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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 17 Jul 1974

Vol. 78 No. 14

Prosecution of Offences Bill, 1974: Committee and Final Stages.

SECTION 1.

I move amendment No. 1:

Between lines 27 and 28 to insert "‘law officer' means the Attorney General, the Director or the Acting Director".

This amendment will put into effect what I said earlier that "law officer" should be inserted in the definition section and not at the end of section 4. I am aware that the Minister suggested this was because the word "law officer" only appeared in section 4. This does not seem to be a sufficient reason. If it is absolutely necessary to make this point, the definition in section 1 could say that "law officer" where it appears in such a form means the Attorney General and so on. I have not had time to look through the entire Bill but it seems to me that some of the definitions in section 1 do not appear more than once or twice in the remainder of the Bill. Therefore, that objection does not seem to me to be valid. As I mentioned, the difficulty and confusion which will arise from people looking through the definitions for the definition of "law officer" and finding it later in the Bill are very strong arguments for putting the definition in the definition section.

Might I say, before the Minister replies, I understand Senator Ryan's point of view but that is only because Bills have always been drafted in this way with the definition section. From the point of view of the ordinary practitioner, it would be much better if, in this and future Bills, definitions appeared in the appropriate section or where they are first referred to. Certainly where there is only one reference in a section to a particular definition then it is far easier on practitioners that that section should contain the definition.

I would like to support this amendment but when I started looking through this Bill and got as far as section 4, I saw the first line of the section read: "A law officer may direct any of his professional officers to perform on his behalf,"et cetera. What is a law officer? What is a professional officer? I went to the definition section and there I was told what a professional officer was but not a law officer. So I went back in some despair to the section and when I got right to the end I discovered what a law officer was.

A professional officer, which is in the definition section, appears twice in this Bill, but "law officer" appears only once. Technically, the Minister is on sound ground there. It is the custom in these cases to put the definition into the section when it only appears once. Nonetheless, for practical purposes when one is reading this Bill the first time either "law officer" or "professional officer" appears is in section 4. If we want to know what they are, in one case we look in the definition section and in the other we wait until we get to subsection (4) of section 4. There we find out what a "law officer" is. As happens quite often, we find that the parliamentary draftsman's rather abstruse methods of reasoning—which are performed in accordance with precedent and are fully understood by the parliamentary draftsman and his officials—do not make life easier for the ordinary man-in-the-street or, indeed, the ordinary legal man who is trying to read a Bill of this kind I feel that perhaps sometimes common sense could triumph over precedent I am in no doubt that if Senator Ryan's amendment was accepted generations of legal practitioners would be grateful

Cavan): As I stated in reply to the Second Stage debate, the reason for defining “law officer” in section 4 instead of in the definition section, is that the expression “law officer” appears in section 4 only. Section 4 is a short section. It is neater and tidier to have a definition in the section instead of having to refer back a number of pages to the definition section. Legal men when referring to a definition section are inclined to assume that the definition will appear in that section. On the other hand, there is nothing original in this procedure in defining the term “law officer” in the only section in which it appears. There is ample precedent for that. Senators who are members of the legal profession, particularly barristers, will know that it is frequently done; I would nearly say it is invariably done where it is set out to define a term which appears once only. I would ask Senators to accept that.

I do not accept that it is the invariable practice but I will not argue that point. It is perfectly true that there are many precedents for this. We should always remember that there are good and bad precedents. In my view this is a bad one. Where the House has an opportunity to eliminate a bad precedent and to improve not only this Bill but also drafting procedure generally, we should avail of the opportunity. Admittedly there is precedent for this but it should not deter us from doing something which would be an improvement to the Bill and in drafting generally.

Without departing from precedent and the cherished rule of the parliamentary draftsman, would the Minister, perhaps on Report Stage, be willing to accept a minor amendment to section 4? I know we are not there yet but since this is the matter we are discussing it seems more sensible to raise it now. Would he be willing to consider changing the numbering of the subsections of section 4 and make No. (4) into No. (1)? This would make life easier for everyone and would not in any way disturb the precedents and customs of the parliamentary draftsman.

(Cavan): Both Senator Ryan and Senator Yeats have raised this point. No doubt their remarks will be read elsewhere, analysed and considered. Perhaps they will be satisfied that having ventilated the points, they might leave them as far as this Bill is concerned.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2.

I move amendment No. 2:

In subsection (7) (a) line 17 after "the Chief Justice" to add "or the President of the High Court".

This arises from my suggestion that the President of the High Court is a more appropriate person to be on this committee than the Chief Justice, or certainly just as appropriate. My purpose was to allow a choice between the two. We had very little time to draft these amendments. I realise now that, as it stands, it would not be clear as to who was to make the choice. Had I had more time to draft the amendment, I would have said the Chief Justice or judge of the High Court nominated by him, so as to give him an opportunity to delegate this task to the President or some other judge. The Chief Justice may sometimes feel that it is not a task for which he is particularly well qualified. He may be pleased to hand it over to some other judge and in particular to the President of the High Court.

(Cavan): The amendment, as drafted, would create a position where either the Chief Justice or the President of the High Court might head this distinguished committee. I do not think it desirable that the composition of the committee should be as loose as that. It is better to have a definite type of committee. As Senator Ryan said, the amendment as drafted is defective. I am not blaming him for that. I know it was drafted at very short notice and he had no opportunity to consider it. Assuming there was a choice which would rest with the Taoiseach, Members of the House could complain about that and rightly so. They might say that on one occasion the Chief Justice would be appointed and on another occasion the President of the High Court. It is much better if the composition of the committee is known and definite. This House has control over it now, but if we were to let this Bill out of the House with “the Chief Justice or” we would be losing control over the composition of the committee. The Oireachtas should not give away that power of defining that committee.

There is provision in the Bill for the nomination of a person in place of one of the people mentioned if, for any reason, they should signify their intention not to act. It is set out in subsection (7) (a) (ii):

In the event of any of the persons aforesaid signifying at any time his unwillingness or inability to act for any period as a member of the committee, the Taoiseach may, after consultation with the Attorney General, appoint another person to be a member of the committee in his place for that period.

The House may be satisfied that if the Chief Justice were to stand down for any reason, it is virtually certain—I am not binding the Government or the Taoiseach -that he would be asked to nominate a judge in his place. I would ask the House to accept that explanation. The same explanation was given in the Dáil I understand.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 3:

In subsection (7) (b) line 31 after "select" to insert "not less than three"

I urge the Minister to consider this amendment very seriously. This whole procedure of setting up a very high-powered and distinguished committee and leaving it open to the Government not to accept these recommendations is a bad one. It is very clumsy and reflects very badly on this distinguished committee if their recommendations should be rejected and they are asked to try again. It will certainly lead to bad feeling and will be regarded as a slur on the committee. I see no reason why the Government having handed over the selection of candidates to this committee should not be obliged to accept one of the candidates put forward.

I agree that if the Government found themselves with just one candidate— this section suggests there must be more than one—or perhaps with two they might legitimately have reasons why they did not like either of them and consequently might be in some difficulty. To meet this point I am suggesting that the committee would be asked to select not less than three candidates and that having a choice of three, the Government should then be obliged to appoint one of the three candidates. That would give them a reasonable choice. One must assume that the candidates would be of a very high calibre, having been selected by this committee, and that the Government should——

Could we discuss this and the next amendment together? They are related.

If the House agrees, it might be as well to debate amendments 3 and 4 together and to give separate decisions, if necessary.

Amendment No. 4 eliminates the power of the Government not to appoint any of the candidates selected by the committee pursuant to the particular request. My suggestion is to ensure the Government have at least three candidates to select from but, having been given that choice, they should be obliged to take one of these candidates. That would be a much better way of dealing with the matter. It would not be unduly restrictive as far as the Government were concerned but would ensure that the committee would not find themselves in the position of having their candidates rejected by the Government. Should the Government continue sending back these candidates to the committee it is quite clear that in due course the procedure would simply break down and we would have another Bill before us to amend the procedure for appointing the director.

(Cavan): The machinery provided in subsection (7) for the selection of a candidate for the provision of Director of Public Prosecutions is quite elaborate.

Too elaborate.

(Cavan): It sets up a very distinguished and impartial committee who will recommend candidates to the Government as suitable for the position. It is important to note that the Government may not appoint a person who has not been recommended by that committee and who has not been certified by that committee as suitable.

It is also very important to note that when the Director of Public Prosecutions is appointed he becomes independent. He is independent of the Attorney General. He is independent of the Government. He can only be removed from office after a report has been obtained from another distinguished committee. I think that it is unreasonable to fetter the Government in the manner suggested by the amendment. Indeed, we might also be fettering the committee because if the committee are obliged to put forward three names, what happens if there are only two applicants? We cannot assume that there are going to be several applicants for this post. If there were only two applicants it would be impossible for the committee to submit three names. I emphasised, when replying to the Second Stage debate, that the overriding built-in safeguard in so far as the public is concerned, if such a safeguard is necessary, is that the person who is appointed must be selected by this committee and, so to speak, certified by the committee as suitable. We are not being realistic when we talk of the Government getting a number of names and saying: "We will not appoint any of these", then asking the committee to go into session again and refusing once more to make an appointment from the panel put forward.

That is what the Bill says.

(Cavan): The section provides for the very unlikely situation of a candidate or candidates being put forward but who are known to the Government from information available to the Government, and, possibly not available to the committee, as being unsuitable. If the Government were to act as suggested by Senator Ryan in refusing to accept one panel, and in refusing to accept another panel, they would obviously be behaving in an irresponsible manner and that would very soon become public because I could see the committee resigning and refusing to put forward any more candidates. They would, in that way, bring about—I was going to say a constitutional crisis—a statutory crisis in regard to the making of this appointment. Therefore, I do not think the Senators are being realistic in putting forward this amendment. This is the first time since the foundation of the State that a Director of Public Prosecutions has been appointed. Indeed, it is the first time that machinery of this type has been provided for the appointment of any such officer. It is a very big step in the right direction and, as I say, is a safeguard to ensure that the person who is appointed is acceptable to this committee. The ultimate responsibility must rest with the Government. I repeat the other point I made that what is proposed might just be impossible. I know this is an unlikely point but it is just as likely as the point made by the Senator in putting forward the amendment. There might not be three candidates and therefore, the machinery would break down because the committee could not put forward three names.

It is unrealistic to think that for this position, which everybody, in discussing this Bill, has acknowledged will be a position of great importance, prestige and so on, there might only be two candidates. That is as may be but there is a contradiction in terms. There is a serious conflict of approach here, in, on the one hand referring to the setting up of a committee of such distinguished people and on the other hand spelling out that in spite of the trust the Government are placing in the committee, which would be the most prestigious committee that the Government could think of, they may reject the advice given to them by this committee. The Government should be obliged to accept one of the candidates put before them by this committee and if the Government are not prepared to do this they should not set up the committee at all. If they are not prepared to accept the kind of advice that they get from a committee of this kind then they should not set up the committee. They should merely act on their own advices and possibly set up a committee unofficially and ask a few people to suggest some names to them. But formally to set up a commiteee of this kind and formally to say that: "However, we may not accept the names they put forward", seems to be a contradiction in terms. It seems to be going a very long way in one direction and then doubling back at a certain point and saying: "Nevertheless, we just may not accept the advice we get." This is a very wrong principle. Either my amendment should be accepted or else the Minister should withdraw the suggestion of a committee of this kind altogether.

I do not wish to prolong the discussion on the amendment but it does seem to me that, first of all, the point the Minister made is valid—that the acceptance of this amendment might, so to speak, "ban-jax" the whole idea of the Act if there were not three candidates for the position. It is unlikely that that situation would arise but it could arise and if it did then the net effect of Senator Ryan's amendment, if it were incorporated in the Bill, would be to make the Bill unworkable. Neither he nor anybody who has spoken on this Bill wishes to see that happen.

The other point I wish to make is that it does not seem to me that there is anything particularly sacrosanct as between three and two. If the Government wanted to act irresponsibly when only two names come up before them they could act exactly in the same way if there were three names put before them. Consequently, I do not see how it would help if the committee were shackled by having to forward three names and possibly might not be in a position to do so.

As the Minister said, this is the first legislation of this sort. What is here is a reasonable provision. If, in the course of time, it transpires that there are difficulties, this legislation can be amended. It is breaking new ground. It may have teething troubles and if it has, it will be the responsibility of the Government of the day to bring in amending legislation. The Bill should be given a chance.

(Cavan): I would just like to say that I do not think the fears expressed by Senator Ryan are well-founded. Subsection (7) provides that “if the Government decide not to appoint to be the Director any of the candidates selected by the committee pursuant to a particular request under that paragraph,” then they can go on and either appoint somebody who was previously recommended or they can ask the committee to make another recommendation. It is still in the hands of the committee. If, instead of appointing somebody who was previously recommended, or asking for a further recommendation, the Government were at liberty to go on and make an appointment of their own, without any reference back to the committee, then I would say that Senator Ryan would have a valid point, an unanswerable point. I repeat that if the Government fail to appoint somebody recommended to them by the committee for good and valid reasons they do not get themselves out of the hands of the committee. They are still in the hands of the committee and they must go back to the committee and ask them for another recommendation, I cannot see a Government taking those steps unless it is for the best of reasons. Certainly I cannot see them carrying on what I would describe as the performance suggested by Senator Ryan because they would be certain to bring themselves into ridicule and to create a situation where a committee appointed by the Chief Justice would not act. I can see that if they did not appoint the person selected by the committee, they would probably make known to the Chief Justice the reason for not appointing that person. There are plenty of safeguards in this subsection and I request Senators not to press the amendment.

If the Minister has envisaged the possibility that there might be only two applicants I would like him to visualise the position where this happens and the committee recommend them both as being suitable but the Government refuse to accept either. What is the position? Who will apply then for a position where two suitable applicants, according to the leaders of the profession, have been nominated, recommended to the Government and the Government refuse to take either? Who would apply for the job after that had occurred?

Amendment put and declared lost.
Amendment No. 4 not moved.
Question proposed: "That section 2 stand part of the Bill."

There is one thing on which we are all agreed on all sides of the House and that is that the person appointed to be Director of Public Prosecutions under this section should be by a person of the highest possible standing; his standing in the profession or the Civil Service, as the case may be, will be such that he will be accepted by everyone as a suitable person to be Director of Public Prosecutions.

I am worried by the terms of subsection (4) which says that he shall be a civil servant in the Civil Service of the State. I wonder could the Minister tell us what Government thinking is on this? What particular rank in the Civil Service is he likely to hold? The problem seems to be that if a practising lawyer is appointed, as indeed I think should be the case rather than a person in the anonymous recesses of the Civil Service who would have difficulty in gaining the acceptance that is required, but if you are going to appoint a person who is eminent in the law, that person is already earning a very considerable salary and it is highly unlikely that the right kind of person would be interested in a position unless its terms are at least moderately comparable with what he is earning at the moment. The only grade with which it would be practical at all to equate him with would be that of a secretary of a Department. Anything less would merely lead to the position that either you would have a series of civil servants—all excellent people in their own way, but not, I think, really what we want in this case— or you would be getting barristers or solicitors of not quite the top grade, if it is worth their while to acquire this position. The terms must be such that you will really be able to get those who are eminent in their profession.

I would like to support very strongly the point that has just been put forward by Senator Yeats. This Bill will be nugatory in the extreme unless the reality incorporated in this section is implemented, in other words that we appoint and establish, ab initio, a Director of Public Prosecutions who is above reproach, a person who will be so invested from the very start with the type of prestige and the type of salary that can be equated with that of a High Court judge or of the Attorney General. We do not want a faceless bureaucrat as Director of Public Prosecutions. If we have that sort of situation then the whole Bill will be nugatory and fruitless. What we want is an outstanding person in his or her profession, who has got humanity, compassion and top class legal ability. That is the sort of person that the spirit of this Bill envisages and I share thoroughly with Senator Yeats the concern that in any way this important position would be diminished. I appreciate that, of course, the director, when appointed, will have to be a civil servant——

That is all subsection (4) says.

I appreciate that must be so from the point of view of the Civil Service and public service obligations and remunerations and so on. At the same time the point raised by Senator Yeats is very important. It would be no harm at this stage, in what I view as a very important Bill, if we could get from the Minister an assurance that a person of the top class calibre that we envisage will be appointed to this position and that it just will not be a faceless person in an office. A regulation will have to be devised to meet the situation so that it will be a person of the category I mentioned—a High Court judge or Attorney General. The person should be in that level and of that status. I am certain that the screening process under the section envisages that type of person.

(Cavan): I share the views of the Senators that the person to be appointed should be a person of very high calibre and that he should be seen to be such and be regarded as such. It is clear that he will be a person who will be of the same status as the Attorney General because he is taking over the function that has been discharged by the Attorney General since the foundation of the State. Therefore, the House may take it from me that the person will have similar status as and be of similar calibre to the Attorney General.

Already the person to be appointed has been built up into a very important person because this Bill is really all about him. The Bill which is introduced here is for the purpose of appointing him. Subsection (4) states that "The Director shall be a civil servant in the Civil Service of the State". But from the very next subsection it is abundantly clear that he is not going to be an ordinary civil servant because it states that "The Director shall be independent in the performance of his functions". Other civil servants are subject first of all to their superiors in the Civil Service, and, secondly, to the political head of their Department. In this Bill it also provides that other civil servants can be removed from office by the Government by a simple decision but elsewhere in this Bill it is provided that this particular civil servant can only be removed from office after the Government have obtained a report on him from another distinguished committee consisting of the Chief Justice, another judge of the High Court nominated by the Chief Justice and the Attorney General. Therefore, I repeat that I share the concern of the Seanad for securing that this officer, in calibre and in status, will be a man who will stand out as being a very important officer in the administration of justice in this country. That is the intention of the Government. That is the sort of man we will appoint.

I am happy to hear the Minister, as one would expect, agreeing that the status of the director must be equivalent to that of the Attorney General. I am still somewhat worried about the appearance in this section of subsection (4). The Minister, and quite a number of people, have tended to say "Oh yes, of course, he must naturally be a civil servant". I do not see anything natural about it. I would have thought, in fact, that in view of his functions and in view of the fact that, as the Minister pointed out in relation to section 5, he should be independent in the performance of his functions, that some person outside the Civil Service such as the Comptroller and Auditor General would have been much more apposite to the matter in hand. His independence would be much better safeguarded. He would not be then bound by the ordinary rules and regulations of the Civil Service.

The problem with the civil servant is that in one sense he is cut away from all these statements as to his being independent and so on. But more important in this particular context it puts him firmly in the ordinary pay scale of the Civil Service. I do not know what is the salary of the Attorney General but I think I am right in saying that he earns more than the secretary of a Department. Once you put in subsection (4) then the maximum salary and the highest status that you can award our director is that he should be on a level with the secretary of a Department. That in itself would be fairly satisfactory though I am not sure that all lawyers of the eminence we would wish to see take up this post would necessarily be interested at that kind of level.

I would be very worried indeed about the reaction of the Department of Finance. This is not a matter for this Minister for Finance or any other Minister for Finance. We know the way the Department work at all times under all Ministers. I can see the memoranda going the rounds after this Bill is passed. I can see them going into great detail about the number of people employed in this section. The director would have only so many people under him whereas if he were to get the secretary's status he would have to have so many. It is impossible and would completely vitiate the whole purpose of the Civil Service and be contrary to all precedent for him to be more than an assistant secretary or something of that kind. I would be very worried indeed that once he had to be a civil servant the status of our director might not end up at all in the way both the Minister and we would like to see it. One can only hope for the best. It would seem from what the Minister said that no definite consideration has been given to the exact status that he will have. I am not talking now about the theoretical status, the fact that they all look up to him and wish a good person appointed. I am talking about status in the technical sense of the actual grade that he will hold in the Civil Service.

It seems to me that the only possible grade is that equivalent to secretary of a Department. I certainly would hope, if there is any suggestion of us having any lesser grade, that I myself or somebody else in this House would put down a motion rejecting the scheme once it has been prepared. That seems to be the minimum requirement.

(Cavan): In the first place the director will be constituted a civil servant in order to give him permanency and to remove him from the realm of politics in the sense that he will not come and go with the Government of the day. He will be appointed in a permanent capacity as a member of the Civil Service. While I cannot just spell it out here I think that the wishes of Senator Yeats will be met. I am satisfied and I can assure the Senator that the man appointed will have what I may call an end-of-the-line status within the Civil Service on which he would not be seeking promotion within the Civil Service. That, in other words, is meeting the description that Senator Yeats would like to put on him as secretary of a Department. I understand without disclosing any secrets that the remuneration of a High Court judge is very similar to the remuneration of a secretary of a Department. That is the sort of thinking that there is on the subject at the moment.

Question put and agreed to.

Perhaps I might intervene here. I understand there was a hope that the House might rise at 10.30—that was what the House wished to do in regard to the question of a further sitting tonight.

10.45, say.

We shall consider the matter at 10.45.

We shall be sensible if the people opposite are.

I am always sensible.

Section 3 agreed to.
SECTION 4.
Amendment No. 5 not moved.
Section 4 agreed to.
Section 5 agreed to.
SECTION 6.

I move amendment No. 6:

To add to the section a new subsection as follows:

"(3) Any person who makes or entertains an unlawful communication under this section shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding one month or to both such fine and such imprisonment."

There are some differences of opinion with regard to this section. There are those who rightly point out that there is something to be said for public representatives making representations in certain cases in which they can bring facts that perhaps need to be made clear, to the attention of the authorities, but I am more inclined to take the line taken by the Minister. While there are certain cases where public representatives can perform a useful function, at the same time it is important in the administration of justice that people should understand there is no question —we, as public representatives, know this to be the position—of criminal proceedings being influenced in any way by representations made. Accepting that viewpoint, it seems to me that this section is really no more than some kind of vague windowdressing. What it says, in effect, is that if certain named people —relatives, social workers and so on— make representations, those to whom they are made may listen though, of course, they should pay no attention to them, whereas, if other people, including public representatives, make representations they may neither listen nor pay attention. In any event, if these representations are made, while they are unlawful, there is still no kind of criminal sanction involved. I do not like to see the word "unlawful" used. If, having committed an unlawful action, there is no sanction of any kind, then in order to bring some meaning into this section—it is a useful section— I suggest in this amendment that a third subsection should be added to provide that a person who makes such an unlawful communication and perhaps, even more important, somebody who entertains such a communication contrary to this section, should be liable to a fine not exceeding £50 or to a term of imprisonment not exceeding one month. The actual amount would be fixed by the court. This is necessary if section 6 is to mean anything and, in particular, if it is to achieve the end the Minister aims at as adumbrated by him in his reply on the Second Stage. We must add to this subsection. We should not simply say that it shall not be lawful to communicate or to entertain communications; we must provide these penalties. This would add considerably to the section.

Prior to the adjournment it was argued this section did not mean anything; it was unnecessary and superfluous. I cannot understand how one can amend something that has no meaning. Have some people changed their minds? I also believe that section 6 has no meaning or value. An endeavour was made to go back over the history of previous Attorneys General, showing the incumbents carried out their functions and responsibilities with the greatest integrity, honesty and credibility. We heard about the praiseworthy activities of the previous holders of the office, irrespective of what Government were in power.

Despite these arguments we now have an amendment. Despite the integrity of those who held office in the past and the implied integrity of the person likely to be appointed to the new office, who will maintain the high standards which prevailed in the past, we have this amendment and I cannot see the logic in the amendment. I do not see why a sanction should be written in or a watch kept. On the one hand, it is argued he will be the same as those who preceded him and, on the other hand, it is argued that he might not be. I cannot understand the reasoning behind this. I am not a solicitor and I am surrounded by solicitors, but I find it difficult to understand the logic in this.

I understand Senator Harte's point of view, but I am supporting this amendment because of a certain attitude of mind. This amendment, although I disagree entirely with the whole section, is a logical conclusion to the section as it stands. What the amendment purports to do is to bring into a meaningless section a penalty clause. You do not, in my view, in any form of legislation take a particular stance or decision in a section of the law unless, side by side with that, you have a penalty. That is what legislation is all about in any parliament. You bring in a law; you advance certain provisions and, if people break those provisions, and act in an unlawful manner then penalties are imposed. There is a logic in this amendment. What I object to is aspirational or pietistic legislation. You do not write morality into legislation. There is no point in section 6 telling people to stop writing letters to Garda Superintendents, State Solicitors, Directors of Public Prosecutions or Attorneys General; you do not put that into an Act of Parliament. That would be a joke. It would be making a joke of the whole parliamentary process. There is a big education job needed among parliamentarians as to what we are doing here. We are preparing positive proposals. We had enough trouble last night as to what we are all about here; what we should be at here is preparing positive proposals, and, if people break those proposals, then there are sanctions and penalties imposed. That is where the logic of this amendment lies. You just do not say, as I said here, on section 6 that it is unlawful to write letters.

I said, in an interjection earlier on, that there is nothing against the telephone being picked up, a far more diabolical way of inducing influence than any writing of letters. All you have here is a series of aspirations. There is no point in writing the ten Hail Marys into a section of a statute of a sovereign democratic parliament. That is another day's work. We all say the ten Hail Mary's in our own time, but we do not write them into a section of an Act. There is a great deal of waffle here or, as ex-Deputy Dillon used to say, a lot of codswallop, written into section 6. It means nothing. It is absolute codology. It is an aspiration that people should not write letters to people. The section dealing with the appointment and the screening process is excellent. But here, after appointing a man of the utmost integrity and capacity, we suggest he should be asked to seek out people who write letters. We all know that people write letters. We all know it is almost impossible to stop Irish people writing letters. Thanks be to God for the democratic process in that respect. It may be burdensome and annoying but, so long as a man of integrity, when appointed, knows how to shift and make decisions in accordance with his own standards of integrity, that is fine but we just do not write it into legislation and make puerile idiots of ourselves with regard to a most important piece of legislation. I just do not understand the need for writing this nonsense into section 6. From the point of view of democracy and the high standards of those whom we appoint to offices of importance of this kind, we do not have aspirations of this kind written into legislation Senator Yeats's amendment is absolutely right in that, if people wish to write in matters of that kind, then they should be pursued to the full logical conclusion and penalties should be imposed and particular sanctions should be written in. I shall say no more because the Minister may possibly have a closed mind in the matter.

I certainly think there is a great deal of consistency and logic in this amendment. It is an effort to try to help the Minister to sort out his own mind and eliminate the confusion in this section and in the section which we dealt with a short time ago. In section 2, the Government, on the one hand, set up an important committee to select the director. On the other hand, they possibly will not accept the recommendation made. They say that the kind of practice referred to in the section is unlawful, is serious and that something should be done about it; having said that, they then proceed to say they are not going to make it an offence or do anything about it. This is confused and inconsistent thinking. In my view, the section is nonsense. But if the Government want to press it, or proceed with it, logically they should say, that, if it is unlawful, an offence is created and there should be a sanction one way or the other. Either withdraw it or do the thing properly.

(Cavan): My mind is quite clear on this section. I have no doubt at all about what the object of this section is. It sets out to kill, once and for all, the belief, all too common in this country, that if you know somebody you can get something to which you are not entitled, or, you can get something done which should not be done.

The Minister is only advertising it here.

(Cavan): That is a widespread belief. Every time Senator Lenihan speaks about this section he refers to the telephone. It will be just as unlawful to communicate by telephone as by any other method.

The Opposition are having a free vote, or a free think, on this because Senator Ryan and Senator Lenihan say that the section is useless, balderdash, call it what you like. I think the amendment is worth while if only to hear from Senator Yeats that he believes this is a worthwhile section and one which would do a great deal of good.

That it could be good.

(Cavan): He gives that as his personal opinion. That is why I believe the Senators opposite are having a free think on it. I agree with Senator Yeats. Apart from the all-important sections in this Bill, which provide for the appointment of a Director of Public Prosecutions, this is the most worthwhile section in the Bill. It sets out to make representations unlawful. It does not constitute these illicit communications a criminal offence. It simply makes them unlawful. If we were making them a criminal offence we would provide sanctions and penalties.

In my opening speech I stated that the law in regard to these communications will become widely known and highly respected. The very fact that the section is here will enable the officers concerned to say: "Please, please, do not come near me about this. You are insulting me if you talk to me about this. Both of us are breaking the law." If Members of the Oireachtas want to avail of this they can do so when they are asked to meddle in the administration of justice. They should say: "I am sorry. Under this reforming Government, this sort of thing has been outlawed and is illegal. I cannot do anything for you." I believe that this law will become widely known and highly respected and, in a very short time, there will be an end to this sort of representation. Not alone will the law be impartially enforced, as indeed, it has been in the past, but it will be seen to be impartially enforced. I have given an undertaking to the House and I would ask the House to accept it; if, in spite of this section, the Director of Public Prosecutions and other officers are still bothered by these fraudulent representations, which many of them are, the Government will bring in amending legislation to provide for penalties and sanctions. I have given that undertaking.

There is one small point I would like to make. To me it is very genuine. The Minister has just used a phrase "fraudulent representations". In fact, the most harmless and decent people write letters. Letters freely written are the most harmless form of representation. I do not have to engage the Minister's mind on all sorts of other representations, involving all sorts of relations, which are really dangerous. If there is any damage done at all in this area it is grossly exaggerated. Merely putting in a whole section purporting to stop people from writing letters is only catching very harmless and decent people who in many situations, are trying to do good. The Minister is not really dealing with the real situation. Do not write this section into a serious Bill. That is my contribution.

(Cavan): The only thing which I would say is that it is impossible for me to meet the wishes of Senator Yeats and Senator Lenihan. Senator Yeats thinks that I should leave the section in and amend it, while Senator Lenihan thinks I should drop it.

Delete it entirely.

(Cavan): I cannot satisfy both of them. Would Senators accept from me that this section was not lightly put into this Bill? It was put into the Bill in the light of what has been happening and in the knowledge that a great many people believe that you can get something if you make representations, or, more important still, by having representations made on your behalf. I believe that is bad for the administration of justice. In some cases in which representations are made prosecutions will not be taken. They would not have been taken anyway if representations had never been made, but people will go about the country taking credit-and that is why I use the word “fraudulent”—for having got something for these people, for whom they actually got nothing. That is the reason I want to ensure that this section remains in the Bill because I think it will do a great deal of good and will instil confidence in the administration of justice. It will convince people that the Director of Public Prosecutions is there to deal with all citizens equally and that he does not need representations from anybody as to how he should deal with any prosecution. He will deal with all on their merits.

I would ask Senators to accept this. I think it would be unreasonable after tolerating 50 years of accepting representations, that we should suddenly——

Tolerating what sort of thing?

(Cavan): —— making representations—that we should suddenly then say that anyone who makes such representations will be fined £50 or get a month in jail. That is too big a jump. It should be sufficient, as a first instalment, to outlaw these representations or communications in the belief that, when it is known they are unlawful, they will stop. If they continue, I assure the House the Government will bring in amending legislation to meet the sentiments expressed in Senator Yeats's amendment. I cannot go further than that.

I will not keep the House much longer but I would like to make——

I might point out that it is now 10.53 p.m. and the House was to decide at 10.45 p.m.——

I doubt if, when we have dealt with this amendment, anything else will take us very long. I would suggest that we carry on. I shall be very brief.

I would like to make it clear to the Minister that, when I say I am in favour of the principle of section 6, I am in favour of it not as it stands but on the basis that some such amendment as this be accepted because, as I said earlier, the section as it stands is meaningless. We have listened again to the eloquence of the Minister defending the principle in this section. It is an eloquence which I personally would be prepared to go along with, subject to the exact phrasing of the section. I would be inclined to support the principle he sets out, but I wonder does he realise that, after 50 years of representations, as he says—and I must say that Senator Lenihan is more optimistic than I am—that the most difficult way to make representations is by phone.

(Cavan): Senator Lenihan thinks it is the most effective.

Perhaps he has a better phone than I have; he can get through. For the first time in 50 years, perhaps for the first time in our history, the Minister has, in fact, enshrined in this section a long list of people who are entitled to make representations. In subsection (1) (b) we are told, in effect, that the people who receive them are entitled to entertain the representations provided they come from a father, a son, a brother, a sister, a step-daughter and so on, or social workers, but it is provided in subsection (1) (b) that, if a person referred to in paragraph (a) is of the opinion that a submission is in breach of that paragraph, it shall be the duty of the person not to entertain the communication. If he is satisfied that he is not an uncle, who is out, but a father, who is in, telling him all about little Johnny he is entitled to entertain the communication. For the first time you have a statutory backing which never existed before for this sort of representation. Does the Minister, I wonder, realise that that is what he is doing? He is authorising a long list of people to make representations in a most formal and statutory way, something which has never been done before.

(Cavan): Senator Yeats is now defending himself, not against me but against the Senators on either side of him. What I am doing here is outlawing communications in general, but I am creating exceptions, When Senator Lenihan was discussing this Bill earlier in the evening I do not think he knew that I had provided for social workers. I have provided for members of the family, and I think it is reasonable that a man should be able to plead for his son or his daughter. I do not think it would be reasonable to make that a criminal offence or even to make it unlawful. I am outlawing communications in general, but creating exceptions in favour of immediate relatives and social workers.

A man's or woman's friend can often be far more effective and a better friend than any in-law, relative, or anybody else of that kind. The Minister knows that well. I am talking now in human terms.

(Cavan): The friend can always go to the social worker.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 6 agreed to.
Sections 7 to 14, inclusive, agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment, received for final consideration and passed.
The Seanad adjourned at 11 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 18th July, 1974.
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