmer.

It is just applying the system that has proved useful in getting industries developed. In this Bill we have the continuation for a further two years of this accelerated programme for investment in industry, where up to 100 per cent of the capital investment can be written off in the one year. Those methods can be transferred over to farming, because by and large today farming is an industry just the same as any other industry, and unfortunately it is a very capital intensive industry. On the other hand, the opportunities and the openings provided for the young men on the land are, I believe, superior to those provided in industry. I know the Government will keep in mind that what is needed is expansion. We do not want to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. We want to hatch out the eggs before we kill the goose.

Finally, I should like to refer to the question of VAT on food. I could not follow Senator Lenihan's logic on that point. If on 3rd September there is a 5 per cent increase in food prices that has not to be paid, obviously the price has to be reduced by that amount. Whatever increases are going on at present and have gone on over the last couple of months are inevitable whether or not VAT is there. They are part of having to absorb the general wage round increases that we have had. This is part of the whole process of inflation. A 5 per cent reduction at a specific point is absolutely real and I cannot see any legitimate grounds for doubting why it should be effective.

We may consider that people are spending too much money on certain luxuries. We may also feel that they could spend more on food to preserve the health of their children. Any action which reduces the cost of food enables the people to buy more food. We have not reached saturation point in the consumption of food by our people. The reduction of 5 per cent should result in some increase in the consumption of food.

This of course will mean with the balancing up of VAT, that there will have to be a certain curtailment in some of the other spending. That is all to the good. Our bill for the consumption of alcohol of £110 million a year could do with a slice. Anything which brings the food consumption up to what is regarded as a proper level is to be encouraged and is worthwhile. There is very little we can do under EEC regulations because we have to phase out the subsidies on our dairy products. Therefore, the only thing we can do is in this control of VAT. Anything we can do that will reduce the price of food is a move in the right direction in the present circumstances.

I should like to comment briefly on estate duties as they stand at present. We have on the Schedule a highly complicated table. For instance, an estate valued at between £40,000 and £45,000 is taxed at 24 per cent. Once it goes over the £45,000 it gets into the bracket of 27 per cent to 30 per cent. I would ask the Government to depart from this archaic system of jump assessment of tax and let it be a continuous one. As things stand, a person whose estate is £1 under £20,000 has to pay 12 per cent tax, which is £2,400. If he is £1 over £20,000 he has to pay at the rate of 14 per cent, which is £2,800. These anomalies have come up again and again. They have been criticised in the Seanad and elsewhere and still they persist. Why cannot these percentages be based on incremental bases? The first £5,000 carries tax of so much, the next £5,000 carries tax of so much again, and the next £5,000 carries tax of so much again. That gives a continuous scale of taxation and gets away from those jumps, which are totally wrong. It means that by having £2 over a certain figure you lose £400 in taxation.

I should like to draw the attention of the Minister to another matter. I was doing a few sums and I was amazed to find that, if an estate goes up from £40,000 to £45,000, of the additional £5,000 the tax claims 2.4 per cent of that. If the estate is between £45,000 and £50,000, of the additional £5,000 the tax claims 2.7 per cent of it. It is progressive. When we reach £50,000 to £55,000, the tax claims 3.0 per cent. From £55,000 to £60,000 the tax claims 3.3 per cent out of the £5,000. After £60,000, for some reason I cannot account for, the tax drops down. The highest tax level is between estates of £50,000 and £60,000. They are taxed at a rate of £6,300 out of the £10,000. Whereas at £150,000 for an extra £10,000 the change is only 5.3 per cent. It seems to be one of those oddities which has crept into the table. Knowing that the Government are committed in the next year to getting rid of all those oddities, it would be no harm to put at least this one more oddity—or shall we give it the modern name of "anomaly"? —on record and hope that it will go the way of all the others.

I do not think it is very necessary to make a long speech on the Finance Bill. The Finance Bill, 1973, incorporates many proposals. The opening speech by Senator Lenihan creates a certain degree of confusion. One gets the impression from the people on the other side of the House that if they happened to have been in Government, if they happened to have been introducing a budget, or if they happened to have been introducing a Finance Bill in either of these Houses, they would redistribute income and create a new society in Ireland.

If Senator Lenihan or his colleagues propose to redistribute and equalise income, then let them have the honesty and clarity to put that into the record of this House. Let us be clear what we are about. Whatever criticisms may be made of the present Government one thing that cannot be denied is that they inherited an appalling situation. They inherited a society in which, for example, one-fifth of the children were condemned to live in conditions of distress and poverty. Séamus Ó Cinnéide of the Institute of Public Administration, in his attempt to define a poverty line in Ireland, ended up with a figure of nearly 24 per cent of the people living in conditions of poverty; one child in five of the nation condemned to living in conditions of poverty; the majority of the widows of the country live in conditions of poverty.

I consider that this budget, which Senator Lenihan has commented upon, as being above all else a social distress budget. The provisions are an attempt to lift the worst hit sections of the population to a certain degree out of the distress into which they have fallen. We have heard talk of victims of inflation and victims of all sorts of impersonal forces. We are dealing here with the lives of people, people who are victims of an inhuman and unjust society, victims of a government in which Senator Lenihan took part. Let us be clear in allocating blame. If Senator Lenihan wants to say he would have introduced a more radical measure, would have redistributed income and equalised incomes, then I will welcome receiving that information from his colleagues.

The term "poverty" was used in the Taoiseach's speech. It has been used a number of times since the budget was introduced and was commented upon. There are two kinds of poverty. There is the poverty which arises from basic inequalities in society towards which you must restructure your economy to redistribute resources equally for all the citizens. Then there is social distress. I believe the budget went a long way towards reducing social distress. That fact should be very simply recorded. Eliminating inequality is a different thing.

What then is Senator Lenihan talking about? He is not committed to any radical changes in economics. He is not committed to any radical changes of a social welfare kind. He does not criticise the Finance Bill on these grounds. What he is trying to tell us is that he would be more efficient at relieving distress. With the greatest respect, I suggest that Senator Lenihan had a very long time to relieve distress. The only thing we can see as a result of it is that this society is one of the most degraded, inhuman and unjust societies in Europe at the time at which his party left office. I hope that, when the present Government leaves office, at least the number of widows, children and those people who have benefited to some degree from this budget will not be in the same abject condition.

Remember what we are discussing. It would be very easy for me in my position to avoid comment. I believe in radical financial changes, restructuring our economy, changing our society. Am I then to criticise a measure which improves the position, for example, of children? One child in five has been committed to living in conditions of poverty with all its related effects on education, marked down for life and with no possibilities of improvement. It was a social distress budget, and must be discussed in terms of those limited aims and in terms of its efficiency.

There has been a great deal of talk concerning some minor aspects. I would commend, for such people in this and the other Chamber who wish to indulge in that, that they get housekeeping diplomas. There could be one awarded in Seanad and the Dáil for the people who, for example, go through the Bill and say: "This does not include petrol of such and such a grade, and should include petrol of another grade." Fine, those people's talents are very necessary, but I shudder to think of their predominating in the decision-making processes of this country.

Senator Quinlan has made a valid point, which I wish to take up, concerning section 21 of the Bill, relating to payments to universities. He said that, under section 21, there is specification of the purposes for which payments can be made to universities under conditions of tax exemption. These are listed, in (2) (a), (b) and (c), as industrial relations, marketing and any other subjects which is approved for the purposes of this section by the Minister for Finance. I think that (c) needs to be specified and broadened. Industrial relations and marketing are specific terms, but (c) is rather vague, so one could get the impression that the sums paid would be primarily for applied rather than for fundamental research.

In this regard I share the concern of Professor Quinlan. It is my own belief that the type of research which is necessary and for which we need a great amount of assistance is fundamental rather than applied research. The relationship between industrialised and industrialising countries— indeed between industrialised nations and the Third World generally—is one of exploitation in science policy. If they tend to invest overwhelmingly in applied rather than fundamental research, they are inextricably linked to a certain type of exploitative relationship.

I do not think that industrial relations and marketing are the areas which need the greatest amount of research at the present time. I mentioned earlier the statistics of shame, of poverty—about which Senator Lenihan is so proud—that Seamus Ó Cinnéide of the Institute of Public Administration produced when he gave us a rough approximation, in his own terms, and in his own document, of the extent of poverty in our society. These, I feel, are statistics of shame. They are a reflection on all of us. Many of us were not militant enough in putting an end to that type of poverty and distress.

There is a great necessity for research on charting the extent and implications of poverty and distress in our society. Future Finance Bills—I have said that this Finance Bill is a social distress document—should be much broader and more radical. I hope that, if at some time Senator Lenihan introduces a Finance Bill, it will be as radical as I would wish, that it will put an end to exploitation once and for all and to talk about the economy being reorganised. At present, I see the Finance Bill as a measure that has gone some way towards relieving distress. This is not to be confused with reducing inequality in our society and of using the available resources in the interests of all our people.

In that respect, I am very glad that the Taoiseach made the following reference in his speech, in relation to section 14:

The Minister for Industry and Commerce is at present reviewing the fiscal policy in relation to mining in the light of the report of the interdepartmental committee.

I hope that other speakers on all sides of the House will welcome such legislation as is necessary to use the resources of this country, particularly in relation to mining, and the fantastic resources which are on the Atlantic Shelf in the interest of all of the community. Then we can speak with a joint voice and social commitment.

It is not with any great pleasure that I have rebuked Senator Lenihan for the tone of his address. It is less than honest to try to suggest that you could have a sensitive deficit budget one year and you could have a bankrupt deficit budget another year. Indeed, when you examine the figures in the so-called sensitive deficit budget of last year, and with more rigorous accounting procedures than are used generally in the public Press, it is extremely doubtful whether it was a deficit budget at all. The present budget has gone some way towards relieving the tremendous degradation into which our society has fallen. It is of course no excuse for the creation of the political will to seek out the root causes of poverty. That will not take place until we have made a firm commitment to reducing the existing inequality in our society, the monopoly of ownership of resources and ensuring that when future resources have developed that they will be brought into use in the interests of all of the community.

Tribute should be paid to the Minister for Finance and the Government for the very far-reaching social welfare benefits which this Finance Bill provides. Not only are there substantial increases in existing benefits, but there are some radical changes in our social welfare structure yielding still further benefits. I refer to the granting, as a first step towards the 65 age target of old age pensions at 69, the abolition of the means test as it applies to the non-contributory old age pensioners, which provides for an income of £4 per week or £208 per year in addition to the full old-age pension; and the extension of children's allowances from 16 to 18 in certain cases. These are three very necessary and desirable social welfare benefits. In relation to children between 16 and 18, it must be accepted that at this age they are most costly on parents' incomes.

With regard to health services and the removal of health charges from local to central funds, I was amazed to hear Senator Lenihan plead that this was an adverse decision. In any country a national service such as health should be directly financed from central funds, as is education. As a member of a local authority I found that our position was becoming intolerable and that we were being submerged by the growing impact year after year of the health services on the local authority rates.

This had the negative result of forcing us to accept that there was a limit to the amount the taxpayers could meet at local authority level. The health estimate was a mandatory one which had to be met even if it resulted in a reduction in spending on the other essentials of local authority development such as housing, water, sewerage and public amenities. This decision on the part of the Government to remove over four years the ever-growing charges of the health services from local authorities is a very desirable and welcome development and it will give local authorities and their elected representatives the opportunity of concentrating their taxation on the issues which really matter to local ratepayers. We have reached the point where many ratepayers on fixed incomes or small incomes find it beyond their capacity to meet their commitments and, were it not for this relief, there would be a serious arrears situation.

Senator Lenihan criticised the Government for removing VAT from food. We should advise Senator Lenihan that when turnover tax was first imposed on food it was opposed by both the Fine Gael and Labour Parties. In our opinion, it should never have been imposed, having regard to our levels of incomes and our standard of living. The previous speaker referred rightly to an independent serious statistical investigation made into the living standards of a wide cross-section of our society less than two years ago. It revealed the alarming situation that 24 per cent, approximately, of our people were living below the poverty line. This announcement was not only a serious indictment of the Government but of all who had condoned and accepted that situation. We look on this Finance Bill as a first major step towards removing that gross injustice on such a very high proportion of our society. It does not at this stage go as far as would be desirable but the pumping in of £38 million, in one stroke, is of unprecedented significance and will make a valuable contribution towards giving a reasonable livelihood to a vast number of our social welfare recipients.

It is fitting that in any discussion on finance and taxation reference should be made to our income tax code. From the working class and trade union centres it must be clearly stated that real disquiet and grave disappointment exist at the manner in which the personal allowances and the earned income allowances have remained stagnant for so many years, considering the rate of inflation. It is one of the bugbears of the wage and salary earners to see that the wage or salary adjustments from which so much was expected at the negotiating table resulted in so little due to the impact of income tax. With the promises, the dedication and the honesty demonstrated by the Government to the less privileged and less well-off, I hope that when the opportunity arises at an early date, we will get an equitable taxation system which will bring into the taxation net all who have incomes and all those who are capable of making contribution and that we will get a well-deserved relief in earned income and personal allowances.

It was amusing to hear Senator Lenihan advancing this suggestion. Surely he must recall that for 16 uninterrupted years in the Government he met representatives of the trade unions and of the Congress seeking to have the income tax code, as it is at present constituted, drastically changed to provide for increases in both personal allowances and other allowances. Those representations must have fallen on deaf ears because there was no beneficial result. Senator Lenihan in Opposition is a welcome convert to the cause for a complete review of the personal allowances and the income tax allowances as they reflect on the wage and salary earners. We must applaud this finance Bill as a first major step towards a proper social welfare structure and, we hope, towards an equitable taxation system.

The present inflationary spiral is causing grave anxiety to all. We are all anxious to know where this spiral will end. It has gone up alarmingly in recent months. The nation places on the Government the obligation of arranging the affairs of State and also of budgeting for the nation's housekeeping. If the cost of living goes beyond the capacity of large segments of the people to meet, then the Government are failing in their job.

Particular attention must always be paid to alleviating hardships to social welfare beneficiaries. Any moneys obtained by those people are well-deserved, irrespective of what Government are in power. We must always be scrupulously fair in helping the poor, the aged, the sick and the widows. It is accepted by many economists that this Finance Bill is inflationary. Many hold the view that this is a rich man's budget. If this is true, there is a grave failure on the part of the Government. If the desired balance between giving increased incentives to the deprived and struggling sections of the community and, at the same time, sustaining and increasing economic growth, is not clearly to be seen in the budgeting by the Government, this lack of balance cannot directly or even indirectly be blamed on world economic depression, world-wide inflation, decreases in production, and so on, but on those entrusted with the governing of the country.

The present Coalition Government came into office to inherit a buoyant economy. We even heard the Minister for Finance and others in his party, and, indeed, members of the Labour Party, telling us in pre-election days how they would dispense the bonanza accrued by the diligence of the Fianna Fáil Party over many years. A very rosy economic picture was painted by those two parties if they came into power but I suggest that when the Minister set about trying to insert into this Bill ways and means of fulfilling the many over-exuberant promises they made he ran into difficulties.

We should look at those promises and see how many of them cannot be fulfilled. The Minister went on record as saying that the promises that Fine Gael and Labour were to implement could be put through if a Coalition Government were elected. Eventually, when he was introducing the budget and Finance Bill in the Dáil he tried to make us believe that there was no bonanza there at all, that Fianna Fáil in the previous few months had spent this money that came about as a benefit from our entry into the EEC. This, of course, was not true. Yet this Government tell us that they are fulfilling all of their election promises. They tell us that the EEC bonanza was not there but still they do not reveal where this money is coming from. They tell us that they really have no jam at all and yet they are giving us jam. It is hard to understand their attitude on this point.

When one reads through this Bill one fails to find any meaningful effort in it to curb inflation. Inflation in food prices is the type of inflation that hits hardest and hits everybody. The Minister claimed that the increases in prices arising from the higher VAT rate would be offset by the reduction in prices of foodstuffs as a result of removing VAT from them. This has not been found to be true and it will still not be found to be true even when VAT is removed from foodstuffs in September.

It has been pointed out to the Minister by the Opposition that he cannot at the same time collect more money and reduce prices by merely manipulating the VAT rates. There is to be a distinction between what are essential and what are non-essentials. I consider there are many household goods, basically essential to the ordinary man in the street, on which VAT is to be increased significantly. When you take this into account, I cannot see how the removal of VAT from food will, in any way, affect the cost of living. As I have already said, household goods are basic comforts nowadays and the poorer and middle-class sections of our society are now being asked to pay more for them.

The Minister tells us that he is to collect more money but that, nevertheless, prices will go down. One does not need to be an economist to know that this is impossible. When one is fighting inflation, the basic consideration should be to build into financial legislation not an incentive to overspend but an incentive to save. There are approximately 30,000 people in this country whose net income is in the region of £2,500 to £3,000 per year. Those people are not the recipients of any form of assistance from any State agency. They have heavy commitments in the matters of housing, education and the maintenance of a certain standard of living. Legislation should not, in any way, deter those people from pursuing their efforts to pay their way as best they can. To urge people to help themselves to better their standard of living should be the aim of all financial and industrial legislation. This type of betterment should be the products of good Government.

Children's allowances will not apply to the people in that particular income bracket. There is encouragement for this type of person to invest in property by going to the bank to raise a loan to meet such an investment and as a consequence pay £400 a year interest on it. That person, when filling in his income tax return form, can have the £400 weighed and he will then qualify for children's allowances. This kind of thing makes this individual merely a speculator.

Debate adjourned.
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