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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 18 Dec 1975

Vol. 83 No. 7

Industrial Development (No. 2) Bill, 1975 (Certified Money Bill): Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Before we adjourned last night I made a brief reference to the new IDA approach as outlined in the December issue of the IDA News. This approach is welcome as an innovation and should have favourable results. It should provide what many people have been asking for for some time: that the IDA should be seen to have a greater commitment to the smaller industries. There are industries which are quite small by any standards but, at the same time, they are viable and provide a livelihood for a small number of people who would otherwise be on the unemployment list or else have to emigrate.

It is also true that there are a number of small industries in which the IDA were prepared to invest but the offer was turned down by the clients. In many cases, the refusal of this offer was due to a lack of confidence on the part of the client and, possibly, a realisation that he would not be able to cope with the effects of expansion which would result from extra investment and aid by the IDA. Such expansion might involve him in dealing with extra accounts, extra personnel, and possibly the export market. There is a lack of confidence in many of the smaller industries which, in many cases, are owned by families and may be employing only seven, ten or 15 people.

This is an area of activity in which the IDA should become more involved. Basically, it is a question of educating the owners of these industries to the need for expansion and helping them along those lines. The IDA have at their disposal a large fund of knowledge and expertise which, if imparted to the people I am referring to, would go a long way towards building up their confidence and pointing out what approach they might adopt in order to expand. For example, the IDA's expertise could identify a saleable product and markets for it. If the IDA became more involved in this area, they could help these people and build up the confidence in themselves which they have not got at the moment. Where expansion is feasible and the market situation is favourable, a promotional programme should be undertaken by the IDA to encourage small industries. In the present climate of increasing unemployment, this would go some small way towards improving the situation. Basically, this is a long-term objective, but we could very well start now.

Many Senators have asked where and how this money will be spent if and when the IDA get it, and what the returns will be. To get some of the answers to these questions, we should look at a very comprehensive document, a study entitled Regional Industrial Development Trends in Ireland, 1960-1973, by Dr. O'Farrell. This study was commissioned by the IDA. It gives very interesting data on many aspects of the IDA activity. For example, one of the facts it gives is that between 1961 and 1971 there was a net increase in manufacturing employment in Ireland of 34.197. The IDA's new industries programme produced 33,000 jobs over the same period. Dr. O'Farrell states that the net employment growth in manufacturing industry was negligible outside the grant assisted sector. He says it is likely that, for the foreseeable future, IDA sponsored projects will constitute the primary growth area in Irish manufacturing industry. In other words, what he is saying is that, without the IDA, we would have been much worse off. Surely this is sufficient evidence of the value of the work done by the IDA during that period.

Another interesting piece of information in that document concerns the dependence of different areas of the country on the IDA. For example, looking at the contribution of the IDA's new industries programme in that decade, we find that almost 16 per cent of all manufacturing employment was in IDA grant-aided industry. That 16 per cent overall ranged from 7.6 per cent in the east to 30.8 per cent in the west and north-west. This shows beyond doubt that we in the west are particularly dependent on the activities of the IDA simply because we have not within ourselves the capacity to expand and to invest the large amounts of money needed for expansion in industry. The same thing does not apply to the same extent in the east and in the south.

People bandy around figures about the failure rate of the IDA. In this document we find we can look with pride on their record of success in that the mean closure rate for that period is 1.17 per cent which, according to other figures supplied concerning three studies in the UK, compares very favourably with them in that the three figures there are 1.67 per cent, 2 to 2.5 per cent, and 2.81 per cent respectively. Ours is 1.17 per cent, which gives an indication of the depth of study by the IDA into applications for grants which come to them both from within this country and from abroad.

Last night references were made by the Opposition to the high rate of unemployment. We all know there is a very high rate of unemployment. On the one hand, we find that some Members of the Opposition are clamouring for a statement of the true state of the economy while, on the other hand, they criticise the Taoiseach and members of his Cabinet for doing this very thing. Day after day they are giving the people the facts as they see them and nothing is being hidden. The logic of that argument escapes me.

Another aspect of the Opposition's criticism of the unemployment rate is, to say the least, farcical. We all know that there are in the region of 109,000 people unemployed at the moment. From what has been said from the other side, one would imagine there was no unemployment during their term of office. We all know that during those halcyon days, the so-called good days, we always had 60,000 to 70,000 people unemployed. That was at a time when the so-called safety valve of emigration was there, which accounted for possibly upwards of 20,000 emigrating every year. That safety value is no longer there. In that light, our record in the midst of a very serious depression, is not that bad. The most appalling feature of what I am saying is that in those days that level of unemployment, 60,000 to 70,000, was accepted as the norm and nobody saw anything wrong with it. That level of unemployment, in those days, would not have been tolerated in any other progressive democracy.

In a document by Dr. Geary to a conference of the International Association for Research in Income and Wealth, he stated that Ireland has had, historically, one of the highest rates of unemployment in Europe. Between 1966 and 1971, despite good economic progress and the increases in employment brought about by IDA incentives, the unemployment problem became worse. Before the present recession, the problems that faced the Irish economy was to reduce the customary level of 60,000 to 70,000 unemployed down to acceptable proportions. That was said by an independent authority. As I said, the most amazing feature was that this kind of level was accepted as the norm by the Government of the day. This, of course, was completely wrong. In the present circumstances of nil emigration, the solution is becoming more serious. Because of nil emigration the increase in the labour force is reckoned to be about 25 per cent over the next ten years. This will add to the difficulties of achieving the target set for full employment in the mid-1980s.

From the statements made by Members of the Opposition one would think nothing was being done by the Government so solve the problem. One would think that the Government's attitude was one of passive acceptance of the situation. Nothing could be further from the truth. Indeed, the efforts already made to remedy this malady have met with a great degree of success. Despite the recession, investment in industry is at a very high level. The attitude of industrialists is very far from despair, if one looks at the comparative figures between 1972 and 1975 of industrial investment by domestic industry. For example, in 1972-1973 that investment reached a level of £65.8 million whereas today, on a comparative basis, the figure is £190.9 million. Surely, in the middle of a very serious depression and recession, this is something we can look to with some confidence.

The IDA have a leading role to play in our recovery from the economic recession in which we find ourselves. Anybody who has been watching the performance of the IDA down the years must realise this. That is a good reason why this Bill before us is very welcome. It is an enabling Bill to enable the IDA to raise the limits and provide extra capital for investment. I am very grateful to the IDA for what they have done in my part of the country, the part of north Mayo which for many years has been very depressed.

In many cases it did not show that depression because remittances from abroad which thousands of emigrants send home helped to provide the people who stayed at home with means to live in dignity. Without this money and these remittances from abroad which families send home this part of the country—indeed, not only north Mayo but the whole west coast —would have been in a very poor state. We are now thank God—in north Mayo at least—in the very happy position that over the next 12 months in my town of Ballina and in Killala we expect to have something like 1,500 new industrial jobs created, and over the next three years we expect to have over 2,500 new industrial jobs created. This is due to the efforts of the Industrial Development Authority in going out—one is an American firm, one is a Japanese firm—and enticing people to come in here and establish industry.

This brings me to one important area of activity in which the IDA might become more involved. The idea of developing the west coast is very welcome. There are problems in that before an industry is prepared to set up a project in an area like the west there is, above and beyond the normal input of capital for the provision of a factory, the extra investment needed for infrastructure. What is happening at the moment is that the IDA go out and find an industrialist who is prepared to invest, and that is their job completed. In normal circumstances in a county like Mayo for example, the provision of the infrastructure is left to the local authority—the provision of water, sewerage, housing and all the other factors which go to make up a viable community.

The problem here is that a county council or an urban council wrestling with these problems are doing so with the normal allocations from the Department of Local Government. The IDA are involved in this in that, at this stage of the input of capital into infrastructure, they are dealing with the local authority on behalf of the company they brought in. The money must be spent on this aspect of development. It would be much better if there were some change of approach on the part of the IDA. They should be prepared to look at the overall picture of industry in an area and, when they provide an industry that is coming in to set up a factory, their operations should not cease. They should be prepared to provide the necessary infrastructure in the form of water and sewerage and so on. They are involved at the moment to some degree in the provision of housing for industrial workers.

I say this because in my part of the country we have come up against this in a very very substantial way. If we have an industry which is initially taking 5,000,000 gallons of water per day the problem of the provision of that kind of volume of water is left to the local authority. This year the Department of Local Government provided the necessary funds for the pipeline for this water. There have been delays and my contention is that, if the IDA got themselves involved in this kind of thing, it would expedite matters. They would be able to tell their industrialists, or their prospective industrialists, that they would handle this aspect of the work on their behalf and that they have £X available to do this kind of work. At the moment they must go elsewhere and emphasise the need for this infrastructure to the different Departments which must provide the finance for it. That is one area of activity where the IDA should see what might be done in future.

There is also the other aspect of the provision of piers, and so on, for industry. The provision of berthage facilities is another area. This is apart from the fishing industry altogether. I am talking about industry. We are now on the brink of a breakthrough in the offshore oil and gas industry. This will come up in the not-too-distant future. The IDA will be involved in many aspects of this industry. They will have to go through the normal channels, the Office of Public Works, the different Departments, the local authorities, if proper berthage is to be provided for the activities which will result from the gas and oil finds which we hope will become a reality in the not-too-distant future.

I should like to end by saying I welcome this Bill. I hope the IDA will continue to play their part in our industrial development as they have done in the past.

I am surprised we have such a small audience this mornning, if I might make that remark, on such a very important Bill. Outside the House they would lead you to believe they were shedding their last drop of blood for their fellow man. This morning they would not impress me, in any case. However, I do not mean to criticise my learned friends.

I certainly agree with much of what Senator O'Toole said about small industries. I come from an area where we were cursed or blessed by the fact that we could not take a large industry even if we tried. We sought the advice of the IDA and they were more than helpful. We took their advice and we profited from it. I am referring to one town.

I would not like it to be thought that it is all gloom. The previous speaker made the same remark. It would also be equally wrong to imagine that we are going to vote a huge sum of money like this without any regard to where it was going or what use will be made of it. Far too often, not alone in this country but in Western Europe and even in Britain, the impression is created that all we have to do is to give large grants and all is well. Neither the previous speaker nor even Senator Dr. Browne can tell the future. You have to take these risks.

The Fianna Fáil Party did pretty well when they were in power. The IDA did a very good job, but we are in a recession at the moment and we are not the only country that is in a recession. Had the British and French Governments been able to forecast the future I wonder would they have embarked on Concord, which they now have as a legacy, or would the Americans have bought the BMW. Those initials may not be right; there are so many initials used now that you would nearly need to use the whole alphabet to describe them. The British sold it to the Americans, but of course the Americans, in true style, came back and took the dealing trick in the end. In order to retain a certain number of jobs in the industrial sector, the Americans won in the end. That is one of the reasons we have to take these risks. I do not know of any political or financial wizard.

There was talk yesterday about small industries. I am in favour of them. It is much better to have four or five small industries than one huge industry. Very seldom do all industries go into a recession at the one time. Take, for instance, Carrickmacross where there is a very successful boot and shoe industry, but that has been in a recession for some time now. That is one industry which is very hard to retain and sustain. However, I again say that the advice of the Industrial Development Authority should be taken in most cases. The previous speaker said that some applications were turned down. In my experience these applications are turned down because of the way they are presented, which results in the IDA not being able to process them as they would like.

I welcome the Bill. I would prefer if it was not necessary. None of us likes to vote these large sums of money.

Senator Dr. Browne spoke last evening at some length. He is one of the best critics I have ever heard. I do not doubt he was a good Minister for Health. I would pay that tribute to him also. I would suggest that there is very little difference between what Senator Dr. Browne said yesterday and what the present Minister for Industry and Commerce said when he was out of office. I remember the Minister when he was on Radio Éireann and there was no problem he could not solve. He may have grown a little wiser since that. Undoubtedly free speech is jealously guarded. Senator Dr. Browne is quite right in that, but I think that he was a little too severe on some things. The boot and shoe industry should get special attention, if at all possible. I have been in the distributing trade in a limited way all my life and at the end of my business career to find an industry like Martin Mahoneys of Cork closed down was depressing to me, and I suppose to others as well. I regret that quite a number of our own people worked in these industries. When it comes to making purchases in our shops we could be a bit more patriotic and buy Irish goods. I believe the range of Irish goods on the market is good enough for anybody. But we have not been content with that and have had to import goods. Since we entered the EEC people want free enterprise and we have practically no protection.

I would appeal to the Minister and to the Parliamentary Secretary to give the clothing and textile industry special attention. I would remind the previous speaker, Senator O'Toole, that we had a recession like this in the 1950s when an inter-Party Government were in power. Small industries were closed down, especially textile industries, because of importing goods.

About 12 months ago I went to an auction of goods seized by the customs. The lots on offer would have covered the courtyard outside. Whether they were smuggled or imported but did not meet the Customs requirements I could not find out, but I made an offer for the portion which appealed to me. The thing that impressed me most was that I saw 301 men's shirts of the one shade intended for a very important firm which operated in this city and elsewhere. They had the name tag of the firm and "Made in Dublin" on them. I wonder how that came about. The Dublin housewife or anybody else who examined such goods would think she was buying something made in our own country. I hope this will not happen again.

The Minister should take the necessary steps to protect home industries. We are a young country in the field of industry. I heard criticism here yesterday about the giving of a shipping contract to a firm other than the Cork firm. I do not feel competent to speak on these matters but I understand the local tender was not competitive enough. I know something about the textile industry. Practically all the woollen mills, with the exception of Convoy in Donegal, are finished. Somebody whose name I cannot recall painted a very gloomy picture about this on Radio Éireann. I should like the Minister and his Department to give sympathetic consideration to helping such industries.

We welcome this Bill, but I would not like the workers to think that we are voting this money without knowing what we were doing. At present there is much talk about how hard it is for school-leavers to find employment. No doubt it is. However, very often these people are not employable because they have to be trained. Many of them think they can come in on the top rung of the ladder either in business or industry. There is nothing further from the truth. They must learn the hard way, the way we all learned. The vocational schools give youngsters the impression that the minute they have their group certificate they can take over. To these people I would also say that they must start on the bottom of the ladder rather than on the top.

Undoubtedly our people can do the work. When I look up at these ceilings here I see the art or craft of plasterwork. Our craftsmen here were famous for their plasterwork. They learned it from the Italians and they beat the Italians at it. The young people of today are as capable of being trained. Far too often people who would be employable at home prefer to go to Britain or elsewhere and be employed as a nurse or some such thing—it seems to be a status symbol—rather than work in a factory. I would prefer that they be trained at home rather than across the water.

I have made the points I wished to make. We must agree to this Bill because money is necessary. With the price of money today it is difficult to invest it and make it pay. I wish the Minister luck in his venture.

I will not delay the House very long. In common with the others I have heard speak today, I welcome this Bill. In a general way I should declare an interest in one of the important amendments being made in so far as it follows an actual case in which I am involved as regards guarantees. I am concerned to make the case as a professional person because of the necessity of this.

I should like to pay a real tribute to the co-operative, realistic attitude of the IDA, the civil servants in Industry and Commerce and in Finance and how apt they were to the urgency of this matter. This must be said as there is so much being said from time to time against bureaucrats. They were very decisive about this and moved with excellent speed. It is useful to say that the defect of the old code was unimportant until recent times, because the requirement of guarantees has only really come into existence increasingly with the economic stress and the weaknesses of financial houses. The ability of the IDA to give a guarantee which could be certified with the people concerned as being enforceable in the Irish courts was not there, and therefore projects were being held up which are now being facilitated by the very rapid passage and introduction of this Bill. This guarantee has now, with the weakness of sterling, to get this further amendment, that it is payable in a currency other than Irish £s. That ability was not there either under the previous code.

It is worth-while mentioning as a general observation in regard to this, that the legal enforceability in our courts is one of the factors which make this policy, this economy, attractive for people to invest in. They can be told by their lawyers: "If you get a Government piece of paper here the courts will make the Government pay, the courts will make the agency pay." There is no such principle as "The king can do no wrong" running any longer in this jurisdiction. The king can and frequently is found to do wrong and is by our courts required to put it right if he does.

The independence of the Judiciary is an important element of that infrastructure that people talk about. There was very proper reference to infrastructure—Senator O'Toole's observation on that I found very interesting. I should like to know what the Parliamentary Secretary would say was the IDA's genuine reaction as to the coordination of the provisions of the different elements of the infrastructure Senator O'Toole talked about. I do not want to repeat what he said; other Senators may refer to it also. The co-ordination of all the different elements is extremely important, not merely housing for the workers but also the accessibility for managers' children coming in here of proper schooling. Even that is an element.

When people speak of infrastructure in the most general sense, one of the things they fail to note that ought to be noted is not merely the independence of the Judiciary, but the strength of property rights guaranteed by a written Constitution. Whenever I have had occasion to draw the attention of foreign investors—and I shall say something about the foreignness of the investors in a moment— to the provisions of the Constitution and the attitude of the courts to them, they are very impressed that sequestration cannot take place. Nationalisation without compensation cannot take place. They have rights which will be enforced against anybody who attempts these things.

This is very important, as is also the general rule that we have a working democracy that we are in today and they were in yesterday.

This change can take place without too much discomfort for the people who are going out. Compare their situation to the people, the same multi-nationals, who have put their money in Portugal. How lovely it all was for them while there was an authoritarian structure supporting their investment. But what is their position now? What rights have they under what constitution in Portugal? How secure will their investments be in Spain? There is a great deal to be said in modern conditions for having an ability for people to put a Government out, for having the Opposition parties thinking of their role in terms not merely of opposing what happens to be the proposal at any given moment, but knowing perfectly well that the Irish people have shown over and over again they are not interested in mere opposition: they are concerned to see whether the Opposition are building up something that looks like a constructive alternative to what is going on. Are there men as well as measures? If they are found to be deficient, they will not put them in. Fortunately from time to time there has been a sufficient oscillation of the pendulum to make the thing a real working democracy. We should also consider the social peace we enjoy. The Leninist-Communist thing in its gross modern form is a particularly vile type of corruption, and is of course a total repudiation of anything Karl Marx would ever have stood over. It is no more than a small rash on our little left toe. It is just not important as a threat to liberty here.

There are elements which should be mentioned from the point of view of people risking their money. It is all very well saying machinery is congealed labour. There is not enough congealed labour around here to get the machines made available to operate. This, in Irish circumstances, involves importing capital. There is no doubt about it. The people who object to foreign capital should be honest with themselves and everyone else and they should say what the alternative is. The alternatives are a reduced rate of progress or compulsory savings—a forced reduction of the standard of living of the people out of whose forced savings will provide the replacement of the foreign capital which does not come in.

Not wishing to make any kind of a political point but a general one and having spoken as I wanted to with regard to the co-operative attitude of the civil service in regard to this matter that I referred to, I should like to give an illustration of a point. There is, I think, in the civil service—a fact which I understand Ministers from time to time have had to take account of—a sensitivity about outside advisers and outside opinion. I should like to ask everyone here where would we be in the present situation in Ireland if we had not got the Industrial Development Authority. How much good have they not done? How would it have been done otherwise than the way it was done? I should like to put on the record of the House how that came into existence. It was not a recommendation of any Department of State—not the recommendation of Industry and Commerce. They can go back on the files and they will find out that the recommendation came to the Taoiseach of the time, in 1949, Mr. Costello, from the man who was the principal partner in Craig Gardners, the late Mr. Eustace Shott. His point was that we needed a body which was independent of the bureaucracy, lying outside it, free of all the trammels and restrictions which necessarily must be in a bureaucracy, to go out and seek new industry and attract it in all the ways it might be thought necessary. There came later the grant-making ability and later there came the export tax relief, which is still, I suppose, the best of the whole lot of them in terms of generation of investment.

It is worth noting that it came from outside the civil service. In that particular situation it involved a complete regearing of industrial policy, something difficult for a Department which had been going along a particular line: the protection of industry. I am not going into an academic debate as to whether that was good or not. It was the policy anyhow, and there are people who argue it was good. That it served its purpose at that time and trained people in business expertise and generally acquainted them with the facts of economic life.

All I am saying is that in 1949 industrial policy was summed up in the word "protection". It was the only form of industrial policy then existing—import controls, tariffs, quotas and so on. This was a new idea. If there is to be a revolution in approach in a Department—and this was a revolution in approach—it is very difficult for the Department itself to generate that necessary revolution. Putting this on the record of the House, I should like to ask the general question: whether in certain other Departments perhaps a similar type of completely fresh idea may have to be brought in and imposed, if necessary, even taking note, of course, of all the difficulties the existing structures may apprehend in it.

I have two suggestions to make. One is in the facilitating of bank financing of companies. This does not need any new powering at all from the IDA. They have all the power to do it. I wonder would the IDA consider a policy of postponing the repayment of their grant financing in the circumstances when it comes under the agreements to be repaid if these ever arise. In the case of approved loans the company's whole financing goes back in the queue in the event of a liquidation situation arising. This will strengthen the company's ability to get money from banks who will then know that they will be ahead of the authority in relation to any claims on the assets.

As a stimulus for the investment of savings the IDA are right. I like the kind of mix that is developing with regard to industry. I like the idea of foreign capital where that foreign capital has a kind of know-how which we do not have. I like the increasing sign of the public authority trying to get a stake where it can. This is a highly competitive business. There are lots of Governments in the world looking for the same capital, looking for the same industry very often from multinationals. There is room for an opening of minds on the meaning of this word "multinational". There is a consideration whether there is not something to be said for multinationals as well as things which are frequently said again them. Are we helping our own ability to get necessary capital for employment by engaging in too much loose and insufficiently well-informed criticism of the operations of the multi-nationals? There are good multi-nationals as well as bad. It is the odd bad multi-national that we read about with scandalous revelations that gets this bad name for a lot of them.

I like the mix of the State endeavouring to take a stake in this thing. I like the idea of the public getting in on the act if they can. That is a good point. There is an element I would like to see in that mix that is not there. I would like to see small Irish savers being given an opportunity of getting in on the act. I would like to see the IDA considering the elaboration of a scheme whereby savings would get attracted into a fund which would be invested in taking up shares, where these shares were available, in export tax relief situations. The Revenue Commissioners have tried to prevent the export tax relief from being exploited to give effectively higher remuneration to some people. I can understand that. I am not critical of their attitude in that regard at all. There is a similar Central Bank objection to the export tax relief scheme being used to provide preference share financing in effectively a cheap rate of interest. The export tax relief scheme is being operated in the banking interest and in the interest of industry. A lot of social good could be achieved if there was some scheme whereby a lot of small investors would know that they had a chunk of this company or that company represented by a fund they were in. By the State going in for 5 per cent or 10 per cent it could operate a fund for the private saver to the extent that the fund was subscribed which would enable them to qualify for a percentage too. I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to give consideration to this suggestion.

The IDA have done a fine job in selling and in negotiating these investments which have been made here, and we should not hesitate to give them credit for their endeavours. There are many things going for people who would take a risk position in an industry in this country. There is the right to sue the Government or any of their agents, the independence which has been demonstrated many times, the independence of the Judiciary, despite all the criticism made about it. There is the written Constitution. One might take a view that the courts have gone too far in guaranteeing the rights of property, but if the courts have gone that far let us make a virtue of that necessity. Let us point out to those who are concerned to protect their investment that this protection is there for them and that this is the point to which the Judiciary have gone. There is the operating working democracy. Our people have shown great aptitude for learning new skills. I have heard praise of the good sense and ability of the Irish worker to learn new skills. There is this large market that we can now serve. There tends to be depression about the growing population but I think this growing population will prove to be our economic salvation as well as a social good. A growing population means a growing market. The children have to be reared and fed and this sets up a demand which has to be met by the products of industry.

Of course there are things against us. We cannot do anything about the weakness of sterling while we have the kind of trading relationship which we have at the moment with Britain. That is the determining factor on the nature of our link with sterling. It is only when our market can increase in diversity that we can get rid of the pulling down effect of the link with sterling. There is also the home-generated inflation. There are quite a number of American companies who have now discovered that they can produce their goods cheaper at home than they can now produce them in Ireland and therefore the tax advantage is beginning to get eroded. If inflation is not controlled it will simply stop progress, increase unemployment, and limit hopelessly our chances of success.

Senator Dr. Browne was spending oil that we have not yet discovered; he was giving away lead and zinc we have not yet mined, to improve industry. There is the Communist alternative, if that is what he is talking about. I do not mean that in any smear sense, because he is a very honest person; he does not mind what you call him. I am not calling him anything other than what he would call himself—a socialist, if he prefers that. He talks about the tottering capitalist system. The tottering capitalist system is keeping Russia afloat at the moment. They are providing it with 27 million tons of grain and technology they would give anything to get. There was a famous school of economists in France in the 18th century called the physiocrats. They were terrific ideologues. Intelligent men of affairs are not ideologues. They understand ideologies all right and they try to understand the ideologues that swallow the ideologies. There was talk about these physiocrats great theory and Mirabeau the Elder, I think it was, was invited by Catherine the Great to go to Russia and tell her what she should do. After he had given her a long account of the natural economic order, as he saw it, she said: "He more or less told us we were walking on all fours and there was nothing we could do about it." That is what Senator Dr. Browne and his like are doing; they are not making any contribution. They are not telling us what we should do. Do we have a revolution? Do we go out and kill one another? If we kill one another, what do we do after that? Perhaps we would start doing the things before we killed each other? In conclusion, I welcome the Bill.

Is mian liom fáilte a chur roimh an mBille seo agus más féidir linn rud ar bith a dhéanamh chun daoine a chur ag obair nó postanna a chur ar fáil dóibh táim cinnte go mbeidh fáilte ag gach duine sa tír roimhe. Ach caithimid féachaint chuige nach gcuirfidh an IDA ná aon dream eile airgead muintir na hÉireann amú mar a thárlaíonn ó am go ham.

Seeing that the economy is in such a depressed state it is to be expected that everybody will welcome this Bill if it can create any extra employment. We regret that the present Government have no economic plan. We are told that because of the rate of inflation it is impossible to have one. We do not believe this. We believe that there should be an economic plan no matter how limited. Another regrettable fact in connection with the lack of planning for industry and the creation of employment is the non-holding of the census. The holding of a census is fundamental to our knowledge of requirements for not alone industry but also education and health and every other facet of our development. If the IDA spent some of the money we are now giving them in carrying out the census it would be something worth while, even if it does not come within the functions of the IDA.

Senator Alexis FitzGerald and other Senators have stated that it was a brilliant idea to set up the IDA. We all agree with that view. The IDA have done excellent work. Times change and since the establishment of the IDA there have been dramatic changes not alone in this country but also throughout Europe and the rest of the world. The most important development has been our entry into the EEC. For that reason it may be opportune to have a rethink by this body. The IDA stated in their report for 1975 that the target for this year was 23,000 jobs. We were then told that this figure would fall short in the present year by 4,000 or 5,000. We regret this fact very much. There are so many school-leavers coming on the labour market and at the same time there are so many other workers becoming redundant due to the closure of some industries and the reduction of staff in others. Instead of investing all our money in the high capital industries we should seek out those industries which have a high labour content.

There are many factors militating against industry at present. One of these is the inadequate road network; another factor is our communications system. Our telephone service, which is vitally important for the setting up of new industries, is chaotic. Returning to the question of our road network, we now have these monster continental containers on roads which were never intended for such traffic. While there is a lull in the employment situation and in the setting up of industry, it would be very wise if we took advantage of that lull in building up our infrastructure, our roads, housing, water and sewerage systems. To take my own area, with its back to the sea, as an example, if we got the offer of a large industry in the morning we would have to refuse it because the approach roads to my town, the telephone, water and sewarage systems would not be able to take the extra load put on them by a new industry. In this lull period we should be concentrating on developing these services, thus creating a spin-off of jobs for people.

Somebody rightly referred to our educational system. It should be orientated to the needs of our economy. Especially over the last two years, we do not appear to have geared our educational system in the proper direction. Our young people are entering university and receiving degrees but there are no jobs for them. In that connection, the holding of a census is important because we should know what are our requirements over the next five or ten years in the area of education, medicine and other professions and also in the field of research, science and so on, so that we will be ready when the tide turns and our economy revives.

I should like to compliment AnCO on their excellent work. This is another arm of the IDA. Without the training and retraining provided by AnCO we would not be able to cope with new industries when they are established. However, AnCO need a more flexible approach. The minimum qualification for entry to AnCO is a group certificate and there is also an interview. I know of people who do not have this qualification and have only attended the national school but who have a natural aptitude for hand craft and these people should be considered.

The age limits should also be flexible. The criterion should be that people want to be trained or retrained rather than whether you are under or over 40 or whether you have a group certificate or a leaving certificate.

It was stated that we should buy Irish. However, we got a very bad example from the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Keating, when he placed the large order with the Japanese shipyard. The reason he gave was that the price was right, and that we were not competitive enough. I believe what he is gaining on the one hand we are losing it on the other. By giving a higher price to the Cork shipyard he would have a spin-off from income tax and VAT and he would have the money spent in the area and he would spread more prosperity around in the Cork region. For that reason I am very disappointed that this bad example has been shown. An equally bad example was shown by the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs when he placed the order for millions of stamps with an English firm. He told us that he was doing a good public relations job, but charity begins at home, especially in a period like the one we have at present.

Another point that has been made, and rightly so, is to ask ourselves: Are we buying some of our industries at too high a price, financially and pollution-wise? We would need to consider this very seriously. I have in mind an industry in my area on which at least £100 million will be spent. Much of this has been raised by loan but there will be a contribution of about £10 million from the IDA. I understand that eventually there will be only 800 jobs out of this big investment. While the project is getting under way and roads are being built, there will be jobs in the meantime, but the eventual job content, for the expenditure of £10 million is far too little. There is also the question of pollution. This is being safeguarded to a certain degree, but when big firms are established in a small country like ours we cannot be too vigilant.

I agree with Senator Brennan that a small country with a small economy should concentrate more on small industries, particularly on specialised industries and industries based on our native material. We are told that in Europe 80 per cent of the industries are small industries, family industries, and, as I said are specialised industries. We also have a tradition in some parts of our country of cottage industries. It is to be regretted that many of those are declining. I would like the IDA or some other group to take an interest in those cottage industries. The Irish Countrywomen's Association for the last 25 years have seen the importance of cottage industries, but unfortunately it is the one body that has not a bob to spend on training people in handwork and craftwork. As regards the cottage industries, up to some years ago we had one great fault and that was that we had lost our talent for designing. It was not until the Swedish report came out that we started to remedy this. I would like to compliment the Kilkenny Design Centre who have brought a breath of fresh air into designing in Ireland. One group that has been pioneered by dedicated ICA women is the Sliabh Bán market. That is a headline for many other areas I would like to see a Sliabh Bán in every IDA area.

The IDA should spend more money on the food processing industry. In that field we have a great opportunity in pioneering health foods in Ireland. This industry is a multi-million industry in America, in Europe and in England. It is only in later years that we have become health-conscious about our food. Perhaps up to some years ago, before the affluent society hit us, we had home-grown food, we had organically-grown vegetables and so on; we had free-range hens and free-range eggs. These are all becoming obsolete. We should make a big effort to specialise in the health-food industry. Lough Egish are starting up an £8 million "health city". I welcome this and I hope there will be more of them in other areas.

Another industry that has not been sufficiently developed is the fishing industry and the wealth we have around our coasts. Bord Iascaigh Mhara are involved in this field but there should be greater co-operation between Bord Iscaigh Mhara and the IDA. Between the wealth we have in the sea, the public services and our own indigenous industries, we should have enough work to employ most of our people. While we are talking about IDA we should pay tribute to SFADCo. If every other region was as well organised as SFADCo we would have a better spin-off and we would have more industries established in different regions.

The county development teams also deserve mention. They are the only group that have done anything for the small industries. In my area and in other areas the development teams have ferreted out a lot of crafts and skills and, as Senator Russell said, have encouraged people with good ideas and given them financial help.

Our building industry is in the doldrums. If the IDA could involve themselves in any way in assisting the building industry, they should be encouraged to do so, because this industry spills over into many fields and gives employment in many areas.

Another group associated with the IDA is Fóir Teoranta. I have no details as to how many industries Fóir Teoranta have rescued but I know of a few who should have got rescue finance and who did not. These were small family industries. They were prepared to give thousands of pounds to bigger industries when a lesser amount would have rescued some small industries I know of.

At the moment our creditability is at a very low ebb. We cannot expect people to set up industries here when we are not making ends meet, when we are borrowing right, left and centre. That is a great drawback at the moment. While we have frightened off many industries, we should concentrate on building up roads and communications, water and sewerage services, to be ready for the time when our creditability is higher. For a long time we have been blaming the failure of industry on the workers. The shoe is on the other foot now. We have seen in many cases that the failures have been the fault of management. If management is at fault, to whom are they accountable?

I should like to refer to the £12 employment incentive bonus. I feel that this has been a failure, because the cost of the employment stamp has been far too high in relation to this £12. I do not see how it will encourage anyone to take on extra workers. In this line we need a more imaginative scheme to encourage industry to employ extra people or to hold on to some they would have to let go.

While he has been censured quite a bit on this point, I agree with Senator Dr. Browne's remarks on this three-page document, which just states the amount that is now required to promote industry, without any explanation whatsoever as to what the plan for economy recovery is. It was an insult to the Seanad. I agree that there is no point in the Minister saying he is going to bring in a comprehensive document in the near future. It is not very long since he told us the very same thing. I think it is a pity that he has treated us with such contempt as he has done in just giving us these few pages, merely stating that he wanted so much money. I welcome the Bill. I hope that the money provided will be responsible for creating many jobs. We have no emigrant ship to go to now.

Senator Brennan referred to career guidance teachers in our post-primary schools. We need to take a good hard look at what is happening in industry. Our boys and girls should be told that the leaving certificate is just the beginning, that it is only a passport to training, that, having got their leaving certificate they should train themselves for whatever career they have in mind. Too often they are given the idea that a leaving certificate, and indeed a degree, is a passport to a job. That is no longer the case. I appeal to career guidance teachers in our post-primary schools to take a serious look at this problem and to tell those finishing their post-primary education that they will need training for whatever career they undertake in life.

We must all agree that the achievements of the IDA in creating jobs for our people have been very impressive in the sixties and particularly so from 1970 on. However, when we are justifying many of our figures for grants we seem to refer to the particular jobs which industry will create. As we all know, the whole industrial drive is to reduce unemployment and it is therefore geared towards creating jobs. Therefore it is only natural that some industries will inflate their potential job forecast. While recognising that the IDA must give grants and incentives on the percentage of the present assets of a company, there should be a ceiling on these grants, based on the number of actual jobs realised in these industries, say, one or two years after they have been set up, before the final payment of a grant is made. It should be based on a percentage of the fixed assets and should not exceed, say, the average cost per job multiplied by the actual number of jobs when in whole time employment at the end of, say, three years.

The next point I should like to raise is in connection with the small industries programme. In County Limerick we are deeply interested and concerned about that programme because our former county manager, Mr. Tim O'Connor, initiated the programme and, indeed, was the first regional manager of the IDA. There is no doubt that the small industries programme as originally established brought attention to the industries located primarily in rural Ireland. There are some recent changes which are slightly disturbing. Heretofore the criteria laid down applied to different parts of the country, but Dublin was excluded. It is now proposed to include Dublin. Therefore I feel that it is no longer a small industries programme, as intended, and that this is a bad step. This was done by the IDA, I suppose, because in present circumstances the creation of jobs is important, irrespective of where they are provided. We should not, however, turn our backs on the underdeveloped areas and abandon this worthwhile small industries programme. I make a very sincere plea to the Industrial Development Authority to look again at the small industries programme and the criteria for assisting these small industries in the light of the original principle of giving assistance where there is greatest need, that is, in the rural part of Ireland. The rural part of Ireland is unlikely to benefit in the short term from large-scale industry or the effects of industrial growth centres. I should like to see incentives given to local rather than national interests. This is not revolutionary because in Britain there is the Council of Small Industries and there are grants available for towns with a population of under 10,000. I should like this to be considered here.

Up to now I have been dealing with issues which are national rather than local to my own area. I want to refer to industrial development and the provision of its infrastructure for the midwest region and in particular the Shannon Estuary. In County Limerick the county council have played their part in the development of industry. They have provided a considerable amount of infrastructure which facilitated the establishment of industries. It is most unfair to expect a local authority to finance infrastructure. The IDA should make some contribution towards the making of roads and the provision of water. Domestic needs might account for about 50 per cent of the water used. But when a particular water supply is solely for industrial use there should be an obligation on the IDA to provide a grant for the scheme. It is too much to expect from a local authority that they should make all the money available. I know the IDA have acquired a land bank in Little Island in Cork and also in Ballylongford, County Kerry. It is a good thing to have these land banks but the necessary infrastructure must be provided for the sites because without it land banks will be of very little us.

Local authorities have been doing a good job and have made provision for industries in so far as they were able, but it is the function of the IDA to assist them in their efforts. They should give this matter their urgent attention. I speak particularly of Limerick, but my remarks are relevant to the general situation throughout the country. I sincerely hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will make some reference to it in replying to this debate.

Much has been said here today about our credibility. Our credibility has been up for quite a while. Our greatest blow was not as a result of our economic position. The greatest harm that was ever done to our industrial policy occurred in 1970. People are always prepared to take a chance when inflation is running high and people such as industrialists who can read the barometer of inflation are prepared to take a chance now. But when the freedom of the people and the lives of the people, particularly foreigners who come here, are in danger grave harm is being done to the nation. Not alone is our credibility in danger but investment by foreign companies is placed in jeopardy. I sincerely hope that the people who tell us that industrialists may be staying away from this country because of our rate of inflation will speak in terms of confidence about our country. We must do our utmost to persuade industrialists to come here.

Reference was made here last night to the Ferenka firm in my county. Recently the greatest setback to this industry was not caused by inflation but was caused by the kidnapping of the manager. The provision of security arrangements is costing us quite a lot of money at present. If one-eighth of that money could have been made available towards providing security six years ago, our expenditure on it would have been much less today. I appeal to all sides of the House to think seriously of the future of the country.

I shall be very brief. What we are being asked for today is a very reasonable and a very good investment for the future of our country. Property always appears expensive on the day of its acquisition but in the light of falling money values it will prove in time to be a valuable investment. What we are being asked today —to raise the level to which the IDA can expand—will be in the long term a very good investment and a good bargain. After all, £50 million today invested over the next 12 months in fixed assets will appear in the next ten years as a very worth-while and cheap investment for the country.

Advance factories have been built here in the past 12 months but some of them are still unoccupied. People have said to me that it would have been better if the Government had channelled the money used in the construction of these advance factories towards other needs. I think that would have been a very shortsighted, short-term policy and one with which I could not possibly agree. When the recession lifts and industry here starts moving again these advance factories will be seen to have been a very worth-while investment on the part of the Government and of the IDA. It will be profitable to have these factories so that industries can be moved in and time will not be wasted in building factories for them.

Since their inception the IDA have done three things for the country. They have inspired confidence in us. They made us realise that we have the ability to stand on our own feet and to acquire industry as good as any other country. They have provided jobs for our people. The acquisition of jobs is an unending task so long as we have an increasing population. But, most important, the IDA brought a new freshness and flair to the task of seeking out new industrial jobs. I would like to think that that flair will be continued. I would not like to see anything happening that might inhibit that risk-taking which is inherent in industry. The IDA must take risks in the same way as any manufacturer. I should like to see the IDA being encouraged to retain, as far as possible, this entrepreneurial aspect. I do not think the Government or any Department should try to inhabit that attitude. We know that any agency, over a period of time, is inclined to become bogged down with paper work and bureaucracy. We should always try to preserve the IDA from those inhabitions.

There is always a lot of talk on whether it is more advisable for us to engage in acquiring labour intensive rather than capital intensive industries; whether we should go for small industries as against large industries; whether we should concentrate more on encouraging home-motivated industries rather than foreign-induced industries. There are pros and cons in each of these cases, but there is a difference between what is possible and what is largely theoretically advisable. I do not think that any area or any body which is engaged in the attraction of industry would refuse to either a labour intensive industry or a capital intensive industry because of a preference for one. The answer "No" would not be given to either a large or a small industry and I do not believe that anybody engaged in the attraction of industry would say "No" to a foreign induced industry rather than a home based one.

We are at a time when we want jobs more than every before in the light of our increasing population and our wish to keep people at home. We should not engage too much in theoretical talk at this stage. We should be grateful for what the IDA can bring to this country, be it a home motivated small industry or a large foreign one. The greatest patriotic game which can be played in Ireland today is that of creating jobs. The individuals in the IDA and other people throughout Ireland who are engaged in attracting new industry are engaged in possibly the most worth-while work Ireland can engage in today.

There are times when I think too much is left to the Industrial Development Authority. In the early 1960s there were quite a large number of bodies—small development organisations, associations, or industrial development companies—who were doing their utmost to attract industry in conjunction with the IDA. I feel many of these have now lapsed in that effort. They leave this work to the IDA. That is why I could not agree with the last speaker when he said that it would be unfair for a local authority to have to bear the cost of infrastructure for new industry and development. The people who are going to benefit most are the people within the area of that local authority, and I feel that they would be inclined to share the cost of any infrastructure.

Chambers of commerce could perhaps devote their energy—and they have helped tremendously—to the encouragement of business generally and to training potential managers and potential entrepreneurs in their ranks. The junior chambers of commerce have been very effective and successful in the manner in which they have undertaken local projects and business surveys and in the manner in which they have attracted into their ranks young business and management people. These efforts on the part of the junior chambers of commerce mean that, in time, these young people will acquire a considerable flair for taking risks, for making innovations in business generally. Perhaps the senior chambers of commerce could go beyond what they are doing by training their members, because they know what risk taking is all about and risk taking, as I said earlier, is part of business generally and is possibly the most important factor in the acquisition of industry, namely, that a person has the courage to go out and take risks.

This Bill is one to which nobody could really object. It will encourage the IDA to continue with their good work of attracting small or large, labour intensive or capital intensive businesses, all of which, in the long term, create jobs.

I thank the Senators for the welcome they have given to the Second Stage of this Bill. There were a number of points made with which I will try to deal. The first point I will deal with is the criticism that the IDA are unduly concerned with capital intensive industry to the neglect of labour intensive industry. Firstly, the IDA are interested in both across the board. There is no policy of discriminating in favour of capital intensive industry. Obviously, the viability of each proposal must be taken into account. It may happen that certain capital intensive projects have in general, a better longer-term viability, according to the best information available, than similar projects of a labour intensive character. The obvious responsibility of the IDA is to identify growth industry and it appears that industries such as pharmaceutical chemicals, electrical and general engineering, synthetic fibres and food are the industries which have most significant growth potential in the present economic circumstances. It also happens to be the case that these industries are, generally speaking, capital intensive industries. These capital intensive industries are also industries which provide substantial employment for the type of graduate coming from our third-level institutions whereas, due to the less developed management structure, perhaps labour intensive industries do not provide employment for this type of person. Capital intensive industries also have the advantage that they can by one single major project transform the economy of a whole area at one swoop. This is quite clearly the case in relation to Senator O'Toole's area of north Mayo.

However, I have stated one side of the case, Senators have stated another, and no doubt the IDA will be scrutinising the debate to see what Senators have said and I will convey the views of Senators in this matter to them. Criticism was voiced by one Senator of the extension of the small industries programme to the city of Dublin. On this it is estimated that, of the total jobs lost in manufacturing industry in the present difficult circumstances in the country, approximately half of these job losses are taking place in the eastern region which includes Dublin along with the counties of Meath, Kildare and Wicklow. Therefore, there is something of a compensatory nature required in these areas. Another point in relation to this extension is that it relates to small engineering, chemical and plastics industries in selected sectors and, not across the board. These are obviously small industry areas with a growth potential. The IDA are concentrating on these areas alone in respect of Dublin. I would also make the point that the maximum grant level for small industry projects in Dublin is 35 per cent whereas, in other non-designated areas, it can be up to 45 per cent and in designated areas up to 60 per cent. In view of the employment situation in Dublin, and in view of the figures I have given, there is no real substance for any charge that there is undue discrimination in favour of the Dublin region. In fact, it could be argued that the reverse is the case.

Some Senators criticised the fact that insufficient information was available to them in the initial statement I made on this Bill. I would make two points in response to that. First, I recollect being here within the past 12 months for a very extensive debate on the IDA in which very full information was given both in the original statement and in the reply. Senators then had a very good opportunity of getting exhaustive information on this matter. Secondly, the IDA reports, which are very detailed, are circulated to all Senators. I submit that any Senators who wished to do research had many other sources available to them for such research, apart from the speech I made in opening this debate. Therefore, there is no basis for any complaint about lack of information on this matter.

This Bill is not looking for extra money for the IDA in the sense that money is being handed over to the IDA by the Bill. What the Bill does is to authorise the Minister to make such money available in general terms. The money will be made available through the Estimates which will be approved each year and submitted by the Minister each year. The decision on the Estimates is the substantive decision. Therefore Senators are not, in fact, being asked to vote millions of pounds today. They are merely being asked to authorise the Minister at a subsequent time to make extra money available to the IDA, should the need arise. That subsequent decision of his will, of course, be submitted for decision to the House in the normal way.

Senator Browne criticised at very considerable length the policy of the IDA in relation to the support of private enterprise. His contention in this matter is not one which I accept at all. First, as some other Senators mentioned, we have to compete for investment on the world market. We need foreign technology and foreign moneys. If we impose restrictions on such investments in the matter of State control which are more onerous than those imposed by other countries which are competing for similar investment, we will simply not get that foreign investment. If we do not get that foreign investment we will not have the jobs. That is the real situation to which Senator Browne did not advert.

Private enterprise is good and the profit motive is good. People who are working for themselves will clearly work with a greater degree of incentive than people who are working for somebody else. I believe we should support private enterprise to the maximum extent. We should not seek unduly to burden it with paper work which is not directly related to productive projects and to the creation of wealth which we can then distribute.

I agree there is a need to humanise the work process, to make working in factories a more enriching experience. That will not be achieved, I submit, by the creation of massive State enterprise. In fact, that would operate in the reverse direction by creating larger and even larger corporations and monopolies, although they may be State monopolies. I believe the work process can be humanised by worker participation, which is a far more realistic and sensible approach, worker participation within the context of our present mixed economy and within the context of the present system of private enterprise. There is much to be done in the field of worker participation but very little purpose would be served by the further extension of State enterprise in the productive sector.

There were some criticisms which were not particularly relevant to this Bill in relation to decisions in the commercial operation of those State concerns which are dealing with the postal services and the national shipping fleet in relation to purchases abroad. We must give such companies the confidence to work on sound commercial criteria. If, every time commercial criteria lead them to take decisions which are unpopular politically and we intervene to stop them from so doing, not only will we have to start subsidising those companies on a far greater scale than we do already, but we will also demoralise their management and make them operate on a less efficient basis. We should be very careful, indeed, in any suggestion of interfering with the sound commercial approach of those State companies which we have operating in sectors of the economy which are susceptible to the operation of such commercial considerations.

I agree with Senators—Senator Ahern was one who mentioned this— about the need to improve our educational system to encourage people to prepare for work in those sectors where employment is available. In the past 100 years, Ireland has seen the expression of the intelligence of its young people far too much through verbal skills and far too little through manual skills. The ability to verbalise is not necessarily an index of true intelligence. Our educationalists must look hard at this. It is not just a matter for the Minister for Education or for the Government. It is a matter for everybody in the educational system to see whether we are producing people who are fitted for the jobs which are available. It is a matter for parents and teachers to analyse the job markets.

We have universities who jealously defend their autonomy as universities. There is an old maxim that with power there must be responsibility. If universities are to have autonomy, they have a responsibility to ensure that people within those universities are channcelled into qualifications which can lead them to concrete job prospects. The sad situation at the moment is that, despite the high level of unemployment, there are still many sectors where there are shortages of skilled labour. It is an obvious indication of a failing in our educational process, through the parents, to the teachers, to the universities and to other higher education institutions, that we are not able to fill those vacancies which are there now, despite the difficult economic situation we are facing in general.

There was also a suggestion from many Senators that the IDA should take on jobs other than those strictly related to industrial development. There were suggestions that they should be involved in training, in building and construction, and in the creation of infrastructures. All of these things are desirable, but that is not a necessary reason why the IDA, who are an industrial development body, should be specifically involved in them. If we give the IDA too many tasks to perform, they will do none of their tasks properly. If we give them a limited and specific task and allow them to get on with it, we are then operating according to the best management principles and we are more likely to get results than if we diffuse our energies unduly. There are other bodies and other Ministries who are responsible for those other matters referred to. Senators should address their queries on these matters to those agencies, and not to the IDA. Otherwise we will be confusing the issue to an undue extent.

Senators will appreciate that this legislation is now very urgent because the year is coming to an end. I would appreciate it if the remaining Stages could be dealt with, with due expedition.

Question put and agreed to.
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