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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 11 Apr 1974

Vol. 77 No. 10

Electoral (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 1973: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

As I was saying last night, the Minister had a difficult job to do in drafting this Bill and in pleasing all the different parties and units in the Coalition Government. He did in his own way try to accommodate his own party in the city constituencies. However, I think those same constituencies will have a kick-back. The Bill will not be as successful as he thinks it will be. He did not do so well for Fine Gael in various constituencies throughout the country. He has practically made sure that in the northern end of the East Mayo constituency there will be no Fine Gael TD for many years to come. The areas where they had a small majority of votes were taken from the East Mayo constituency and put into the West Mayo constituency. I cannot see how that will satisfy the Fine Gael Party. In West Mayo, as I pointed out before, at the last election Fianna Fáil had 300 first preference votes more than the Fine Gael Party but they only returned one candidate. With an extra 1,000 added on to that, I am sure there will be no trouble at all in West Mayo in returning two Fianna Fáil TDs at the next election. I do not think that is very far ahead. I believe that the urgency about this Bill is that we are on the point of an election. God knows the sooner it comes the better. Anybody who takes up today's Irish Independent—which is not recognised as an organ of the Fianna Fáil Party—and reads the first page will see that prices are piling on the agony. I heard some Fine Gael people, when they opened the paper and looked at it, say: “Oh, my God” and they put it in the waste paper basket. They were afraid to read any more, considering that butter has now broken the 30p barrier. The cost of living has risen to such a degree that it is nearly impossible for any family to live in reasonable comfort.

I am sure the actions of the Government are being considered in the minds of the fathers and mothers of young families.

I am afraid the Senator is beginning to wander. He is now going into very general matters.

I am not the only one in this House who has wandered for the past few days. Perhaps I could be excused——

The Senator must confine his wanderings to the map which has been the subject of some discussion during the debate.

It is very difficult to fathom this map. The constituencies are very hard to follow on this map. Areas are taken out of one constituency and put into another. It would be better to get rid of the map and just hope to God that Deputies and Senators remain in their own constituencies when they are travelling round and not, on a 12-mile stretch of road, have to cross the constituency boundary perhaps five times. If a representative in West Mayo wants to travel to the northern part of his constituency he has to cross the constituency boundary about seven times in a matter of 140 to 160 miles. These constituencies could have been arranged so that it would be easier for a Deputy to get around them. I do not think the Minister is very worried about all the travelling Deputies have to do, especially now with the increased price of petrol and the increased car tax rates. It will be very difficult to get around the constituency and do our work in the way we are expected to do it.

The result of the by-election in Monaghan was quite a shock. Now Monaghan and Cavan will be one constituency. There again, I do not think it will be of much benefit to the inter-party Government, the Coalition Government or whatever you want to call them. It is a very sad reflection on the rural areas that Connacht is losing two seats to the Dublin constituencies especially now that Connacht is on the point of building up its population. Despite what our Labour representative said in Ballina about the itinerants, the population will be built up in the west. There are good signs in east and west Mayo of the population increasing by thousands in the next few years.

We know that the Cabinet are a Dublin-orientated Cabinet. In the last Government we had a few Ministers from the west who were capable of representing the Departments they were in but in this Government, from the same area, we have only two Parliamentary Secretaries; we have no Minister. We have one Parliamentary Secretary from Kerry and one from Mayo. The Taoiseach, in selecting his Cabinet, should have considered the western counties. I am sure there are plenty of Deputies from the west who are quite capable of taking charge of any Department. It is hard to blame the Minister for Local Government for this as he is trying to ensure that this Government will last for quite a long time. I should like to assure him that he has made a very poor effort.

It is not the way the Minister divided the constituencies, or gerrymandered them in any way, that will win an election. It is the performance of the Government of the day during their term of office. I am sure that when the next election comes about the people will give that answer no matter how the constituencies are gerrymandered. The people are fed up with what is happening. They want an election; indeed, we all want an election. We want to get some sort of stabilisation of prices and the cost of living. When the election comes, I am sure the Minister will regret the way he has gerrymandered those constituencies and the next time they will be drawn up, it will be a Fianna Fáil Government that will do it.

Senator W. O'Brien rose.

Will it be in order for me to ask if Senator O'Brien may speak?

I hope there will be many more from that side of the House.

It was not my intention to speak on this Bill. I am never happy to associate with a depressed community. I listened yesterday to the Fianna Fáil Party appealing for mercy on one hand and, on the other, some of the Fianna Fáil spokesmen, let them be Blaneyites, Haugheyites or Lynchites—I do not know how to describe them—told us the Labour Party would gain eight seats in Dublin. They may be right. Anybody who examined the last budget would ask where would he go without the Coalition parties. Senator Garrett referred to somebody who got a shock when he read The Independent. I was speaking to a Fianna Fáil supporter recently—he was just over 68 years and married—and the news of the budget came through that himself and his wife would receive £15 per week.

On a point of order, are we discussing the Constituency Bill or the budget?

I am speaking on the Bill.

I think the Senator is going no wider on the Bill than many other speakers in the course of the debate.

He caught my hand and said: "I will never break with the Coalition". I understand the way shock can react. I should now like to pay tribute to the Minister for introducing this Bill. He has taken a lot of criticism. What could the Minister do? Who would he consult? If he went to Donegal—I am sorry my Fianna Fáil Blaneyite-cum-Lynchite is not here—who would he go to? If the Minister went to Mr. Cunningham he would be described as official. If the Minister went to Mr. McGlinchey he would be described as a moderate.

Members of the Oireachtas should be referred to with their titles.

Deputy Blaney, of course, is Independent and has no function.

If the Minister went to Deputy Harte, what would he do?

He would be a mongrel fox.

We are forgetting that for the past few years the Fianna Fáil Minister had an opportunity to introduce the Bill that the present Minister has introduced. But, on the other hand, how would the former Minister design the Bill so as to make sure that the dissidents would go? For that reason I say, he had very little choice but to wait on, knowing in his heart that Fianna Fáil would soon be out and the opportunity would arise. I know deep in my heart that the people on the other side are very happy about this Bill. Listening to the radio this morning, I heard that Deputy McGlinchey spoke for seven hours.

Senator McGlinchey.

Sorry. The Fianna Fáil Senators, especially Senator McGowan, know well what I mean when I say that Senator McGlinchey is not recognised as a Fianna Fáil supporter. In 1970 he got involved and went to the courthouse to carry his colleague. He dropped him and rushed back to the then Taoiseach and told him to introduce the guillotine and expel him from the party.

The Senator's speech is now very wide of the Bill. I would ask him to return to the Bill.

He was always very wide of the mark.

I hate to forget how kind we should be even to our enemies. We made an effort to secure a seat for Senator Killilea, but we cannot secure the convention for him. We can tell him when he is rejected at the convention that he cannot get to see the Taoiseach then. I am sure he will think the same as we do, that he is not trusted in any party. We have been told that we denied the people of the west the opportunity of two additional seats. If we were seeking what we are being charged with, cementing the Coalition Government in office, we would not take the seats from the west at all. The fact that we did so proves that we did not have that desire. Fine Gael gained two seats the last time. It would be very selfish for us to take two more. For that reason I think we acted in the interests of the general good.

How do 19,000 elect a Deputy in Dublin, while it takes almost 22,000 in the west?

That has been replied to so often that it is unnecessary to answer it again. West Limerick was referred to yesterday. In 1955 the vote was Fianna Fáil 15,000, Fine Gael 9,000. In 1973 we were within 1,400 votes of the Fianna Fáil vote. I would not like to see a change because the gap is getting narrower all the time. In East Limerick the same thing applies. In East Limerick the next time I can foresee two Fine Gael, one Labour and one Fianna Fáil. I believe in West Limerick it will be two, one.

I have no doubt in the world that Fianna Fáil will not be back for a long time. It is not a matter of how the constituencies are gerrymandered. It is a matter of how they are operated. Monaghan was a terrible shock. It was at the time when the people were told that the Coalition would last for six months. The people of Monaghan are a very intelligent people. They concentrated on what happened in the past and what was happening then. The question was asked here yesterday what the reaction would be in the North when they read the contents of this Bill: what would they think of us here? I hope that what they think of this Bill will confuse the issues of 1970 when arms were smuggled into the country and the lives of innocent people were being lost, as they are being lost today.

Would the Senator tell us why they let him talk?

I will tell the Senator why. So much rubbish was spoken by Senators yesterday, the party thought it would not be fair to the news media to ask them to accept it for a second day. There are so many Senators anxious to speak that I should like to give them the opportunity. I appeal to the Fianna Fáil Party to settle down and work as a constructive Opposition. We saw what happened yesterday, the quorum bell being resorted to by people I expected a lot more from. People I respected stooped to——

On a point of order, he is not entitled to make allegations like that. Precedents of this House were broken yesterday by the Leader of the House.

That is not a point of order. Senator O'Brien.

You have a good Government and appreciate it. The people, particularly the poorer sections, are well looked after. For the first time the needs of the poor are met. I sympathise with the Minister on his experiences over the last two days.

Like Senator O'Brien I did not desire to enter this discussion. Judging by the remarks from the Opposition it appears the Fianna Fáil Party have not yet realised that they are no longer in power, and that they are now an Opposition party, a position in which they are showing tremendous immaturity. A number of challenges were thrown out here yesterday: Was there any Senator from the west? I am not ashamed to be here, and I represent a western constituency. I represent a parish which is next to America. The crocodile tears that were shed on behalf of the west are well-known to us in the west. Fianna Fáil used the west not for the sake of the west but for the sake of Fianna Fáil. The constituency I represent had a population of 122,000 in 1956. In 1971 it had dropped by 8.3 per cent to 112,000. This is the west that Fianna Fáil were developing and devoting all their energies to. Since the recent budget we have approximately 15,000 now benefiting under the old age pension structure, a structure introduced in 1908 by an alien Government which settled 70 years as the yardstick. Within one year of National Coalition Government, so much criticised by the Opposition yesterday, that measurement age was reduced by two years to 68, for the first time in the history of this State. It was of consequential benefit to the aged in the west. Social welfare allowances, disablement allowances and the health services have also expanded for these people. The Constituency Bill will be defended by the Minister. We were challenged here by these people who were allowed wander into any field to attempt to cast aspersions.

I should like to deal with Senator Garrett's remarks which attempted to reflect on the Labour Party. He was ably supported by Senator McGlinchey. The Labour Party dealt publicly with the person he referred to. They divorced themselves from the sentiments he expressed. I would remind Senator Garrett that the person he referred to did not hold a ministerial post in this land. He was not brought before an Irish court for activities aimed at undermining the State. I did not see any public condemnation from Senator Garrett in relation to these incidents. There was no comment whatsoever. We have to draw comparisons, and if somebody wants to slag the Labour Party, we will take him on at any time. On this question of gerrymandering, who in the west or in the east will forget the attempts of Mr. Boland and Mr. Blaney to have Fianna Fáil made the permanent Government for all time by the way in which they drew the constituencies to suit their aspirations? Kevin Boland has voluntarily left the Fianna Fáil Party. Deputy Blaney was forced out of Fianna Fáil. These were the two architects of the constituency boundaries which we now have. Is there a new philosophy in the Fianna Fáil Party with regard to constituencies? If there is, we still are not aware of it. The people on the opposite side will be there for some considerable time. The Coalition Government will not have to rely on constituency boundaries to secure the confidence of the Irish people at the next election. They will rely on the policies that they have implemented since they came into Office, are implementing and will continue to implement.

The Fianna Fáil Party opposed the budget because the Coalition decided to discontinue the indefensible policy of allowing farmers with a valuation of over £100 to be tax free while the farm labourers had been taxed for many years. The Minister for Local Government will defend his Constituencies Bill but he will not have to rely on it to secure his return to office in the next election.

The Minister has a very difficult job, not because of Fianna Fáil but because of the assorted interests on the Government side. I do not know the Minister very well but I think he likes to give the impression that he is fair. My first impression of him was that he was hard working and fair. He is introducing this legislation and he intends to pilot it right through. Must he be such a prisoner? Must he put through legislation which he could hardly expect the public to accept as being fair?

Recently we had an assurance from him that when the proposed minor adjustments were being made to the areas for local elections he would accept the wishes expressed by local authorities. That confirmed my belief that he intended to play fair. That piece of legislation and that attitude of the Minister is totally inconsistent and out of character with the present measure he intends to push through.

I should like to refer to the way in which this affects my own county, Donegal. I would ask the Minister to think not in a narrow context but to look at the overall situation. He should go back to the time when the country was carved-up and find out what area suffered most as a result of that carve-up which was done purely for political gerrymandering and no other reason. This political boundary cut off six counties and left County Donegal completely carved up.

If there had to be a boundary the more natural one was the bridge at Ballyshannon. One of the original suggestions was for seven counties and the Border would be at Ballyshannon Bridge. This was a natural border. However, the Minister should be well aware of the difficulty of maintaining this Border. The Government should be well aware of how difficult it is to identify the Border between Donegal, Tyrone, Derry, Fermanagh. It is difficult to find out the boundaries. In some cases there is little, if any, demarcation. This is the gerrymandering and the unfortunate political history of that boundary.

I thought if we were going to have a revision of constituencies that it would be done with a sense of fair play and at least those from the outside who looked at it could see that boundaries were drawn and that there was some justification of the existence of the lines set.

If I were living in County Fermanagh, whether I was representing the majority or the minority, I would have to look down and say: "Well, we have been accused all our lives of gerrymandering but we could only take second place to what we now see going on on our doorstep." This is the state that expects people from the North to come into it. Certainly, if I were Harry West campaigning in County Fermanagh I would get a blown up photograph of what the Minister now proposes to do on the boundaries of Ballyshannon and Fermanagh, Sligo—Leitrim and Donegal. It would show the most ridiculous picture. No better weapon could be used by the hard-line Loyalists in the North to muster support and to oppose the joining of the Republic in a United Ireland than this piece of boundary drafting, which was definitely done for pure political manipulation. Anyone who looks at it will see that it is nothing else.

Recently I spoke to a Fine Gael county councillor in the Ballyshannon area and he said: "I think the Minister was wrong. He has accepted what he has been told by Deputy Jim White. He has made a mistake. It is a disgrace. Politically it will not do me any good." Those are the words expressed by a Fine Gael councillor in the area. It was ridiculous to take two booths out of Donegal and put them into Sligo—Leitrim. The figures quoted for those two booths were 600 votes. Fianna Fáil had a majority there. To attempt to bring those two booths out of Donegal was ridiculous in the extreme. In other words, if a man is living in Ballintra or Pettigo he would have to motor up nearly as far as Bundoran to vote. He could meet a man on the road from Finner Camp motoring down to Ballyshannon to vote.

The Minister should not have paid that price. He will see, as time goes on, that the people in the North who are anxiously looking for reasons to oppose any co-operation or any attempt to unite the country will have no difficulty in convincing their voters that this would be a dangerous party to join up with, that they themselves would be exposed to this type of gerrymandering, that they had never experienced anything like it in the past and they could see where their future would lie if they had to live with a Dublin-based Government that could get away with this.

I think the Minister should look at this aspect of it again. It would not do him any harm. In fact, it will do a lot of good. If the Minister shows that he is amenable to reason at all, or that he is prepared to depart from this cast-iron attitude, they will weather the storm right through, regardless of what comments are made, what picture it presents and what political disadvantage it will be. I am thinking of the political situation between North and South.

The people in the North today are struggling and searching their hearts for a solution and a common ground. They are pointing out the advantages. They are pointing out that we are not an unreasonable people in the South; that most of us want co-operation; that most of us are not out to bomb and kill and that there is a political future for the North by joining with the South.

All of this is thrown into complete doubt by the one piece of evidence that can be held up on a map and shown to the electorate. The people in the North have genuine figures. I would seriously ask the Minister to think about, and look hard at exactly what he is doing. The North is not that far away from his own constituency. I think that the expression of a Fine Gael councillor in the area, which I accepted as being sincere and honest, has actually embarrassed the Minister.

I cannot see the logic in drafting constituencies which were purely designed to give the Government party a greater number of seats. You cannot treat the voters like a flock of sheep. The voters will change their minds and vote on the performance of the Government. This is a Bill that at the present time has aroused a great deal of interest. I have no doubt that the Government will not get away with saying: "Well, we are only doing now what we allege Fianna Fáil would have done. We are only having one more chance at it and after we get this chance at sorting ourselves out we will be good boys in the future and we will let it go to a commission as it should have gone when Fianna Fáil were dealing with it. We are entitled to have one bash at it." This sort of attitude is not accepted by the people. The Government who said that they were capable of being the champions of fairplay are demonstrating anything but that in this performance here.

Senator Martin asked a question last night: "What was the urgency of the Bill?" I should like to know that. I think the Minister should have answered that question. I only hope that he will give an answer that is acceptable to the general public.

I wonder if the Minister feels that he will get any thanks or credit from Fine Gael. When the next election comes around Fine Gael will be looking at where they stand in the constituency. They will not be looking at where Labour stands. They have manoeuvred the Minister into thinking that Labour will be a stronger party after the boundaries are redrafted. But everybody knows that Fine Gael are publicly expressing the hope that they will not have the Labour tag tied on to them and that they will then pursue Fine Gael policies. It is public knowledge that Fine Gael spokesmen are now saying: "Perhaps we have a bit of a socialist flavour now, but this is only temporary. When we get rid of Labour we will then pursue our Fine Gael policies." I feel that the Minister will not get credit or be blessed by Fine Gael people for this piece of gerrymandering he has done here.

Quite a lot of time has gone into the drafting of this Bill and negotiating with the various interests. I am sure that the Minister is tired of listening to everybody, both from his own party and the Fine Gael Party and trying to meet their wishes. He would now be desperately anxious to hold on to the boundaries set rather than open up the matter again. I think that that can be the only reason why the Minister is steadfast and stubborn in his attitude on the boundaries. He himself is unsure of where he stands. The only basis he could have for being determined is that he has made a deal with local interests— Fine Gael or Labour—and he could not afford to break that deal without starting negotiations again with the people in these areas. This is the only explanation I can see. In ordinary circumstances, if there was nothing involved other than the two advisers from his Department sitting behind him, the Minister would be reasonable enough to turn around to them and say: "Can we do that?". It is evident that there is much more involved; that new negotiations would have to take place with the Fine Gael or the Labour Deputy in that area. That is the curse of it.

I should have liked to see as much effort going into drafting areas, boundaries, demarcations and catchment areas for our new community schools. I should have liked to see the same effort being put into Carrick in County Donegal, where there is an undecided boundary. We can sit until 1 o'clock to get this legislation through. Yet the local managers of the schools down there are asking the Department of Education for nearly two years to help them to draft boundaries and demarcations. I think this is total inconsistency in Government. First things should come first.

Some other Senators have talked about the effect this Bill will have on the west. I can see one effect it will have. Certainly we are losing a seat in County Donegal. The only reason for the Minister having the five-seater or the carve-up that he now proposes is to ensure that we lose a Fianna Fáil Deputy.

I do not think the Donegal people will differ very much from those of Sligo-Leitrim, Mayo, Galway or any other western county. We can have our political differences but we have to stand together and fight for an existence whatever Government are in power. Secondly, the people of Donegal will realise that they have been asked to pay too high a price by sacrificing one Deputy more in this parliament. Not only are they being asked to sacrifice one Deputy but, on purely narrow, political grounds, it will be a Fianna Fáil Deputy who will be sacrificed. At the same time, the scales are being further titled for the same selfish, political reasons by the Dublin Government creating extra seats in Dublin. This is further diluting the representation from the west, and especially from my county.

I do not think the people in Donegal will accept that the Government have any honest or sincere justification for taking one seat away from them, let it be a Fine Gael seat or a Fianna Fáil seat. I know this for a fact. I know that the people of Donegal were very disappointed when a Fine Gael/ Labour Government did not recognise the county because of its many problems, such as geographical location, and that they did not get a representative on the Government. There was a bitter disappointment not only in Fine Gael circles but in Fianna Fáil circles also. We have had recognition from the Fianna Fáil Government by having a Minister and a Parliamentary Secretary in their Government. The Government should have recognised the west and should have recognised Donegal. This is one more blatant example of how little the Government care about the west. It is almost an attempt to wipe out the west for political and selfish reasons. I only hope that the people will realise that, no matter what political shroud is put on this or how sweet they try to make the pill, this is not good for the west and it is not good for Donegal because of a shift in population. The tolerance that is allowable is not being used to the advantage of the western counties nor is it being used to retain representation in County Donegal.

I do not know how the Minister has allowed himself to be pushed into taking this decision because he could never see, at any time in the future and certainly not in his lifetime, that he will have a Labour Deputy in County Donegal. I cannot see it and I am sure the Minister will be the first to concede that he cannot see it. Therefore, I wonder does he realise the price he is paying there for no return or the price that he is asking the people of Donegal to pay? There is certainly no political advantage to be got out of this dastardly act of removing one Deputy from a county that needs its full representation.

I would ask the Minister to demonstrate that he is sincere and prepared to be reasonable. It might embarrass the Minister a little if he got the impression that he was acceding to the demands or requests of Fianna Fáil, but it will be much more serious for him to have the impression abroad that he would not yield an inch. We have heard a lot of talk in the past about jackboot tactics but this is the real jackboot. There is absolutely no consideration or reasonable attitude here or any hope of any alteration in the Minister's mind here. This is the impression we have. I only hope he will change his mind and show, in the area where it is likely to be held out as political gerrymandering of the worst kind, and where it is likely to damage the political future and be used as a political weapon in the North, that he will look at this aspect of it and see if he could not make the boundary where the River Erne divides the two areas. That would have been reasonable and I would ask the Minister to concede it. If he does so he will indicate to people from County Fermanagh, right across the Border, that there is a reasonable political future for them and that there is consideration for them in the hearts of the administrators in the South. Otherwise, he will confirm their greatest fears. If the Minister does so I can assure him he will have Fine Gael support in that area. There is no Labour consideration in it but if he is doing it to appease a Fine Gael man I think that that Fine Gael man is out of touch. The wishes of the local Fine Gael people there would be to have a boundary that did not embarrass them. I would ask the Minister to examine the possibility of re-aligning that boundary.

For the past two days we have been subjected to many taunts and criticisms as to why we have not got up to speak. In my area in County Leitrim there is an old saying among the farming community that a man is as well sitting idle as working idle. It might equally be said that a man is as well sitting idle as talking idle. For the past two days, according to the definition of idle talk —which was defined in the old catechism as words that are no good to the hearer or the speaker—we have listened to a lot of idle talk from the Opposition benches.

How could we be expected to reply to the sort of so-called debate we have had to listen to when there was not even an obvious effort on the part of any speaker—with the exception, perhaps, of one or two—to discuss the Bill which was the subject of this debate? All we had to listen to were taunts and threats. When this type of behaviour failed to provoke any response from the respectable, dignified Members on the Government benches interruptions had to be supplied by the colleagues of the man who was speaking. The Seanad which has a reputation as a reasonable, dignified assembly of responsible people, has indeed let itself down very badly in the eyes of anybody who had the patience to watch it for the past two days. I do not know what this show was about. At times I thought the people who spoke were trying to be entertaining. If they were, it was a primitive and uncultivated effort to create a funny show.

Some Opposition Senators did not understand what was going on. One Senator who talked for six hours made a point which, perhaps, might explain his own behaviour. He talked about stamina. I believe the man was convinced that what he was putting on was a display of physical stamina. If any Senator on any side of the House has any complexes about his physical stamina, I do not think this is the place to justify himself. Senator McGlinchy can swim the North Sea, or climb Mount Errigal, or take a walk around the boundaries of his own constituency, if he wants to prove that he has physical stamina, rather than taking up the time of Parliament, the time of people who are supposed to be busy running the affairs of the country.

What brought us up here this week?

We are discussing an Electoral Bill which people have alleged is very important.

But not urgent.

The treatment it got would not lead anybody to believe that the Bill before the House was of any consequence. I was reminded by some speakers who talked about County Leitrim and the representation it has, and should have, and had in the past, of Senator Lenihan, who was then a Minister of State, sending out his messengers into County Leitrim, part of which he represented, to warn the people of County Leitrim that should the straight vote system not be carried in the referendum the big knife would again be taken out and Leitrim would be carved up in such a way that it would not have any representation at all.

The referendum was not carried by the then Government. The people of County Leitrim were also told by another set of messengers that, should the straight vote system be accepted by the people, Leitrim would be put in the happy position of having two single seat constituencies, with two Deputies, one in North Leitrim and one in South Leitrim. The people who spread these rumours accepted what they were told, and I am sure the people who started the rumours did not believe that the population of Leitrim would justify at that stage two single seat constituencies.

When Fianna Fáil first went into office, the population of Leitrim would almost have justified four Deputies in Leinster House. When Fianna Fáil left office the population of Leitrim would not justify even two. I do not know why this happened. I do not know if it was because County Leitrim did not return Fianna Fáil Deputies that the then Government decided to so deprive the county that the people were forced to leave it, or whether Fianna Fáil Administration were so downright incompetent, so negligent of the problems of that county that, while they were in office, the county was sliding rapidly into a situation where it would not deserve any representation. Coming from County Leitrim I do not have to make any apologies to anybody about the Bill which the Minister has presented to the House. The people of County Leitrim will be very pleased with what the Minister has done for their county.

When the Electoral (Amendment) Act was produced by Mr. Boland he carved County Leitrim into three different constituencies none of which bore the name of County Leitrim. Ours was the county which was wiped off the map by Mr. Boland. When they discovered such a ground swell of indignation in Leitrim, even the advisers who were brought up to Dublin to give advice on the carve-up were forced to reconsider their position and Mr. Boland was asked to restore the name of County Leitrim to the new constituencies which he had set up. We had at that time three different areas in County Leitrim. This was calculated to bring about a situation in which we would not have any representation at all since we were not prepared to send any Fianna Fáil representatives to Leinster House. The Minister has begun the work of restoration. As far as the people of County Leitrim are concerned, what the Minister is proposing is a restoration job. The people of Leitrim will be very happy to accept that.

During the past two days Senator McGlinchey spent about four hours talking about the manner in which the west was deprived of representation. In two or three short sentences Senator Yeats set my mind at ease on the position of Leitrim, Roscommon and Sligo. He pointed out that under the new legislation we have the same representation for 9,000 fewer people. Again, the Minister is to be congratulated by the people in my constituency and the neighbouring constituencies because of the increased representation which we have got over that given to us by Mr. Boland.

And Galway-Clare lost a seat because they had strong Fianna Fáil support.

When I go back to the west I will primarily be concerned with the constituencies which border my own area. Senator McGlinchey tried to make us believe that these people were deprived of representation. In fact, the opposite is the case. Even if Senator McGlinchey was right and Senator Yeats was wrong, I believe that the people of the west are not so gullible as to believe that the number of Deputies they have will be the measure of the representation which they have in this Assembly or in the other House. It will not be the measure of the amount of work done, the amount of thought put into the running of the affairs and the general economic and social wellbeing of the people in the west. The people in my own area know well that the quality of the men who govern this State under our present democratic system is far more important than the number of Deputies that represent them.

If the Minister has done nothing else except to ensure that the sort of Government we had for the past 30 years, a Government which brought about a 50 per cent decrease in the population in my county, will not return to power soon, the people of my area and my region will be very grateful to him indeed.

Much has been said about the position in Northern Ireland. Many mischievous and unreasonable comparisons were made. I do not think that anybody can seriously make any comparison between realignment of constituencies in this country and the situation in the North. No matter how politically astute or farsighted a Minister may be he cannot realign constituencies in the Twenty-six Counties so as to guarantee to his party in Government any sort of permanent majority.

I am prepared to say: Thank God we have a situation in which less and less of our people are prepared to tie themselves unconditionally and without reservation to any political party in this country. I am glad to see, particularly among our young people, more people who are prepared to make up their minds on the issues of the day when the time comes to cast their votes and when the issues have been put before them. For this reason we cannot compare the political situation here with that prevailing in the North, where the process of any change can take up to half a century. That may be considered a short time compared with the difficulty of bringing about deep changes in the political outlook of the people of Northern Ireland, where one has the added advantage of being able, in 99 cases out of 100, to recognise a man's political beliefs by his religious practices. The people who are talking about gerrymandering in the same way that this has operated in the Six County area are not making a fair comparison at all.

The question of a commission has been raised. Any fair-minded or reasonable person who considers the realignment of the constituencies will examine briefly the possibility of establishing a commission to do this. Since the present Government came into power they have done much for democracy. In so many fields it has been made more obvious that fair play and justice is the order of the day; the old pulls and practices of the past are dead. The Government cannot change everything overnight. Fianna Fáil, who so firmly believed in this practice in the past have no good reason to condemn it at present. Until such time as somebody may decide to introduce some sort of commission to do this particular work I hope we will have men of the calibre of the present Minister for Local Government to do the job for us. Until we or somebody decides to change the system, if we have a man of his quality, of his concern for democracy, of his sense of fair play, I will be quite happy with the system as it operates at the present time.

I welcome this Bill, not just on my own behalf but on behalf of the people of West Waterford, irrespective of their political allegiances. To the people of Waterford, hearing the Fianna Fáil speakers during the past two days accusing the Minister of gerrymandering, this sounds like a pretty sick joke. What the Minister has done is merely to return to their proper state constituencies which were blatantly gerrymandered some years ago. Nobody in the south-east of Ireland at the moment could accuse the Minister for Local Government of gerrymandering. The counties of Wexford, Carlow, Waterford, Tipperary and Limerick have been left as they were in so far as counties can be retained as proper units. Senator Browne and Aylward were gracious enough to admit this last night.

What was done in 1961 by the Fianna Fáil Government on the revision of constituencies was a disgraceful example of gerrymandering. They removed part of West Waterford from the Waterford constituency and placed it with South Tipperary, merely for political advantage, in the hope that they would gain a seat or perhaps two seats. It was disgraceful because it removed an area which measuring 40 miles by 20 miles and placed it in South Tipperary even though it was divided from South Tipperary by a huge mountain range, the Knockmealdown mountain range, parts of which separate South Tipperary from Waterford by ten miles. The town of Carrick-on-Suir, part of which is in County Waterford, could have been placed in Waterford to bring it up to the required number to retain four seats. Bringing back the West Waterford region into the Waterford constituency has great advantages; it is righting a wrong. But it has one slight disadvantage; it brings back that famous character "Christmas Card Jackie". We will have to endure the activities of this gentleman in the coming years.

I agree with Senator McCartin in what he said about the muck-raking and insults here during the past two days. We are all, I think, ashamed at the manner in which the function of the Seanad has been denigrated by this type of behaviour. While we might always like to point the finger at the other side, I feel that our own adoption of procedure and other factors may have contributed in some way. But it has been a most unsavoury episode.

We heard two very fine gentlemen from the south-east of Ireland speak last night—Senator Browne who had the courtesy and fair-mindedness to thank the Minister for restoring Waterford to a four-seat constituency. We heard also from Senator Aylward. Both men spoke without bitterness and quite frankly. It is to their eternal credit that they did so because both men polled over 6,000 votes in general elections in recent times but neither one of them was elected. They showed no bitterness about that; they were quite fair-minded on the matter. Senator Aylward, in particular, is a man who has suffered over the years from a most unfavourable distribution of population and allocation of seats. This was due, as he said himself, to a Fianna Fáil Minister not bringing in certain districts to his area when he could have done so. I do not agree that Ferrybank should revert to Kilkenny or that Rosbercon, which is part of the town of New Ross, should revert to Kilkenny. These belong to the urban areas of Waterford, in the case of Ferrybank, and New Ross in the case of Rosbercon. They really are parts of these towns. They are therefore parts of both the Waterford and Wexford constituencies.

We have heard expressions such as "unfair provocation" and "insulting behaviour" last night. Some of the Fianna Fáil Members, some even from the Front Benches, showed a despicable lack of concern for their colleague when they goaded him into making statements and remarks which I do not believe he intended making; he is too much of a gentleman to want to partake in that kind of mud-slinging. We, in Waterford, could have claimed years ago that portions of Clonmel, such as the old bridge, and portions of Carrickon-Suir, such as Carribeg, should have come into our constituency but, arguing on the same line as I did regarding Ferrybank and Rosbercon, I think both these areas really belong to County Tipperary; the people there are quite happy as things stand.

We were told last night we should be ashamed of ourselves for not defending the Minister. There is nobody better able to defend himself than the Minister. He does not need the support of our side to defend him. He is well able to defend himself against the type of false accusations that were made.

In conclusion, I would like to thank the Minister for a job well done. We are delighted in the south-east, especially in the county and city of Waterford, because he has righted the wrongs that existed there.

I listened to all of this debate, if it could be called a debate, and I must say how disappointed I was with the standard. I had come to the House for the first time for a lengthy debate under the impression that I was going to hear a very high standard of debate; I always heard that the standard in the Seanad was so much higher than in the Lower House. I was disappointed to find people indulging in the type of claptrap which, with very few exceptions, was indulged in here for the past two days.

Senator Eoin Ryan did, in fact, stay on the Bill, but I did not agree with what he was saying. I did not think he was too clear on what he wanted done with the Bill but he did make an effort to try to put a different point of view from mine. His main argument seemed to be that the maximum tolerance should favour rural areas. I thought I explained at length, both in the other House and here, that there is absolutely no basis for this in view of what the Constitution says or in view of the court judgment. It can only be done at the expense of urban areas.

May I again say that in the city of Dublin it requires more persons to qualify for a TD—not to elect a TD —and this seems to be one of the things Senators were not too clear on. It is not to elect a TD, it is to qualify for a TD, and this includes the baby in the cradle as well as the people who vote. The position is that, in Dublin, it requires more people to qualify for a TD than it does in the rural areas.

To those who say that rural Ireland requires far more representation, may I point out, as a rural Deputy, that we have a great advantage over the Dublin TDs. We have the advantage that we receive most of our representations by post. We meet our people in relatively small groups throughout the country at our convenience. We do not live in an area where there are 50,000 to 60,000 constituents living within a few streets of each other. Those people can at all times call on us with all the things they feel a TD should do for them. Indeed, a number of the Fianna Fáil TDs, particularly Deputy Jim Tunney, put this very well. I sympathise very much with the view that it must be a harrowing experience to represent a constituency in the city of Dublin where the TD is always around so that the people can make representations to him. Now people are reasonable and people are unreasonable. All most people want is what they are entitled to, but there is a fair share of the other kind around. Usually they do not vote for the person that they pester. I am quite sure that these are in large numbers in this city and elsewhere. They come along and make all sorts of requests at very odd hours and it must be a pretty difficult job to live in Dublin city and represent the area in which one lives.

I know that certain people do not believe in doing that. They believe in representing one area and getting as far away from it as they possibly can. This was one of the things which I think the last Government found, to their cost, just did not pay off. Having a house in Dublin and representing Donegal or Kerry just did not work. My God, I am amazed when I hear requests to have representation for the west, that we should have Ministers in the west, from people who when they were Ministers did not stay long in the west; as soon as they felt their ministerial seat was safe they moved into Dublin and left the local people without the representation of a Deputy.

Apart from that, Senator Eoin Ryan's comments were more or less OK. He quoted certain figures. He was selective—I do not blame him for this; he is in the Opposition—in an effort to prove his own case. He suggested that rural constituencies require more population than the average of 20,123 to elect a Deputy. In fact, the Cavan-Monaghan constituency is 680 below this figure; south-west Cork is 846 below; West Galway 542 below; North Kerry 891 below; South Kerry 622 below; West Limerick 729 below. I could go on and on.

The Senator also criticised the Bill on the grounds that it does not create bigger constituencies with a view to achieving a purer version of proportional representation. This, coming from a Fianna Fáil representative, is pretty good. In my opinion, Fianna Fáil set out over the years to wreck proportional representation as far as they could and, indeed, they attempted to get the Constitution changed so that they could have a single seat constituency.

I said I was not an enthusiast.

The Senator did. Now the thing that I found most amusing is that Senators on the opposite benches argued one way for five minutes and argued in the opposite direction in the next five minutes and appeared to be right, as far as they were concerned, on both occasions. This is something I find very difficult to understand. I believe in calling a spade a spade. I say something if I believe in it. If I do not believe in it, I do not care who likes or dislikes it, I will say so.

Senator Ryan is normally a fair-minded man and he put his case very dispassionately here. Having said that he was not an enthusiast for PR, he said we should have created bigger constituencies for the purpose of having a purer version of proportional representation. Of course, he spoiled it by saying he was not in favour of it.

The fact is I have retained the same number of three-seaters in the country and I have four fewer four-seaters and four more five-seaters. I only mention this because if this was a revision which involved a real definitive change of the whole system, then we would have to do it in another way.

Perhaps this is the time to refer to the crocodile tears. In this case I have seen real crocodile tears shed by Fianna Fáil about the necessity to have a commission. May I repeat again that the first time we heard any comment from Fianna Fáil about the necessity of having a commission to draw up the constituencies was one minute after the former Taoiseach had conceded defeat at the last general election. Then, hey presto, not alone did it mean he was no longer going to be Taoiseach, but it also meant a complete change in his lifestyle and in his outlook; he was now in favour of having a commission set up.

I am in favour of a commission. I make no bones about this at all. This is where I, unfortunately, laughed at the wrong time when Senator Robinson was speaking—it was reported in the paper and the report was correct, I suppose the reports usually are.

The report suggested I was laughing at what Senator Robinson meant. In fact, I was laughing at what I thought she was going to quote. I had in front of me the same document as Senator Robinson was reading from. I should like to quote it here and point out what caused amusement to me. I am sure Senator Robinson, having a sense of humour, will laugh also when she realises what I thought she was going to say.

I said then that because there was an objection from the former Minister for Local Government, Mr. Boland, I was not to be allowed to comment at all on the First Stage of the Bill which was introduced by Deputy Fitzpatrick for the purpose of introducing a commission. That is reported in the Official Report of 26th November, 1968, at column 1136. The then Minister, Mr. Boland, objected and quoted Standing Orders to the Ceann Comhairle to the effect that I was not entitled to make any comment on the First Stage. As Fianna Fáil intended to jackboot it out at that stage and not allow it to be printed they wanted to kill it dead then. They were so much in favour of having a commission at that stage that they would not even allow the Bill to get a Second Reading so that it could be printed. That was their idea of democracy.

The Ceann Comhairle then, being fair, said I was entitled to make a short statement. I said:

I will be brief. I do not want to embarrass the Chair but I thank him for giving me the opportunity to speak. The action of the Minister for Local Government is typical of a man who not alone wants to stamp on the whole country but to walk on this House as well as on the Chair.

I believe the Bill introduced by Deputy T.J. Fitzpatrick (Cavan), which according to the Minister for Local Government would have been proposed if his previous proposal had been carried by the country, is the proper way to draw up the constituencies for the country. We believe also that if we do not do that we will have what both he and the Taoiseach described as the danger of gerrymandering. We want the danger of gerrymandering eliminated and, unless we have the Bill which Deputy T.J. Fitzpatrick (Cavan) now proposes carried by this House and accepted by the Government——

Here is what caused the amusement.

——as soon as the Fianna Fáil Government are put out of office the constituencies must be redrawn.

I am now doing that. I must apologise to Senator Robinson——

Is it the Minister's turn now? Is that what the Minister is saying?

What I am saying is that I actually said that they would have to be redrawn because I believe that the gerrymandering carried out under that Bill was absolutely unbelievable. It was my ambition, and I am doing it now, to set it straight so that when a commission are set up to deal with it they would not be dealing with the extremely lop-sided approach which Fianna Fáil had set. They had created a situation and left the matter so outlandish that it would be impossible for anyone to look at it in a clear way and say, this is what we will do, because the base would then be wrong. My contention is that the base will be right now, after this Bill.

I want to make it clear that I am in favour of having a commission set up and so are the Government but we are not going to be put in the position of having Fianna Fáil speaking out of one side of their mouth saying: "We are in favour", and out of the other side saying: "We are not in favour", and having, as we had in the Dáil, Opposition speakers saying: "We are not in favour of this, Fianna Fáil may be in favour of it but we do not want it." I am not going to quote them again because I did so in my opening speech.

If Fianna Fáil are anxious now to have a commission set up as soon as this Bill is passed I am prepared to agree that a committee, representative of all in the House, should be set up to discuss the best way to have this done because I believe it can then be done. I have no desire to gerrymander and I challenge anybody to claim that this is a gerrymandering Bill. I believe, and this is the point where I differ so much from many of the Fianna Fáil speakers, that one cannot gerrymander people into this House or the other House. The only way to get people in is by good representation and I honestly believe that that is what will bring the National Coalition back into Leinster House and not the way in which constituencies are redrawn.

I was extremely amused by the approach of the Fianna Fáil speakers in this House, some of whom stood up and said a Labour Minister has walked Fine Gael into it; he had arranged to sweep certain areas— Dublin and other areas—to make sure he got seats for his party. It was said that I had sold Fine Gael down the drain. Other speakers felt that the Minister, poor foolish fellow, did not know very much about politics, was being codded by Fine Gael and was going to create a situation in which he was doing harm to his own party without realising it.

We had that type of argument coming from the other side of the House and the fact that the different views came from one Fianna Fáil speaker after the other proved very conclusively that they have not got a policy on this just as we knew for many years that they had not got a policy on many things of more importance.

I could use the same argument used by the former Minister, Mr. Boland, although I suppose there is no other person with whom I could disagree as violently as I could with that gentleman. I was reading what that gentleman said in winding up on the last Bill and if I could just put in Fianna Fáil where he said Labour and Fine Gael I could use the same arguments. It is really extraordinary the way these things come along.

In column 1136 of the Official Report of 26th November, 1968, Mr. Boland said:

I am opposed to the introduction of this Bill for two reasons. First, the people have rejected the constitutional proposal which embodied a provision for a similar commission and it would be wrong in principle to provide now for the establishment for such a commission by law. Secondly, article 16, 2.1º of the Constitution provides that:

Dáil Éireann shall be composed of members who represent constituencies determined by law.

I am advised that this means that constituencies must be determined in a Bill passed in the normal way by the Oireachtas and that the function of determining constituencies cannot under the present Constitution be handed over to a commission.

I do not agree. I do not think the Minister was right in that. In my view it can be but only if it is the wish of Members of both sides of the House and that there will be no fiddling around with it. We are not going to have a commission introduced and then find shortly afterwards that somebody says he did not agree to it and is not bound by it. The result would be that it would finish up in the High Court or the Supreme Court again.

I was rather disappointed with Senator Robinson's comparisons. When she was submitting her case as to why there should be a commission she picked out certain places which I would——

I wanted to shame the Minister.

The shame, I am afraid, must go back to Senator Robinson though I hesitate to say this to the lady. In view of the fact that the best examples she could find to quote to this House were South Africa and Rhodesia——

Not the best.

According to her they are the places where democracy is par excellence. Those are the places we should follow. If we want to know how we should run parliamentary elections Senator Robinson feels we should look at South Africa and Rhodesia. I leave that to Senator Robinson. If that is her view then she is welcome to it. It is not mine.

There is also the question of whether or not the system is the best. Senator Robinson has referred to the system in the United Kingdom for revising constituencies. Let me quote from "Free Elections" by W.J.M. Mackenzie published in 1958. He said:

The Commissions were set up in order to "take redistribution out of politics": it had been a matter of politics for over a hundred years, and the results had satisfied no one. But in practice the importance of the subject in a single member, "first past the post" system made it impossible for the government to abdicate responsibility even by agreement between the parties.

Here is the important part:

The Commissions do not decide: they enquire, hold hearings and recommend. The Cabinet decides what proposals to lay before Parliament in the form of a draft Order in Council, which requires the assent of both Houses before it is formally made; that is to say, the decision depends ultimately on voting on party lines.

(Interruptions.)

I listened patiently to everybody, including Senator Robinson, and I should be grateful now if they would listen patiently to me. I cannot tie them in the House.

Senators

Hear, hear.

Senator Robinson also referred to the other members of the EEC. It should be said in fairness to this country that the strict constitutional rules as interpreted by the courts in regard to constituencies give much less scope for adjusting constituencies than do the rules in many other European countries. The population-Deputy ratio with a maximum swing of 1,000 or 5 per cent is very tight and, indeed, severely limits the discretion of whoever has the responsibility of drawing up proposals to revise the constituencies.

Senator Robinson said also that it is wrong that the majority in the Oireachtas should have a right to decide the shape of Dáil constituencies. The fact is that, rightly or wrongly, Article 16.2.40 of the Constitution gives this power and duty specifically to the Oireachtas and, as Senator Ryan pointed out, under the Constitution a commission could advise on the shape of constituencies but the last word would still remain with the Oireachtas. Senator Robinson complains also about the Bill in that it contains no provision, for the future, for an electoral commission. The Bill is strictly confined to implementing the constitutional requirement to revise the constituencies because of population changes. It does this and nothing else. The question of how constituency revisions should be carried out in the future is a separate issue and one on which I have commented already. I hope there is no doubt in anybody's mind now that I and the Government would like to see such a commission but it is our opinion that the time to do it is when we have a decent basic lay-out of constituencies.

Let me say something else. With all the caterwauling from the Fianna Fáil benches it is an extraordinary thing that for a couple of years both the right and the duty were there for Fianna Fáil to do this, but apart from the doodling which my predecessor did in the Custom House, and Senator Yeats was right, there was no Bill but there were reams of paper. There were umpteen proposals and maps which I offered to Deputy Molloy if he had wished to see.

I offered to produce the physical evidence. Despite what was taken away before I assumed office, the copies are there and if some of the Senators and Deputies in Fianna Fáil saw some of the ideas which my predecessor had stored up for them they would have a fit. They would not sleep at night realising what that little man had at the back of his mind to deal with people who, in fact, were, as far as I know, friends of his but obviously with the pen and the brain he was deciding that they were not exactly the type of friends he would like to see back in Leinster House so the necessary steps were being taken to ensure that they would not be back. Having that evidence before me and then to find a Senator coming here late last night and suggesting that I was challenged to produce this evidence but failed to do so was again just a little bit foolish of the Senator. But, then, I must admit that Senator Garrett came in in great spirits, or vice versa, late in the night and was prepared to make comments which bore no relation at all to fact. For instance, he said that from the butt of Nephin to Ballina is a distance of 150 miles. It is roughly 40, so I hope he is not collecting travelling expenses on the basis of his own calculation. At that hour of the night I would not be one bit surprised if he thought it was 150 miles. I am sorry for him in a way. He wanted to go home to get Confession but said we were keeping him here. After hearing some of the things he said I could understand why he was in such a hurry. He recounted what the people in his area referred to me as. Having been to Ballina and having met the people there, I know that they are grand people as are most of the western people. On a visit to that town on one occasion I was told a story which I did not believe at the time but I now can have great respect for the person who related it. The story was that on one occasion there was an election meeting there and Mr. de Valera as Taoiseach was one of the speakers as was Senator Garrett, who was a candidate. When the meeting was over Mr. de Valera went to the organisers and he said: “Do not have that man on the platform with me again.” At the time I wondered if that could have happened. However, my respect for Mr. de Valera has increased enormously now.

On a point of order, the Minister has mentioned something that could do considerable harm to a Member of the Seanad and has mentioned Mr. de Valera's name in connection with this.

Should I bow?

Does the Minister think he should? I am hesitant to interrupt but a malicious story has been told in this House that can do considerable harm and which is meant to do considerable harm. If the story is true, let the Minister produce the evidence.

The Senator should check around Ballina and ascertain if it is true but if nobody in Ballina has ever heard of it or if the Fianna Fáil organisation in Ballina never heard of it then I would be only too glad to apologise in the House.

What about the Fine Gael people? I do not see many of them here this morning.

Senator Dolan used selective figures when he talked about the question of the population-Deputy ratio. He also was inclined to the view that I was not giving a fair deal to certain areas. He talked about Ulster and said I was taking a seat off Ulster. I think he was talking about Cavan and Monaghan at the time when he said I took a seat off each of them. I should like to point out that Cavan and Monaghan have had a considerable portion of Leinster, of Meath and Louth, added on for the last 13 or 14 years and there was no objection at all by the Ulster people to being associated with Leinster men. Why, when it works one way it is wrong and when it works in another way it is right is something which I cannot understand.

In relation to Cavan and Monaghan I should like to make it clear that the proposals which the Fianna Fáil Government had before they went out of office or, if they do not like to call them proposals, the suggestions they had written down and put on tapes, were that Cavan and Monaghan would be a five-seater constituency with a four-seater in Louth, almost exactly as I have it.

Better than that, during the discussions in the Dáil an amendment was down which suggested taking a large portion of Meath and adding it to Cavan for the purpose of making Cavan a three-seater. This was different from what was suggested earlier. The constituency would run up as far as Athboy which is pretty near the centre of the county, up to Grennanstown, and Shercock and Kingscourt and two other areas in Cavan would be given to Monaghan. Running up the other side——

Naturally.

——I do not hear Senator Dolan saying "naturally". Fianna Fáil suggested putting some of Meath into Monaghan including, if you do not mind, a portion beside Navan town and in some peculiar way they jumped across Gibbstown Gaeltacht and it was being left as what Deputy Molloy called an electoral island. It was nobody's darling. Monaghan would surround it but it would still be in County Meath. This is the sort of nonsense which was being carried on by people who obviously either did not know or did not care what they are doing.

Senators Ryan and Dolan dealing with the statement that the average population per Deputy in Dublin is higher than in the rest of the country, said the comparison was unfair in some way because the rest of the country includes such areas as Cork, Limerick and Waterford city. The Senators seemed to imply that these areas should be omitted in making the comparison. This shows some kind of inconsistency because the party to which the Senators belong pressed very strongly in the other House for an additional seat in Cork. They seem to be able to twist around and around as it suits themselves. Incidentally, for Senator McGlinchey's information, Cork is the third largest city in this country. I would refer also to a comment which Senator McGlinchey made about the map and the fact that a county was described as Londonderry. The city is described as Derry. Let me tell Senator McGlinchey that this is an exact copy of the map which Fianna Fáil have used since they took over in this State and while I may make provision to have it changed now, Fianna Fáil never bothered doing anything with it in their 30 years. Now let us finish with that sort of codology.

Senator Dolan spoke about Leitrim and he got his reply here this morning. Senator Dolan wanted Leitrim a constituency on its own. Leitrim has a population of 28,360. The minimum for a three-seat constituency, which the Constitution allows, is 57,369 and I do not know how he could justify Leitrim being a constituency on its own. Senator Dolan was nearly as bad as Senator Killilea, who wanted a two-seat constituency for Leitrim.

Senator Killilea asks why 148 seats. It is because this is the maximum number permitted by the Constitution. Any other figure would have to be less than 148. Fianna Fáil voted against 148 in the other House. Does that mean they favour a smaller number of Deputies?

I should like to point out to Senator Killilea that we cannot have a conversation with the Minister. If he wants to address the Minister he must speak through the Chair.

He talked about the number of votes which Senator Higgins got at the last election. I should have known, of course, that Senator Killilea is not good at figures. He was good some years ago; I remember he got headlines in the national Press for some figures he saw on the beach. He made two mistakes here today. At the last election I got 19.05 per cent of the vote which was .05 higher than I got the previous time; this is one point where he is wrong at figures.

On a point of order, in the Meath electoral area, Deputy Tully—he is making an allegation which I must correct—got 5,824 first preference votes out of 36,214 and in my calculation that is 14 per cent——

Acting Chairman

The Senator must obey the Chair. He must allow the Minister to speak without interruption.

It is 19.05 of the vote.

That is incorrect.

It is correct. For the Senator's information, I finished up with 1,000 more than the next Fianna Fáil man. I should explain here about the extra seat in Meath because it has been bandied round this House so often. An extra seat had to go to this area because of the population. It could have gone to Kildare, but if I gave Kildare the extra seat it would mean that there would still have to be a break in the constituency. I decided that it was appropriate to put the whole of Meath back as one constituency and put portion of Kildare in with it. I should like to point out that at the last election and the election before that, the fourth man was a Fianna Fáil TD. He was 1,000 votes behind me the last time and 500 the previous time.

On the cards, and unless they do something drastic, Fianna Fáil would be likely to win the fourth seat in Meath. Are the Fianna Fáil Senators objecting to a Fianna Fáil Deputy getting a seat, or can I do anything right? If I do it one way, I do it for my own party's benefit or Fine Gael's benefit; if I do it another way—which is the only way it could be done— again I am doing it for some peculiar reason to suit myself. I had 1,000 votes to spare, and please God, as long as I am standing for election I will get elected. Do not worry about me. When the previous Minister took away my home town and quite a big area around it, I still got elected in spite of him. Senator McGlinchey made the point that I lost my seat; I did lose my seat. I am democratic enough to believe that if the people think you are not doing your job properly they are entitled to put you out of this House or the other House. However, as Senator FitzGerald said, later, I went back and from getting the third seat I finished up with well over 1,000 over the quota. The Senator should not make foolish statements; my seat is as safe as any other seat in the other House.

If Senator Killilea was as happy about getting a seat in the other House as I am then he would be a very happy man. He made a suggestion during the discussion here that anything except what I propose would be acceptable to him for Galway. I have the words Senator Killilea used. He even suggested I might give seven, eight or 11 seats—perhaps if I give 11 seats he might get one. I should also like to correct Senator Killilea on another point. He tried to have a go at Senator Higgins on the grounds that he got fewer votes the last time at the general election than he did the previous time. In fact he got 653 more and I should like that to be put on the record. People like Senator Killilea, who are decent fellows outside, from time to time use this sort of tactic to put it across in the hope that somebody will believe it. I put it on the record what is the truth.

No more true than the story the Minister told about Senator Garrett.

I should like the Minister to repeat the slanderous statement he made in my absence. I will reply to him and I will give him some figures and facts that he will not answer.

It is a statement of fact. If Senator Garrett wants to check with his local people, then I am quite sure he will satisfy himself that it is true.

He made an allegation——

I have already made it.

The Minister should repeat it now.

It is demonstrably untrue. Anyone who knew the people concerned would know that the story not true and could not be true.

If the Minister were a gentleman he would withdraw it.

If the Senator says it is untrue I withdraw it.

(Interruptions.)

In 1957 I spoke——

The Minister has withdrawn it.

I withdraw it if the Senator says it is untrue. I accept his word.

It is completely untrue.

Does the Minister apologise for it?

Certainly, if the Senator says it is untrue.

Acting Chairman

The Minister should be allowed to continue. Please, can we get away from personalities? That applies to everybody.

Senator Killilea appears to think that the west should keep all the Dáil seats they have even though the population dropped between 1966 and 1971. If the west kept those seats it would have to be at the expense of some other part of the country. The Senator may be forgiven for putting the claim of his local area, but I must point out that I have to treat all areas the same. I hope to see Galway, Donegal, Monaghan, Cavan and other areas in the west restored to a much higher representation when this Government have put the people back to these areas after Fianna Fáil got rid of them over the years. Senator Killilea is amusing. He complained about four-seat constituencies being introduced in Galway. I do not know what he wanted. He wanted extra seats but it depended on which way the mood took him. He said a four-seater would be a terrible hardship for the people and the Deputies. He seems to have forgotten that in 1961 we had a five-seater in Galway, before that a four-seater, and earlier still we had a nine-seater—that was before Senator Killilea came on the scene. I think the people there must have been more hardy, they must have had more stamina, as Senator McGlinchey would say.

I have enough stamina.

I respected the Senator's father: he was a decent man.

Acting Chairman

Senator Killilea should allow the Minister to speak.

Senator Killilea said "just change 148 seats to 150". Surely it is not too much to expect that the very least a Senator speaking on what he considers to be an important Bill might do is check what the constitutional position is and know if what he was suggesting could be done. I assure him, if he checks with his friends who know, that it would not have been possible just to change from 148 to 150. Will he accept that? He also said: "Give the people of the west anything except what you are about to give them."

What Senator Killilea was saying is: "No matter what you do it cannot be right. Do anything you like, but do not do what you are doing, because it is wrong. Anything else is right." If that is the attitude of Senator Killilea, I am not a bit surprised he was not selected at the convention.

On a point of order, is it in order for the Minister to go back? He has uttered an untruth and he should withdraw it. The Minister is wrong.

Acting Chairman

Would Senator Killilea please obey the Chair? That is not a point of order.

I am amazed at the passion of some people for the rights of people who cannot vote through illness. This I have had from Senator Killilea and, indeed, from Senator Horgan. They insist that we should give those who cannot turn up to vote for any reason, particularly through illness, the right to vote. The peculiar thing about it is that it was never thought of before. Down through the years, going back to 1932 and two periods of Coalition Government, it was not thought of in all that time. A couple of months ago I made a public announcement that I proposed to do it.

You did not do it.

It is being done. If you could not do it for 30 years, at least give me a couple of months. During the last 16 years they were very quiet about it. They did give the Garda the postal vote: the Army already had it but the Garda got it and then they decided "no more—it would be dangerous: you cannot trust the Irish people, particularly the sick ones. They would not know what to do with their votes." It is being changed now and in the local elections they will have the right to vote. There will be a Bill introduced in the Dáil which will give the right to vote by post at general elections.

(Interruptions.)

Not before the next general election.

Very definitely, before the next general election. I can guarantee that it will be before the next general election. As a matter of fact, it will be more than three years before the next general election.

(Interruptions.)

Why are we sitting in Holy Week, if that is so?

May I point out, just as it has been mentioned now, that I find people very anxious not to sit during Holy Week. Every working man has to work during Holy Week and we are no better than anybody else. I should like to put that across——

(Interruptions.)

——so do not bring religion into this debate—those holy Joes who come into this House and try to get away with that one. It will not work.

We were not acting "holy Joes". We only asked the reason for the urgency.

It is a matter of parliamentary traditions.

(Interruptions.)

I have been asked for an explanation as to why we sat during Holy Week. I believe that not alone should we sit during Holy Week, but I object very strongly to the fact that we do not sit more often, particularly in this House. The legislation coming up in the Dáil is very heavy and we must get this Bill out of the way. Senator McGlinchey talked yesterday for six hours and 20 minutes, and if anybody thinks he can hold up the business of this nation by showing his stamina in this House, he will not do it on this Bill. That is the reason you are sitting here. If Senators did not see reason, they would be sitting tomorrow as well, even though it is Good Friday.

(Interruptions.)

Acting Chairman

Back to the Bill, please.

On a point of order, I feel that the Minister has endeavoured to make little of this House by saying we do not sit often enough. The only reason we do not sit often enough is we are not getting any new legislation.

Acting Chairman

That is not a point of order.

(Interruptions.)

Acting Chairman

Senators please listen, and if you cannot listen you have an alternative.

Senators Keegan and Killilea seem to be in some doubt about the constitutional position. The Constitution provides that there must be at least one Deputy for every 30,000, and not more than one Deputy for every 20,000. If we divide the total population by 20,000, this gives the maximum possible number of Deputies. With the present population this gives us 148. If the population continues to grow, as it will, it will be possible to increase the number at future revisions. At present we cannot go beyond 148.

I should like to refer to another point. The national average is 20,123; 15 out of the 28 constituencies outside the Dublin area are below the national average. I shall read them, if Senators like. I am glad the Senator from Carlow-Kilkenny is here because I should like to make a comment on something he said last night. He is a decent man but at that hour of the night he made some comments to which I should like to refer. The constituencies are: Carlow-Kilkenny, Cavan-Monaghan, South-West Cork, West Galway, North Kerry, South Kerry, Kildare, Laois-Offaly, West Limerick, Louth, East Mayo, West Mayo, Meath, Waterford and Wicklow.

As far as Carlow-Kilkenny is concerned, I am very sorry that it is felt by the Fianna Fáil supporters there that they are not being fairly treated and that they are not being allowed to elect the Deputies they would like to elect, particularly the Kilkenny part of the constituency. However, I should like to point out that I was not the first to draw that constituency up. It was drawn up by not one but half a dozen Ministers for Local Government. I should like to tell Senator Aylward some of the nice things they had in store for him if Fianna Fáil had been arranging this constituency revision. Not alone did they not intend to make Kilkenny a single constituency, but, in fact, they proposed to give sizeable chunks of it away. He is getting a much fairer deal from me than he was getting from his own people. They proposed to transfer Castlecomer, Ballyraggett, Freshford and Urlingford into Laois, and the balance of Kilkenny would have been put with Carlow. That was the proposal which Fianna Fáil had. It does not give me any pleasure to tell a decent man like Senator Aylward that that was the position.

But the Minister told us earlier that there was no Bill ready.

I am not talking about amendments which were proposed to my Bill. That is what they wanted to do. I wonder will you do it in this House? I do not think you will because he will not let you.

The Minister should be allowed to explain the position. He is trying to explain what I want to know and he should be allowed to do so.

I want to be fair. We could have Kilkenny, on its own, a three-seater. We could have done that in a number of counties if we could have taken them on their own and forgotten about the rest of the country. One must start somewhere and, having started in one constituency and having found out whether it is within the limits, one then moves on. No matter what one does one reaches the stage where one has to break a boundary or join with some other constituency. That is the position we were in. It would give me great pleasure if I could put each county on its own as one constituency. That would be the proper way to do it but we could not do that in this instance. The natural feeling of competitiveness between counties is a very good thing and does not do any harm but in this instance this could not be done.

Coming to the Dublin constituencies, again I could not be right. I put three-seaters in Dublin and I was attacked for this. Somebody was foolish enough to suggest—I think it was Senator Yeats—that he knew before anybody else a particular reason why I would make Dún Laoghaire a four-seater.

A very good reason.

I hope the Senator is not suggesting that the Taoiseach might lose his seat. This was the sort of nonsense we had in the other House; that the Taoiseach might lose his seat.

No. The worry was that Fianna Fáil might win one.

There were 43 seats going in the Dublin area and if you divide 43 by 14 you get three-seat constituencies with one over. I think it was Senator McGlinchey who was talking about .5 of a Deputy. Unless we succeeded in doing like Solomon, getting a sword and cutting a fellow into 14 pieces—I do not see any volunteers around—and giving a piece to each one of the others, we could not do it. We had to put a four-seater somewhere and Dún Laoghaire was the natural one for it. There is an old French tag "Evil to him who evil thinketh" and if you want to find something wrong—I was not sure of my pronunciation or I would have given the quotation in French——

I never knew that was a French one.

Does the Minister say he did not gerrymander West Galway? I ask him to look at the map, to stand up there and justify himself as an honest man.

(Interruptions.)

Acting Chairman

Will Senator Killilea please obey the Chair? The Minister did not interrupt anybody and he should be allowed to make his speech.

What is wrong with Senator Killilea is that he has an obsession about West Galway. He feels that if we had taken a seat from here or there and put five or six or seven or 11 seats into Galway he would get in in Galway.

Four in Clare and three in West Galway.

(Interruptions.)

Acting Chairman

I would ask Senator Killilea and Senator Russell to please observe the rules of the House.

As far as the trip from Inishbofin to Lahinch is concerned, let me point out that this could only happen if the Deputy lived in Inishbofin and the constituent he was visiting was in Lahinch.

You say the people of Lahinch are not entitled to reach their TD?

That is the only way it could happen. Let me finalise this portion by saying that as far as I am concerned Senator Killilea should be very happy. He is in here and I am not going to take a bundle of seats from anyone else and put them into his constituency or the constituency he may stand for in the hope that he will get elected.

Clare is not in West Galway.

Senator Killilea came in here and made a very foolish speech. Having sat down he then, like a racing tipster——

Acting Chairman

Senator Killilea, I have run out of patience. I would ask you, once and for all, to obey the Chair.

Senator Killilea, having made his own speech, then proceeded to do like a racing tipster, a black man who used to go around the races with a bit of paper, nudging everybody and saying: "I have got a horse". Senator Killilea passed slips of paper to everybody who got up to speak except Senator Yeats who would not take it from him. He would not try it on him. Everybody else, including Senator McGlinchey, got his share of tips.

I do not think I got any tips.

There was a reason for that too.

(Interruptions.)

I will not listen to hypocrisy.

Several people would not take it from him but he kept giving his bits of paper. He could not make a bloody speech himself but he wanted to tell everbody else how they should make theirs.

On a point of order, is it in order for the Minister to refer to a speech by Senator Killilea as a "bloody speech"?

He did not say that.

I take it there is only one Leas-Chathaoirleach in this House. I have asked you, Sir, on a point of order, a question. I am awaiting your reply.

On a point of order, is it not true that Senator Garrett introduced that very adjective several times into his speech not only last night but also this morning?

On a point of order, Sir.

Acting Chairman

I would prefer that that word was not used.

I withdraw it but, in fact, I said he did not make a speech. It applies to others, too, if they want to take it up, people who used the same adjective.

Senator Keegan is a very decent man who wanted to make his point but he did not make his point. Let me quote from his speech. He said that he saw a man walking into a ballot box—the record will tell whether I am right or not—and he had his wife with him. It must have been a big ballot box. He said he insisted on being allowed to vote even though his name was not on the ballot paper——

He was not on the register.

He did not say the register. He proceeded to say that this man was allowed to vote even though he was not entitled to. Then he stood up and said: "Nobody should be allowed to vote unless they are on the ballot paper." Was he confining it to the candidates? Will anybody find fault with me for saying this, having listened to three days of that kind of thing coming from people who had all the time in the world to prepare? Senator Keegan followed this up by saying that he knew of candidates in his constituency who paid £10 for votes at the last election.

Correct.

If Senator Keegan knows of people who paid £10 for votes in the last election, then he should not be bothered coming in here because with the amount of votes you require to be elected, at £10 a vote you would need to be a very rich man indeed.

Yes, I can prove it.

If he does know of somebody who did so, his job was to go to the Garda and swear that he saw this happening. If he did not see it, there is no point in mentioning it here, nearly 18 months after the election. Senator Keegan is normally a decent man but he came in here to make his speech and this is what he said.

On a point of explanation——

I have pointed out repeatedly——

The Minister and myself are at cross-purposes here. This is a very important matter. It relates to the Electoral Abuses Act.

I have repeatedly pointed out during this debate that it is not proper to interrupt a speaker in order to make a point of personal explanation. The Chair is only entitled to hear points of order in the course of a speech. Points of personal explanation may be made at the conclusion of a speech.

Senator McGlinchey made a long, loud, ludicrous speech in this House. I can see his point. He expects to get into the Guinness Book of Records for making a speech lasting 6 hours 20 minutes according to my time. I could be a few minutes out one way or the other. He started off by talking about gerrymander. He referred to the original gerrymander and said that it was the Governor of New York named Gerry who did it. In fact, it was Governor Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. It does not really matter now, but just in order to get the facts straight I think we should put that down.

On a point of order, is it in order for the Minister to misquote a Member of this House?

The Chair has no control as to whether a quotation is or is not factual. All the Chair requires is for reference to be made to the point of origin. If a Senator thinks he is being misquoted, he can at the conclusion of the speech rise on a point of personal explanation.

Is it in order for me to point out that I made no reference to the Governor of New York?

I would like to repeat that Senator McGlinchey referred to the man as being Governor of New York. The record will show that I am correct.

Would the Minister care to bet on that and we will check the records?

That was the start of the speech. He then went along to talk about Senator Garret FitzGerald who is now Minister for Foreign Affairs and what he said in The Sunday Independent on 12th November, 1972. He read it down and having, as he thought, the only copy in the place, he read the bits he liked and left out the bits he did not like. He talked about one section at the bottom of the first column which says “flagrant abuse”. He said:

No one can fairly say that this electoral reform is not needed here, for the flagrant abuse of the power of a Government majority to determine constituency boundaries in a manner designed to give the Government party a share of seats disproportionate to its votes has been a striking feature of the political system in the Republic.

He stopped there. What he left out was: "especially in recent years". It is very significant that he just left out those few words. He read another part of it and left this bit out:

Some may feel that "Tammany Hall State" is too strong a term, I believe it is fully justified. It is justified because for the past four years we have been ruled by a Government which can be shown without possibility of challenge to have secured power in 1969 in the face of a loss of electoral support with the minority of the popular vote and as a direct and indisputable result of the manipulation of constituency boundaries designed to give it a false majority.

He did not read that. I wonder why. It goes on:

How is this gerrymander effected? To a minor degree it is achieved by manipulating boundaries so as to include or exclude from particular constituencies particular groups of voters who are known to the Government party to vote predominantly for or against the Government.

This is the reason he left it out. It further says:

Under PR there is much less room for this kind of manipulation than with single-seat constituencies and it is not a very important factor in gerrymandering in the Republic.

I would imagine somebody like Senator McGlinchey who wanted to make a long speech would have read the whole lot. Those extra words would have given him another few extra minutes. They would have helped him a lot. He talked about Donegal people being thrown headlong into the province of Connacht. It is correct that there will be 2,835 people of Donegal in the Sligo-Leitrim constituency. Under the present arrangement there are 48,982 Donegal people thrown headlong into the province of Connacht or you could put it the other way and say that 8,126 Leitrim people were thrown headlong into the Donegal constituency.

Could I remind Senator McGlinchey of two things? During the debate in the other House, to which I am not supposed to refer here, one of the Senator's colleagues who attacked the Bill all round the country said nothing about Donegal because it is a five-seat constituency. When Senator McGlinchey saw me looking at him when he started to tell us what the representation at present in Donegal was he stopped short after saying two Fine Gael Deputies. It would be embarrassing to try to explain who the rest were. He knew this. Senator McGlinchey talked about somebody being a friend of his. As Seán Dunne, Lord rest him, used to say: "With friends like these what need have I of enemies?"

Senator McGlinchey said the city of Dublin together with Dún Laoghaire and Rathdown would return 43 deputies. In fact, the 43 Deputies will represent Dublin county as well and portions of Kildare and Wicklow. We should try to be a little bit more accurate. This is a factual debate. It is about specific facts, including the road which we have heard so much about—Ballyshannon to Ballintra. I do not know whether Bing and Bob are going to do a musical on it or not but we have heard enough about it. I can assure the Senator that he need have no fear of travelling out of the Donegal constituency through Sligo-Leitrim and back to the Donegal constituency. There are no little green men there. They are Irishmen. He need have no fear at all. His colleague who was Minister for Local Government the last time and the previous one, who was closer to him, drew up constituencies where a Deputy would be in and out going from one part to another. If one travels west from here one first enters County Kildare, then County Meath, back into Kildare and then Meath again. The people are not standing with sling-shots waiting to throw stones at strangers going through there because they believe they have a right to do so. If the road from Ballyshannon to Ballintra is so dangerous, there is a side road which I know very well. You can use that road and stay in the constituency. You do not have to go on the main road. Some friends of Senator McGlinchey use the side road quite a lot. He can use it and I am sure there will be no remarks passed. He can go right around there and there will not be a word said to him. The little green men from Sligo-Leitrim will not get him.

Donegal is too small for a six-seater. It is marginally too big for five seats. The choice was to add a large part of Leitrim to Donegal and give it six seats or take away a much smaller part and give Donegal five seats. This seemed to me to be the most reasonable course. This is what I did in the Bill. I had to take units from which population figures are available, in other words, district electoral divisions. The boundaries of these areas were drawn up more than a hundred years ago. I can hardly be blamed if these boundaries happen to cross Ballintra road. I did not draw up electoral division boundaries. I was not alive 100 years ago.

I can assure Deputy McGlinchey that if he tries sometime to get a motion or a resolution passed—I do not know what it would be exactly— to straighten out the boundaries of electoral divisions or if he succeeds in getting the Ballintra road moved or the electoral division moved over, I certainly will not object. It is entirely a matter for himself. I was unable to do what he seems to think. He bemoans the size of the new Donegal five-seat constituency. As I said at the outset, the Donegal constituency is a more compact one than the present constituency of Donegal-Leitrim which stretches from Tory Island to Dromahair. I do not think it would be reasonable that there would be people from Tory Island going down to a Deputy in Dromahair every day of the week. I am talking about the extreme ends of the constituency. I am only using it because the argument was made that in some peculiar way the whole length of the constituency is an important thing. It is much shorter than the existing one. The point is on my side and I am quite sure Senator McGlinchey would be the first to admit it.

The new constituency is much wider.

(Interruptions.)

Let me stick to the Ballintra road the whole way and have only those who are living on each side of it in one constituency. You cannot have it both ways. The new constituency is a five-seater, the other was a three-seater. I am sorry Senator Yeats has not been in the other House, but if he was and had a constituency he would realise the difference in travelling over a five-seater and a three-seater constituency and indeed the difference in representation. People, except for the odd fellow who is real tough, get used to going to the Deputy who is nearest to him. Whether they vote for him or not is another matter. The five-seater in the area which is now fixed for Donegal is very much easier than a three-seater stretching down from Tory Island to Dromohair.

One other thing which Senator McGlinchey introduced which I should like to refer to very briefly—I might not be in order in going too deeply into it—is something of which I have no proof except for what Senator McGlinchey said. He seemed to be convinced that if we arranged the constituency in this way we would have, in addition to this, to guarantee jobs for the boys. In other words, we would have to ensure that people who supported us there would be given jobs. We would have to give them things they were not entitled to so that we could hold on to them. I wonder was he judging the present Government by the standards of their predecessors. All my life I have believed—and I think my colleagues believe the same—that people should not get jobs they are not entitled to. I think is was a colleague of Senator McGlinchey's who said that everything else being equal, they would give the job to a Fianna Fáil man. I do not go for that. I have said this publicly to my own people and I am saying it publicly here: I do not believe that people should be getting jobs which they are not fit to hold just because they are supporters of a political party. It appeared to be the idea that that was the way it had to be done. In view of the long period Fianna Fáil were in office I would assume that is the way Senator McGlinchey said it was being done. I would be sorry if this were the case and I hope that they will take our example now and decide that it will not happen again if they ever get back into power.

Senator McGlinchey and a lot of other Senators used statistics any way at all to suit themselves. They talked about 42 constituencies in all. One Senator said in 21 of them the population-Deputy ratio was above the average. He could as easily have said in 21 of them it was below the average. It is like the optimist or the pessimist: is the bottle half full or is it half empty?

I should like to intervene now to ask what the House would like to do in regard to the arrangements of its sitting. It is customary to break at this time. On the other hand, the Minister is in possession.

Could we break for an hour? I think he deserves his lunch after that.

Could you give the House any indication what time we will finish this evening?

It has already been decided to adjourn not later than 5 p.m.

I should like to facilitate the Senators and I have no objection to continuing until I finish, if that is all right.

We must compliment the Minister. No matter what was said on this side of the House or the other side, he was here for the past three days and never left his seat. Very few Ministers would stay——

The Senator's compliments are out of order.

I want to compliment him on being there and listening to every word that was said.

Is the House agreeing to sit on in order to finish the Second Stage?

I have got a lot of stuff here. I think I have made my points reasonably well. I have a few little points to make and will not take more than half an hour.

I think we could all agree he has said enough.

(Interruptions.)

In Dublin—and this includes rural areas of County Dublin, Kildare and Wicklow—there are 14 constituencies and the ratio is above average in seven of them and below average in seven of them. In the state as a whole the ratio is above average in 12 rural constituencies and below average in 15 rural constituencies. It is above average in eight urban and below average in seven urban constituencies. I think these figures show that there is no bias such as people were suggesting. If you like I could give you exactly the figures here, but I think this is one thing that I could cut down on, as they have been quoted by a number of people.

Senator McGlinchey has complained that the part of Ulster within the state is unfairly treated in this Bill. I should briefly say that the Counties Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal with a population of 207,204 are given ten seats. Within the constitutional requirements as interpreted by the courts it would not be possible to give them more than ten seats on their own without bringing in either a portion of Connacht or Leinster. The objection to bringing anything else into Ulster is at least as strong as taking anything out of Ulster and putting it with some other, I think that is reasonable enough.

I would also complain about a comment which was made first by Senator Mary Robinson and by Senator McGlinchey in another way. Senator Mary Robinson said that because we were not doing this the way she thought it should be done there was a danger that parliamentary democracy would suffer. She said young people would not accept it and hinted that they would consider other means. She did mention violence; she made a passing reference to it. I want to say to the Seanad that I think it is wrong that somebody like Senator Mary Robinson, who may not have as much political experience dealing with ordinary people throughout the country as I have or as other people here have but who has the ear of young people in their formative years, should suggest for one moment while a Member of the Houses of the Oireachtas that there was another way and that the question of using another way to achieve their ends could even be considered. I think perhaps she did not mean it but she usually says what she means. I think on reflection that she will agree with me that it was wrong to suggest it. I want to make it very clear that, as far as I am concerned, I believe there is one authority in this country, the authority of the Oireachtas, and I give second to nobody, whether it is street demonstrations, people who want to be violent, whether it is the IRA, UVF or anybody else, the Houses of the Oireachtas——

I am quite sure Senator Robinson would agree with you.

I am quite sure she would. It is an unfortunate comment which she made and I felt if it was not replied to there might be people who, reading her speech and reading the reply, might get the impression that it was all right to say those things provided you were in a certain place. I do not believe anybody has the right. I do not believe that particularly any Member of this House or the other House has the right to give this impression even by a hint.

Senator McGlinchey I would take far more seriously. Senator McGlinchey suggested that because of the fact that we did not have the fair system of election which existed in the North there was a danger of —and he used the words—"street demonstrations". As far as street demonstrations are concerned, I would be the first to be in favour of a peaceful demonstration for a rightful cause, but if Senator McGlinchey or anybody else thinks that he can upset the decision of Oireachtas Éireann by taking to the streets or using violence, then most certainly they will be condemned by me and I think condemned by any rightminded person in the country. I will not go overboard about the type of democracy they have in Northern Ireland even at the present time.

Is the Minister sure both Senator Robinson and Senator McGlinchey suggested any such thing?

I am sure. I was listening, and the records will show that they were the words used. I grant you it was after Senator McGlinchey had marched proudly across Craigavon Bridge into the centre of Derry with his wounds bleeding and the green flag wrapped around him in front of 17,000 people that he was prepared to give advice on how these things should be done. It is all right for somebody whom nobody gives a damn about to say these things down the country but it is a different thing when a Member of the Oireachtas says it, and it was said too often in the past. It is a very short step from saying that street demonstrations are necessary to overthrow a constitutionally-passed Electoral Bill to taking up arms for the purpose of overthrowing the decisions taken at an election. This sort of action should not be advised by any Member of this House.

Senator McGlinchey complains that the three Ulster counties in the Republic, Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan, would have only ten Deputies and he contrasts this with the fact that the six Ulster counties will return a 78-member Assembly. The population of the Six Counties is, or was, 1,527,593 which on the basis of 20,000 people per Deputy would entitle them to 76 seats. This shows that the representation given to Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan is, in fact, very close to the representation which the other six Ulster counties have in the Northern Assembly. He also suggests that the three Ulster counties have been given less than their due representation but he is not correct.

I should like to make one other point about whether or not we decide to have joint representation for a group of people with much in common. Cavan and Monaghan have practically everything in common; I know them well; I was born on the Cavan border. Those two counties should be put together as one unit. Senator Robinson said on another occasion that it is not the number that counts: it is the standard of representation that really matters. This is so, and if Cavan-Monaghan continue to send the type of representation they are sending here under the present system, I believe they will be well represented. The five people who will represent them will represent the whole electorate and Cavan, instead of losing one, will be able to claim that they have five representatives and so will Monaghan. A similar situation will exist in Cork. Instead of taking away seats, we gave them seats. The same applies in Donegal. Instead of having three seats they have got five people to represent them. Each one of those will claim he represents the whole constituency.

The representation is much fairer. Do not let us have any more of this poppycock about losing a seat here and losing a seat there. If any man who represents an area is looking for bigger representation in that particular area for the same number of people, then he must feel he is not giving adequate representation. I believe the Donegal Deputies are quite happy with what they have got. I believe that Cavan and Monaghan will be quite happy the way they are. So will other parts of the country. It is nonsense to say there is some big mystery, something wrong, if you change constituencies.

Senator William Ryan, who made quite a reasonable speech, said that two extra seats could be given to Munster, and then he suggested that they should be given to the west and also that one extra seat could be given to Cavan-Monaghan. He suggested giving away the same seats three times. The miracle of the loaves and fishes was very good, but it has not been repeated since. I could not distribute the same seats again and again no matter how much I wanted to. I gave them where I thought it was right to give them. The Senator's speech was quite good. I have no objection to it except that he did expect me to work the miracle of the loaves and fishes.

Senator Hanafin said it was difficult to say anything new on the Bill and then he went on to speak for quite a while. He spoke for 17 minutes on what had already been said. No, I am sorry, he spoke for about an hour and 20 minutes afterwards.

It only seemed like 17 minutes.

Having looked through the notes it seemed as if it was only five minutes. The only matters on which he found something to say were the questions of a commission and postal voting.

Excuse me. I never mentioned postal voting. If the Minister is speaking about postal voting, his notes must refer to some other Senator. I did not mention postal voting.

I am sorry. The Senator is quite right. Senator Hanafin did not say anything at all.

Is it that you find my points unanswerable? Is this why you will not answer them?

No, as you said at the start, there was nothing new to say and you did not say it.

I said there was difficulty in finding anything new to say but I did find things to say.

Senator Horgan referred to the question of the commission and postal voting. I did, in fact, issue a public statement on postal voting, and I am surprised that Senators such as Senator Horgan were not aware of this. I also referred to it in my opening speech here. I am amazed at all the people in this House who have approached me and said: "What about postal voting?" despite the fact that in the other House and in the newspapers—I did not go on radio or television—I made many statements about it and it does not yet seem to be quite clear. I am saying now that I propose for the local elections to introduce a motion which will give postal voting to a very large number of people who otherwise would be unable to vote—the sick, people who are working and many others. For the next general election, in four years time, I will have a Bill which will give this right to everybody who needs it for voting at all elections, including general and Presidential elections.

Senator Horgan said he thought it strange and anomalous that a rapidly industrialising country should be dominated by representatives from rural parts of the country. He then went on to complain about what he called the marginal reduction in representation in the west. I will not comment on that.

Senator Quinlan suggested that an all-party committee of the Dáil should be set up to find some way of easing the work-load of Deputies. I think Deputies are doing that themselves. He also suggested that we should make arrangements for a commission to inquire into the setting up of bigger constituencies. He spoke about very big constituencies and while it is possible to have one constituency for the whole country I do not propose to do that and I do not think a commission would either. We had better leave this for another day.

Senator Yeats made an interesting suggestion that the Oireachtas should pass a Bill which would give a wider tolerance than 1,000. The legal advice from all sides is that it would probably be unconstitutional to go outside this limit. As the Senator is aware, the Constitution specifically forbids the Oireachtas to enact any legislation which is repugnant to the Constitution. At the present time we could not have a Bill of this kind.

The Constitution refers to an examination of what is practicable.

Unfortunately, the Constitution does not allow us to be practical. Whoever drew it up did not go into that at all.

But these are the words of the Constitution.

Perhaps some day we may be able to do something practical.

Senator Yeats talked about present constituencies and said that the point had been made that the Bill did not adhere closely enough to the present scheme of constituencies. Could I make something very clear, which I should have made clear from the start? I did not get the job of drawing up a constituency Bill which would benefit Fianna Fáil. That was not my specific instruction. Why should so many Senators stand up here and challenge me for not doing that?

A Senator

We did not.

You did. Every one of you got up——

Would the Minister——

——and said "Look, this is what should be done; you should have done this". I want to come to Senator Bernard Cowen, a friend of mine. I was touched deeply by his desire that we should have a Labour representative in his constituency. I want to assure him that he need have no fears. We will have one at the next election.

(Interruptions.)

On a point of order, I am not interrupting the Minister. I would be sorry to do so. I want one question that I asked yesterday evening clarified. Why, in parts of Dublin city——

I am afraid that is not a point of order.

(Interruptions.)

The Minister did not answer my question.

I cannot allow the Senator to legitimise an interruption by calling it a point of order or a point of explanation.

I will have to get an extra five minutes if the Senator continues. The position is that, on the basis of the 148 seats, 21 of the constituencies are outside the tolerance number and must be changed in some way. I have mentioned this already. Naturally this must affect neighbouring constituencies. At a conservative estimate at least 33 constituencies would have to be changed to take account of this and to fit in the four extra seats. Therefore to suggest that we should have left it as it was is just not on. That is what Fianna Fáil did—I know they were trying to get away from it—but that is what they did. They left it there. It did not go away and we had to take up the slack when we came in.

On constitutional grounds alone, the majority of the constituencies simply had to be changed. There is of course another important aspect. The Minister who carried out the 1969 revision said he did it to give maximum electoral advantage to his own party. This is a matter of public evidence. Therefore this scheme, in justice, simply had to upset this in order to restore fair and reasonable representation. This is what I suggest we are doing.

Would the Minister give us a quotation?

He made it publicly on a dozen times. Is Senator Yeats challenging the authenticity of it?

I should like the Minister to give us one specific quotation saying that.

Saying what?

Saying what he attributed to the former Minister.

I will get some clippings and send them on for a scrapbook to Senator Yeats.

It would be nice to get on record in the Minister's reply.

I do not want to follow Senator Yeats all around the country. We can take his statement about the Cork area as a fair example of his attitude. He asked me to explain why certain changes are being made in the Cork area. Then he went on to tell me what answer I should give. He said that he would not accept any other answer. This sounds very like Alice in Wonderland. You pose the questions and then you tell the answers. It is a good way if you can get away with it.

I should like to say to Senator Yeats —for whom I have a high regard— that, as far as the question of the changes in Cork are concerned, the statement made here to the effect that I deliberately did this because the former Taoiseach lived in Cork is untrue. But one thing is true and I want to put this on record, as I did in the other House. The natural change—my conscience has been troubling me a bit about this—should have been that I would take the area in which the former Taoiseach lives and put it into North Cork. This is what I should have done but I did not do it because I have respect for the man. I felt that he would be made a football of in this and the other House, by people who would say that I did this because he was the former Taoiseach. I did not do it and because I did not do it somebody had the audacity to get up here and say: "Ah! you did this because of the fact——

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Kelly said that is why you did it.

No, he did not.

Oh, yes he did.

He said that special consideration had been given to it. That is what he was referring to. But again the French tag comes up.

Fianna Fáil were strong in Cork because of the former Taoiseach, so why on earth should you leave it that way? Was it not sensible to make the changes there?

I left his portion of it that way. Actually Mr. Boland when he was Minister admitted on television——

The Minister was aware that it did not make any difference what he did in Cork in regard to the constituencies.

If Senator Cowen's view of what is likely to happen in Cork is as inaccurate as the one he has of the area in which he lives himself, then——

The Minister knows full well how Labour are faring in Laois-Offaly.

We have heard a lot about voting patterns and what happens in particular areas. Every individual votes himself, and in proportional representation he votes 1, 2, 3. While a party may tell somebody to vote this way, as we all know individuals make up their own minds. Senator Cowen having made the ridiculous suggestion that because somebody in Fianna Fáil now feels it is wrong to vote 1 Labour and 2 Fine Gael, he is now satisfied that that is the end of it and that he will come back in the next election.

(Interruptions.)

I should like to thank Senator Browne for his kind remarks. I was very glad to be able to make it possible for him to come back to the other House.

I have been listening to the Minister for the last threequarters of an hour. I am very sorry to say he has made a mockery of every speech that has been made from this side of the House. He made little of them. It is not my custom to say things like this, but the Minister is no "Superstar".

The Minister yielded to Senator Browne. Senator Browne should have resumed his seat when the Minister stood again.

Senator Browne got up last night and thanked me for making it possible for him to go back into the Dáil again as a result of what I did. I am grateful to him for being honest enough to say that I gave him what his own Minister took away from him. I might not guarantee him a seat. I am just telling him——

(Interruptions.)

Senator Yeats and others said they were surprised about my statement on impartial observers. This is something at which you must look again. I think they were impartial observers; Senator Yeats does not. I am satisfied that impartial observers think the Bill is a good one and a fair one.

Senator Aylward wanted to know why it took more people to elect a Deputy in rural Ireland than in Dublin? The answer is that it does not. Once again may I point out that in Dublin there will be 20,142 persons per Deputy and in the rest of the country there will be 20,116 persons per Deputy. Anybody can read that.

There were a lot of arguments here as to whether the Government side were being fair or unfair in the manner in which the business of the House was run. As I say, I am only a stranger here and am not entitled to comment. In 1961, the Electoral Bill on Second Stage took five and a half hours; the Committee Stage took two hours and the Report and Final Stages took no time at all—a total of seven and a half hours. In the 1968 revision the Second Stage took five hours; the Committee Stage took three hours and the Report and Final Stages took one hour—a total of nine hours. On this Bill, so far, we have taken very much in excess of that. I am not quarrelling with that. The Opposition were much fairer then. If anybody makes a mockery of the House it is somebody who comes into this House, stands up for six hours and 20 minutes and repeats himself so often that the Chair has again and again to draw his attention to the fact. He used cliché after cliché, halftruths and comments which have no relation at all to the Bill. Then he brags about stamina. I have as much stamina as anyone in this House. I think it is ridiculous when that sort of antic is carried on. If you want to debate the Bill then let us debate it.

Let me say finally, Sir, that I am sorry that we had to sit so late last night. I do not believe there is anything wrong with sitting today or indeed— as so many people have to do—sitting and working tomorrow or if necessary, on Saturday. We are representatives of the people and we should do exactly what they are doing. We should not complain about it.

On another occasion the Minister's colleague held up the House for six hours with dictionaries.

May I congratulate the Minister on not speaking on the Bill?

(Interruptions.)

The Minister has been defending his Bill. I have already called Senator Aylward on a point of order.

On a point of order, I am not here to contradict the Minister——

(Interruptions.)

Senators can rise on points of order, but the Chair has not heard a point of order yet. It is a matter of extreme disorder to claim the attention of the Chair by representing that the Senator is rising on a point of order when in fact he is not.

I would appreciate your advice as to whether this is a point of order. The Minister, in referring to the words that I used here yesterday, said that I said nothing at all. Having said that I should like to point out to him that the Senators on the far side of the House sat there yesterday like mummies in the tomb of Tutankhamen. I said he owed an apology to Senator Robinson and he did not make it.

Senator Hanafin will resume his seat and listen to the ruling of the Chair which he did not hear because he continued to talk while the Chair was speaking. The point which Senator Hanafin raised was not a point of order.

Question put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 28; Níl, 14.

  • Blennerhassett, John.
  • Boland, John.
  • Burton, Philip.
  • Deasy, Austin.
  • Farrelly, Denis.
  • FitzGerald, Alexis.
  • Fitzgerald, Jack.
  • Halligan, Brendan.
  • Harte, John.
  • Higgins, Michael D.
  • Kennedy, Fintan.
  • Kilbride, Thomas.
  • Lyons, Michael Dalgan.
  • McAuliffe, Timothy.
  • McCartin, John Joseph.
  • McGrath, Patrick W.
  • Mannion, John M.
  • Markey, Bernard.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Mullen, Michael.
  • O'Brien, Andy.
  • O'Brien, William.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Toole, Patrick.
  • Russell, George Edward.
  • Sanfey, James W.
  • Walsh, Mary.
  • Whyte, Liam.

Níl

  • Aylward, Bob.
  • Browne, Patrick (Fad).
  • Cowen, Bernard.
  • Dolan, Séamus.
  • Garrett, Jack.
  • Hanafin, Des.
  • Horgan, John S.
  • Keegan, Seán.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • McGlinchey, Bernard.
  • Robinson, Mary.
  • Ryan, Eoin.
  • Ryan, William.
  • Yeats, Michael B.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Sanfey and Halligan; Níl, Senators Hanafin and W. Ryan.
Question declared carried.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 24th April, 1974.
The Seanad adjourned at 1.45 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 24th April, 1974
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