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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 25 May 1976

Vol. 84 No. 2

Finance Bill, 1976 ( Certified Money Bill ): Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

In my budget statement in January I stressed the overriding need to reduce price inflation and to limit the growth of public expenditure. Unless substantial progress is made in these matters the objectives—common to Government, trade unions and employers alike—of promoting economic expansion and safeguarding and increasing employment will be seriously jeopardised.

All sections of the community should by now be fully alive to the effects of upward trends in costs, particularly pay costs, on domestic price levels, international competitiveness and the general prospects for Irish industry. However, the House will understand my reluctance at this juncture to comment further on these matters because they impinge directly on national pay developments which are at a crucial point.

The main emphasis in the budget was on public expenditure. The steep increase in public expenditure that has taken place in recent years involved an equally steep increase in Government borrowing, which in 1975 rose as a percentage of GNP at current market prices to a record 17 per cent. It is widely acknowledged that a considerable proportion of this borrowing was directly attributable to the recession. The contraction in private demand had to be offset substantially by expansionary budgets unless we were to plunge further into recession. If that had been allowed to happen the problem of unemployment would have become far greater.

However after two successive years of rapid inflation and economic recession there are obvious limitations on the use of public finance as a flexible instrument for demand management. As well as adverse effects on revenue we have the fact that costs of public services have inexorably increased over these years. To maintain the recent trend in the rate of increase in public expenditure would imply either an unacceptable increase in the tax burden or further substantial borrowing.

In fact however Government borrowing in 1976 as a proportion of GNP at current market prices will not exceed the 1975 level. This is being achieved by a reduction in the rate of increase of current rather than capital expenditure and extra taxation. Current Government expenditure is projected to rise by about 25 per cent, as compared with an increase of nearly 43 per cent last year. It is Government policy to ensure that the rate of increase in current public expenditures is strictly contained and where necessary reduced, except where a significant contribution to increased economic activity and employment may be expected. This policy will free resources for productive investment both in the public and private sectors. Such a policy is intended to contribute significantly to achieving the Government's target of a phased elimination of the current budget deficit over a three-year period.

The 1976 budget contained measures to increase growth and protect employment, principally by increased capital expenditure. Capital expenditure under the public capital programme is up by an unprecedented £129 million, an increase of 27.6 per cent on last year. Almost half of this benefits industry, where the allocation is 71 per cent higher than last year, while spending on other sectors has also been stepped up significantly. The private sector is of course a major beneficiary of this State expenditure.

Business benefited also from a continuation of stock relief, while increases in personal income tax allowances were given to assist the hard-pressed income tax payers. It is important to remember that these increases were given at considerable cost to the Exchequer during a most difficult period.

Let me put the matter in perspective. The deficit on the current budget was £444 million. Tax reliefs for companies and individuals are estimated to cost £17 million, thereby raising the deficit to £461 million. I have already explained the basic need to contain the Government's borrowing requirement. Additional taxation was accordingly inevitable to reduce the deficit to more manageable proportions, that is, to £327 million.

I now turn to the various specific provisions, starting with those relating to personal income tax allowances.

Section 9 provides for the continuation for the tax year 1976-77 of the same rates of income tax as applied for 1975-76.

Section 10 provides, at a cost of some £10 million in 1976, for increases in personal tax allowances. A further measure affecting personal tax is section 2 which ensures as in previous years that the amount of the dependent relative tax allowance is not reduced because of recent increases in the social welfare non-contributory old age pension. The effect of section 4 will be that an application for the separate income tax assessment of a husband and wife will not have to be renewed each year as is now the case. In future such an application will remain in force until it is withdrawn. Section 11 provides that married women will be allowed to complete separate returns of their own income if they so wish.

Section 13 is aimed at reducing tax avoidance by wealthy individuals. It parallels and complements sections 101 and 162 of the Corporation Tax Act, 1976, which apply a surcharge to certain undistributed income of closely controlled companies. The combined effect of the 20 per cent income tax surcharge to be imposed under the section on the retentions of certain discretionary trusts and of income tax at the standard rate of 35 per cent will be income tax at an overall rate of 55 per cent, as compared with the present maximum personal income tax rate of 77 per cent. No relief or repayment will be given to any beneficiary of the trust in respect of the surcharge because this would negative the purpose of the section. Recipients of moneys from the trust will be treated for personal tax purposes as having received sums grossed-up at the standard income tax rate of 35 per cent with credit for or repayments of the income tax so included, as appropriate. The exclusions from the surcharge which are set out in the section are designed to cater for discretionary trusts set up for worth-while purposes and in accord with public policy.

Three measures in Part I of the Bill are specifically concerned with the equalisation of income tax burdens under Schedules D and E. As Senators are aware Schedule D, broadly speaking, relates to profits, rents and investment income while Schedule E is applicable to employees.

Schedule D tax is assessed on the basis of the preceding year's profits and is not payable until on average about 18 months or so after the income has been earned. Thus taxpayers under that Schedule clearly enjoy considerable advantages vis-a-vis employees whose PAYE tax is assessed on the current year's income and is deducted straight away from their wages. Section 6 modifies this unduly favourable position of Schedule D people by providing that the due dates for payment of their tax are to be advanced by six months, in two steps over the next two years. It must be borne in mind however that this tax is not being increased nor is the preceding-year basis of assessment being withdrawn.

An associated measure is provided by section 30. Up to now the payment of substantial amounts of Schedule D tax could be delayed in appeal cases until long after the due dates for payment. Interest charges could be avoides in such cases by payment "on accountd of an agreed sum based on previou" years' liabilities. Section 30 therefore provides that if the payment on account is less than 80 per cent of the final liability an interest charge will apply to the amount of the underpayment. The section also incorporates a Dáil amendment which provides that the time limit for appeals against assessment to income tax be increased from 21 days to 30 days. This 30-day limit will apply also to corporation tax, as it already does in the case of appeals against wealth tax and capital acquisitions tax assessments.

Another measure to equalise tax burdens is provided for in sections 15 and 16 of the Bill. Under section 15 over 100,000 taxpayers who were formerly outside the scope of the PAYE system are being made liable to PAYE with effect from 6th April, 1976. The decision to make this change was announced in June last year. Those affected include Members of the Oireachtas, the Judiciary, civil servants, national teachers, the Garda, the Army, employees of the Central Bank, of the Commissioners of Irish Lights, of the Dublin Ports and Docks Board and certain employees of the Bank of Ireland. The decision affects both serving staff and pensioners.

When PAYE was introduced in 1960 the groups I have mentioned were left outside the scheme with the result that their tax liability in any year continued to be based on their income in the preceding year. The inflation of recent years has meant that employees excluded from PAYE were paying less tax than those of comparable means who were under PAYE.

The Government decided that this inequity should not be allowed to continue and I announced this decision in June last year. The effect of the change is to increase the gross 1976-77 tax liability of the groups affected by about £14 million, or some 23 per cent, over and above what it would be in 1976-77 if the old basis of assessment on preceding year income had been allowed to continue.

As already announced the Government decided to allow some easement of the effects of the transition to PAYE on the taxpayers concerned. The total remission allowable to each taxpayer now affected will be equal to one-half of the tax assessment for 1975-76, which is based on 1974-75 income, and will be set in three equal instalments against PAYE tax liabilities in 1976-77, 1977-78 and 1978-79. Provision accordingly is made in section 16 of the Bill.

Even when one allows for the value of the remission instalment of some £6 million in 1976-77, the Exchequer still stands to gain some £8 million in 1976-77 from the change made. The Exchequer gain in later years will of course be greater.

In deciding on an easement of the transition to PAYE for those concerned I took into account that a similar concession for this purpose was given in 1960 before PAYE deductions began. There is also the point that, as the change will involve a considerable increase in tax liabilities, there could be hardship in the absence of any remission in cases where heavy financial commitments had already been taken on.

I now turn to section 33 of the Bill. In the budget last January, I announced the Government's decision to terminate the exemption enjoyed by agricultural and fishery co-operatives with effect from 6th April, 1976. The effect of this special treatment for these concerns had become quite inequitable to ordinary traders and firms, who of course are subject to normal taxation.

The straightforward repealing provision in the Finance Bill, 1976, as published would have meant that the co-operatives' profits becoming chargeable to corporation tax would in most if not all cases have been those which arose after the basis period for the 1975-76 income tax assessment, namely, profits which arose anytime after the end of the co-operatives' 12-month accounting period which ended in the 1974-75 income tax year. While no revenue gain from the termination of the exemption was expected in 1976 it was expected that the gain could be up to £3 million a year thereafter.

In the submissions made to me over the past few months representatives of the co-operative movement drew attention to financial problems facing many co-operatives. I agreed that some special provisions were called for and I introduced on Committee Stage an amendment which made major concessions to meet the representations made to me. The effect of that amendment will be twofold:

(a) The termination of the exemption will only affect those profits of co-operatives which arise on or after 6th April, 1976. Earlier profits will not be taxed; and

(b) Co-operatives which have undertaken investment will have the option of claiming the balance of unused tax capital allowances—that is, those allowances remaining after normal allowances for wear and tear have been taken into account—for plant and machinery and buildings used for production, for offset against tax on the profits arising on or after 6th April, 1976. This will also help to ease the transition to the new position.

Co-operatives availing of this option will of course be able to carry forward the excess of capital allowances over taxable profits. If this option is not availed of, only normal allowances for wear and tear will be available for offset in any accounting period. As a result of the foregoing concessions little or no tax will be payable by co-operatives until 1978. Even in that year the total tax take from them is expected to be of the order of only £2 million, as compared with the £3 million originally envisaged in each case.

I should also like to stress that no change is being made in the existing position whereby share or loan interest paid by co-operatives is deductible in computing their profits for tax purposes.

The tax arrangements now provided for in section 33 must be regarded as a sympathetic approach to the special circumstances of co-operatives, given however that elementary fair play demands that they must be phased— however gently—into the tax regime which has always applied to their competitors.

The tax take now envisaged from the co-operatives is indeed a very modest contribution from a group of concerns whose turnover in 1974 totalled £750 million.

Sections 12 and 26 are concerned with stock relief. Senators will recall that this relief when introduced last year had to be withheld, for practical reasons, from unincorporated traders. However as promised then the relief is now being extended to them with retrospective effect. This is provided in section 12. Furthermore the relief in the form of a deferral of tax is also being continued for a third year for all qualifying trades whether incorporated or not. The question of what future changes may be desirable in the form of stock relief will of course be kept under review.

As announced last year, payments made to employers under the premium employment programme are to be exempt from tax, and section 25 provides accordingly.

Section 28 provides for a reduced rate of tax on interest on housing loans made by banks at specially reduced rates of interest under approved schemes. The effect of the reduced tax rate is that the net return to the banks will be the same as if they had made the loans at their ordinary commercial rates.

The purpose of section 27, which was inserted in the Bill on the Committee Stage in Dáil Éireann, is to close a loophole in existing law relating to exports tax relief. It will ensure that all sales of goods to intervention are outside the scope of exports tax relief. As the House is aware, the purpose of exports tax relief is to encourage Irish firms to seek and develop markets abroad for Irish goods. Sales to intervention cannot be regarded as exports in that connection. Without this section that purpose could be frustrated where manufacturers selling to an intervention agency could arrange to transport the goods to the agency's stores abroad while retaining ownership of the goods during such transit. Such a situation would of course be quite anomalous.

Section 17 is designed to ensure that PAYE tax will reach the Exchequer in good time. Section 1 enables a certificate signed by a Revenue officer to be regarded as evidence, unless the contrary is proved, that a defendant in proceedings under PAYE was an employer during a stated period.

A considerable part of this Bill is taken up with steps to combat evasion of tax. During the last three years a number of measures have been introduced which have had the effect of eliminating many possibilities for avoidance of tax by means which although artificial were not illegal. The closure of these legal loopholes must however be associated with a determined drive against the illegal evasion of tax. Hitherto traders' tax liabilities could be checked against their business records only if no returns at all, or unsatisfactory returns, had been made. The position obviously left an opening for evasion. Section 34 will enable authorised officers of the Revenue Commissioners to inspect at reasonable times trading records on business premises. This follows a similar existing legal provision in relation to value-added tax. Section 3 will enable a specifically authorised inspector of taxes, rather than the Revenue Commissioners, to serve notices on traders requiring the delivery to the inspector of business accounts and books.

One area in which there has been substantial evasion of tax in the past is the construction industry. Senators will recall that measures were introduced in 1970 with a view to the deduction of tax, on a provisional basis, from payments to certain subcontractors. However these measures have been shown in practice to be defective. Accordingly, section 21 provides a much tighter scheme of tax deduction in that a principal contractor will be obliged to deduct tax from a payment to a subcontractor unless both of them have received specific Revenue authority not to do so. This new scheme is to come into operation on 6th December next, and in the meantime the abuse of the existing scheme will be severely curtailed by some transitional arrangements which are provided by section 20. Section 14 provides that tax deductible from payments to subcontractors shall have the same priority in bankruptcy and liquidations as other taxes due to the State.

Sections 22 and 23 are concerned with the taxation of benefits-in-kind enjoyed by employees. Hitherto employees who are resident in this country but paid from another country have not been liable to taxation on benefits received by them because they do not come within the PAYE system. Section 22 rectifies this anomaly by providing that the benefits-in-kind legislation applies to all employees.

Section 23 provides a more realistic measurement of the benefits-in-kind enjoyed by some employees arising from the availability to them for private use of cars provided by their employers. As well as the cost of providing a car such an employee is saved the fixed motoring costs of depreciation, road tax and insurance. Section 23 therefore provides that, irrespective of the extent of the private motoring done, the benefit to the employee shall be assessed for tax purposes at being not less than some minimum level. The minimum level stipulated is £300 or, if greater, 15 per cent of the cost of the car.

Sections 31 and 32 are concerned with the deductions for tax purposes which may be claimed in respect of expensive motor cars used for business or professional purposes. The capital allowances limit of £2,500 which was introduced in 1973 is now being increased by section 31 to £3,500. As an associated measure a restriction in the running expenses, as distinct from the capital allowances, of expensive cars is now being introduced by section 32 and this restriction will also apply to cars costing more than £3,500.

The effect of sections 5, 7 and 8 is to correct some minor drafting flaws in previous legislation. Section 29 provides that interest paid to the Revenue Commissioners because of late payment of wealth tax and capital acquisitions tax will not qualify for tax relief and will therefore be treated on the same basis as interest on other overdue taxes.

Section 24 continues for the year to 5th April, 1976, provisions whereby an Irish resident is chargeable to tax on any tax credit received under the 1973 double taxation agreement with the United Kingdom, as extended in 1975 for one year. In this connection I should like to mention that our present double taxation agreements with the United Kingdom required to be renegotiated following the introduction of corporation tax in this country. It is expected that the new convention will be signed shortly on behalf of both Governments. Because the convention has not yet been signed it would not be appropriate to include necessary consequential amending provisions in the Finance Bill this year, although the revised arrangements will in general have effect as from the current year. The necessary amending legislation arising from the introduction of the new convention will be included in next year's Finance Bill to have effect from 6th April, 1976, except in relation to remuneration from employments where the operative date will be 6th April, 1977.

The Bill also contains a couple of provisions in relation to the taxation of farming profits. Last year, following an agreement between the Government and the Irish Farmers' Association, the National Economic and Social Council were asked to examine the whole question of farmer taxation. The report of the council was received by me some months ago and it has been under consideration in the Departments concerned. In the meantime however certain measures in relation to the taxation of farming profits have to be provided for in this Bill. These concern the notional basis of assessment to tax and certain anti-avoidance measures.

Section 18 extends for 1976-77 the option of the notional basis of assessment and also contains an anti-avoidance provision. The purposes of the provision is to eliminate a doubt which has arisen as to whether a farmer who opts for assessment under the notional basis can claim loss relief where the notional basis calculations produce a minus figure, that is, where the total of rates, wages and depreciation exceed 40 times the rateable valuation. It was of course never the intention that loss relief should be available in such circumstances.

Section 19 counters attempts to avoid tax by the fragmentation of farm holdings. The section is aimed mainly at artificial arrangements and will not affect genuine transfers of ownership, as for instance in the case of a father transferring the ownership of part of his farm to a son.

I now come to Part II of the Bill which deals with customs and excise.

Sections 35 to 39 confirm the budget increases in excise duties on beer, spirits, tobacco and wine. I should like to emphasise that in determining the increases in duties to recommend to the Dáil the Government carefully balanced both the necessity to increase revenue and the capacity of individual forms of consumer expenditure to bear additional taxation.

Section 40 increases the duty on mineral hydrocarbon light oil by 9.36p per gallon. This section also imposes an excise duty of 2p per gallon on all hydrocarbon oils other than dutiable petrol and diesel. Section 41 imposes a new excise duty of 2p per gallon on gaseous hydrocarbons in liquid form and contains the legal and administrative framework necessary for the implementation of the duty. The section also provides for the imposition of the duty at a rate of 10p per gallon at a date to be appointed by order under the provisions of section 42. A rebate system will ensure that the 10p per gallon rate will apply only to gas intended to be used for automotive purposes and other gas will continue to bear duty at a rate of 2p per gallon. Section 42 also provides the legal and administrative framework to implement the duty.

Section 43 increases the penalty for the irregular use of rebated hydrocarbon oil in road motor vehicles from £100 to £500 and makes provision for the forfeiture of a vehicle (a) on the occasion of a second offence, or (b), where the vehicle contains a concealed tank or similar device. Section 44 increases the indictable limit for customs proceedings in the District Court from £100 to £500. The present limit of £100 was fixed in 1963. Section 45 makes specific provision for customs entry of imported dutiable aircraft, ships and the like and for payment of the appropriate duties thereon. A penalty of £500 and forfeiture of the vessel is provided for failure to comply with these requirements. Section 46 confirms five orders made by the Government under the Imposition of Duties Act, 1957, as amended, details of which were outlined in the explanatory memorandum.

I now come to Part III of the Bill which makes some stamp duty provisions. Section 47 will extend from two years to six, the period within which a person may claim a refund of stamp duty. Section 48 does two things: Firstly it continues the exemption from duty of those types of new houses which would have qualified for a State grant prior to 1st January, 1976. Senators will remember that with effect from 1st January the Government restricted eligibility for Exchequer new house grants. Since the existing legislation provided that exemption from stamp duty was conditional on getting a grant, the exemption would have been lost in some cases but for the provision of section 48 of the Bill. Secondly, the section restricts the exemption from stamp duty which applies to sales by local authorities under the Housing Act, 1966, in order to confine it to sales of houses by the authorities to their tenants. The effect will be to make sales of building land by the authorities liable to duty in the same way as are other sales of land for housing purposes.

Part IV of the Bill contains provisions in relation to value-added tax. The principal purpose of Part IV is to give legislative effect to the VAT changes effected by Financial Resolution in Dáil Éireann on budget day, 28th January, 1976. Part IV also contains a number of provisions designed to clarify and tidy up some aspects of existing VAT law and to remove opportunities for tax avoidance.

Section 53 ratifies certain VAT rate changes which took effect on 1st March last. The principal changes were the replacement of the 6.75 per cent and 19.5 per cent rates by new rates of 10 per cent and 20 per cent respectively. The new 10 per cent rate also replaced the special rate of 11.11 per cent on dances. In addition two new rates have been substituted for the former two-tier rate of 36.75 per cent; the new two-tier rate of 35 per cent applicable to motor cars and motor cycles is equivalent in effect to the old 36.75 per cent rate; the two-tier rate now applicable to radios, television sets, gramophones and records is 40 per cent.

Other budget measures relating to the removal of the exemption for short-term car hire and the application of the 20 per cent rate to fur clothing are covered by section 60 of the Bill. Following the budget, tourist interests generally represented that the increase in VAT rates and the ending of the exemption for short-term car hire would adversely affect them. However it would have been less than equitable to allow one industry to continue operating pre-budget VAT rates while the rest of the community was adjusting to the new rates. A concession could also have led to serious trade distortions and anomalies.

I might refer Senators at this stage to section 63, which provides transitional relief in respect of motor vehicles. As I mentioned, the two-tier rate of 35 per cent—effectively 25 per cent at manufacture or import level plus 10 per cent subsequently—is intended to leave the effective burden of VAT on cars and motorcycles unchanged. However motor vehicles which were held in stock by dealers immediately before 1st March, 1976, could have borne additional tax through a combination of old and new VAT rates. The section ensures that vehicles which had borne VAT at the effective 30 per cent rate on the first tier and which were in dealers' hands on 1st March, 1976, would be liable on subsequent sale during the March/April accounting period at only 6.75 per cent.

Section 60 consolidates and re-enacts the first four Schedules to the Value-Added Tax Act, 1972. These Schedules deal with the tax classification of goods and services and have been amended substantially since 1972. This consolidation should be of considerable assistance to traders as well as to public representatives and members of the legal and accountancy professions.

Another budget measure involved the abolition with effect from 1st March last of the 1 per cent flat-rate credit for farmers and fishermen and this is covered by Part II of the Fifth Schedule to this Bill. I should explain that the purpose of the flat-rate credit of 1 per cent was to compensate unregistered farmers and fishermen for VAT paid by them on their purchases of taxable inputs by enabling their VAT-registered customers to pay them a slightly higher price for their produce. However the Government considered that in view of the demands which it was necessary to place on taxpayers generally it would not be unreasonable to expect a modest contribution from farmers, having regard particularly to the favourable treatment of farming income under the income tax code.

Senators will be aware that in any case most farm inputs are relieved from VAT. Fertiliser, electricity, tractor and marine diesel, animal feeding stuffs and oral medicines and most seeds are already zero-rated. In addition the scheme of direct refunds of the VAT on certain grant-aided expenditures on farm buildings, land drainage and reclamation and fishing boats is being maintained.

I will now deal with the remaining provisions in Part IV of the Bill.

Section 51 redefines and clarifies the circumstances in which a trader becomes liable for tax on a "self-delivery" of goods. The existing provision is somewhat vague and does not cover certain situations. For example, where a VAT-exempt business decided to manufacture its own requirements of stationery it would bear VAT on purchases of machinery and raw materials but would escape tax on the manufacturing costs. Equity requires that it should pay tax on the same basis as an independent supplier and the proposed amendment will ensure that this is so.

Section 54 limits to 10 per cent, which is the new second tier of the top two-tier VAT rates, the deduction available to manufacturers of top rate goods who buy such goods for purposes other than resale. The amendment will ensure that the first tier of VAT cannot be avoided by a practice of hiring rather than straightforward selling. As a consequence of this change section 59 slightly alters the definition of stock-in-trade so as to make it clear that stock-in-trade does not include goods held for self-delivery.

Section 52 is aimed at removing an opportunity for tax avoidance. Where goods such as alcoholic drink are sold in bond by a dealer VAT is payable on the price exclusive of excise duty. When the goods are subsequently released from bond, while excise duty would be payable VAT would not be payable on the excise duty element. Apart from the tax avoidance aspect of the practice it gives such dealers a competitive advantage over wholesalers without a warehouse. The amendment provides that in future the taxable amount for VAT on sales of goods in bond will include the duty payable.

Sections 56 and 57 parallel provisions already made in relation to PAYE to ensure that there is not undue delay in payment of VAT.

Section 58 will enable the Revenue Commissioners to provide for an adjustment over a five-year period, instead of over a one-year period as at present, of the initial apportionment of the input tax relating to investment goods acquired by a person who engages in both VAT-taxable and VAT-exempt activities. This will ensure that a true apportionment will be made as between taxable and exempt activities.

Section 62 will give VAT the same priority in bankruptcy and winding-up proceedings as currently attaches to income tax deducted under PAYE. The provision will apply only to tax in respect of VAT accounting periods ending after the enactment of this Bill.

Section 55 is a technical provision to bring the VAT definition of value of goods into line with the customs definition of value. It does not represent any significant change in current practice.

The remaining three sections in Part IV are merely incidental to those I have mentioned.

I now turn to Part V of the Bill— sections 64-79—which deals with excise duties (road tax) on mechanically propelled vehicles.

A significant amount of revenue is lost every year through the evasion of road tax. Although one cannot put a precise figure on it, about £4 million a year would not be far off the mark. This is over 16 per cent of the road tax paid in 1975. Apart from the loss of revenue involved there is also an injustice to the substantial majority of motorists who pay their tax as required. The Government have decided therefore that it is time to introduce new and stronger anti-evasion measures.

One of the main features of the anti-evasion campaign will be the introduction of a system of continuous liability. This is provided for in section 70. Basically it means that the owner of a vehicle will be liable for road tax, irrespective of the use made of it, in much the same way as a person is liable for a television licence. Because of the need to prepare regulations and to revise administrative procedures locally it will not be possible to introduce continuous liability right away. But the intention is to introduce it as soon as possible. Section 69 provides that the classes of vehicles to which continuous liability will apply will be specified by Government order, to come into effect only after it has been approved by both Houses of the Oireachtas. There are circumstances in which continuous liability will not apply—for example, a vehicle kept by a motor dealer in the course of his business or if a vehicle is destroyed, stolen, and so on. It is also intended that the provision will not apply to vintage cars.

Apart from continuous liability, there are other measures in this part of the Bill designed to combat evasion. These measures can be introduced very quickly and should ease the evasion problem pending the introduction of continuous liability. In the longer term a number of these provisions, while applying to all vehicles, will be of particular importance in the case of vehicles not subject to continuous liability.

Section 65 provides for the making of regulations by the Minister for Local Government pursuant to this part of the Bill. Section 66 specifies the general application of this part of the Bill to all vehicles liable to road tax subject to the exemption from certain provisions of vehicles used by motor dealers under the authority of a trade licence.

A person who keeps a vehicle is required under section 67 to notify the local licensing authority of that fact and also to notify any transfer of his interest in the vehicle. This section confirms the existing legal requirements which have previously been provided for only in regulations.

Section 68 provides that where road tax is not paid within 14 days of the expiry of the previous tax it shall be recoverable by the local licensing authority as a simple contract debt. This section will enable the authorities themselves from their own records to take proceedings in cases of unpaid tax. However, this will not affect the existing powers of the Garda to prosecute those whom they find using untaxed vehicles.

At present only the user of an untaxed vehicle can be prosecuted for unlicensed use of that vehicle. As a result the unsatisfactory situation at present exists that if an untaxed vehicle is parked in the public road the Garda can only prosecute for unlicensed use where they can identify the user. Section 71 removes this anomaly by providing that henceforth the registered owner of the vehicle, if he has authorised its use, will, as well as the user, be liable in respect of the use of an untaxed vehicle. An employee will not be liable if he is using the vehicle on the orders of his employer.

Fines imposed for the use of an untaxed vehicle are often not a sufficient deterrent to repeated evasion. Section 72 provides that the court shall, in addition to any penalty which it may impose, order the payment of the arrears of road tax due to the licensing authority.

Section 73 provides that both the user and the keeper of a vehicle shall be subject to prosecution for the non-display of a current tax disc. Section 74 brings an offence under section 73 within the scope of the "fines on the spot" procedure.

Section 75 puts the onus of proof on the defendant in any proceedings for an offence under this part to show the existence of a current road tax licence or that the vehicle was not subject to continuous liability or that he had not authorised the use of his vehicle, as the case may be. This section will enable cases to be dealt with quickly by removing delays arising from the need for the licensing authority to provide documentary evidence which may not be readily accessible.

Evasion of road tax is a sufficiently serious offence to warrant a sizeable maximum fine. Sections 76 and 77 provides for this, £100 in each case. Section 77 also provides for the settling by regulation of the fee payable for a duplicate registration book. Up to now the maximum fee of 25p has remained as fixed in the 1920 Roads Act. Under section 78 liability for road tax relates to use of the vehicle in a public place, whereas up to now it was confined to use on the public roads.

Section 79 provides for the new annual rates of road tax for private cars which came into effect on 1st March, 1976. It also specifies that the additional proceeds arising from these new rates will not be taken into account in determining the amount to be paid into the Road Fund in respect of road tax and related charges.

Part VI of the Bill contains four routine sections. Section 80 is the annual provision relating to the Capital Services Redemption Account, section 81 gives effect to the repeals specified in the Fifth Schedule and sections 82 and 83 are self-explanatory.

I commend the Bill to the House for a Second Reading.

It behoves us all in an annual debate of this importance to realise, first of all, the seriousness of our position, to analyse where we have gone wrong—and we have gone wrong under the direction of the present Government —and to decide in a rational way how we can make some attempt at this stage to correct this situation and plan properly for the future.

Basically, the economy has taken a drastic downward swing. The main figure which emphasises that aspect is the decline in investment last year of 6 per cent. That is basic because investment is concerned with growth. If there is growth and expansion in the economy we can put socially desirable policies into action. The 6 per cent decline in investment last year was paralleled by an 8 per cent decline in industrial output in 1975. We had a decline of 2½ per cent in consumer demand. This happened at a stage when our inflation rate on average in 1975 was 21 per cent higher than in 1974 compared with an average inflation rate of 12 per cent in the other EEC countries.

That is the overall picture of 1975: a 6 per cent decline in investment, an 8 per cent decline in industrial output, a 2½ per cent decline in consumer demand and inflation running at nearly 10 per cent above the general EEC level. That of course has the inevitable effect of causing unemployment in the region of 120,000 people over the past few months. I am not going to rely totally on that figure.

Another figure puts the matter more graphically. We have lost 20,000 jobs in industry from 1974 to 1976. That offsets completely the gain in employment over the six years prior to 1974. There had been a net increase in jobs in the community. The progress effected between 1968 and 1974 was wiped out in the two years from 1974 to 1976 with the elimination of 20,000 jobs in Irish industry. The main task facing whoever will be charged with the responsibility of driving our economy in the years ahead is to cope with the population explosion and the growing numbers of school leavers. It is estimated that if we are to achieve full employment by 1986 we will require a net 20,000 new jobs each year. The whole social and economic fabric of our society is threatened because we do not seem now able to cater for the population explosion, particularly of our young people seeking job opportunities. We have gone backwards. Far from creating the ground work on which we would achieve 20,000 new jobs each year between now and 1986, we have gone into retreat by losing 20,000 jobs in the past two years.

It is quite clear now—all the economists agree on it—that what was said in 1974 was perfectly right. Apart altogether from the energy problems of late 1974, early 1975, the basic trouble in regard to the guidance of our economy stems from the first budget prepared by the Government in 1973. That budget was followed by budgets in 1974 and 1975. There were two in 1975. The Government failed to face up to the reality of our economic situation. In 1973 and 1974 particularly, the Government embarked on economic policies in an atmosphere of unbelievable euphoria. Nothing else can describe it. In fact, what was required in those years was careful economic management and careful financial management. The view seemed to be abroad that popularity could be bought at any price through budgetary policies that engaged in massive deficits, and that that could go on indefinitely because of the expansion that these deficits were supposed to promote. Budget deficit policies are all right in the short run, but the policy of budget deficits has led to the situation now where there is no investment in the community, no investment in the productive part of the private sector. Business people are not making the required decisions to expand operations and to give the necessary employment.

Due to this policy of financing deficits and borrowing to meet deficits, borrowing for current expenditure as well as capital expenditure, the amount of current and capital moneys raised by the Government has doubled over the past three years. That type of spending now means that the Government are responsible for 58 per cent of the expenditure of our gross national product. Fifty-eight per cent of our gross national product is related directly to Government expenditure in 1976. This means that the Government are collaring the available credit resources, both at home and abroad, that would normally be available to the private sector.

Another point is that this growing debt, which has doubled in the past three years, has to be serviced. At present the servicing of that debt is costing the nation £300 million annually. Twenty-four per cent of tax raised in this Finance Bill is related to servicing this debt. All of this pyramiding, as I might call it, was based initially on what I can only describe as an immoral attitude towards the public finance of this country, an attitude of a totally spendthrift nature. It is an attitude of deficit budgeting, spending all round in every area and raising people's expectations by introducing policies such as the health policy which could not be implemented. The Government are in this position now because of their irresponsible budgetary policies of 1973 and 1974.

Apart from the political position of the Government, the country is in a very serious economic position. Somebody will have to face up to the situation and deal with the problem that has been created by the mismanagement of our finances on an unprecedented scale in the past three years. We have learned a lesson, but it has been a very difficult and expensive lesson. I hope the present Government have learned a fundamental political lesson: that you do not allow an election victory to give you a rush of blood to the head, to feel that you can lavish both money and promises in a totally spendthrift manner all around the place on the basis that things are going to get better and better automatically.

I should like to say to the Minister for Finance—and it is something of which I am aware—that the storm-clouds and the warnings were already there in early 1973. Instead of seeking to achieve immediate popularity, the Government should have decided instead to put on the brake a bit, to restrain the economy somewhat, and not started out on a programme of trying to fulfil impossible promises. In that situation they could have used good political sense and harboured their resources for use on a future occasion. Now, of course, by engaging in what was political and financial nonsense they find themselves corralled into a corner of their own making with very little way out.

I might take some joy out of it from the political point of view, but I am not going to take any joy out of it because of the present cold economic facts that now present themselves and which I mentioned earlier on. These facts, in regard to inflation in particular, unfortunately do not seem to be improving. Inflation is, of course, the basic matter which must be tackled—inflation which was fuelled in a very substantial way by the Government's psychological attitude of raising expectations, by the general attitude of excessive deficit financing, by the general policy of taking a greater share of the resources available for Government expenditure and by engaging in foreign borrowing to the extent needed to meet current deficits. All of this, both psychologically and actually, substantially helped to fuel the inflation of which we have been the most serious victims within the EEC and in the world.

I mentioned that our inflation rate was 21 per cent compared with 12 per cent in the EEC last year. This year it is getting worse because the market on which we depend—the British market— under the political and economic leadership of the Government in that country have succeeded in establishing a regime, both in the field of industrial relations and in the field of general financial and economic policy, that looks like reducing Britain's inflation rate this year to less than a 10 per cent increase on last year. I should like to hear from the Minister in his reply if he has any indications that we are going to pull down from 20 per cent to 21 per cent to near the British expectation of 10 per cent in the current year, because if we do not do that we are in very serious trouble altogether. We have been enabled to some extent to get by in recent years by virtue of our cost competitiveness in regard to exports in the British market. While the British were as equally expensive in relation to unit costs of production as we were, we had some chance of doing well on the British market. Indeed for some time they were running even worse than we were. But now the situation is that we are a lot worse than they are. Therefore, in a situation where North America and the EEC member countries appear to be rapidly reducing their inflation rates to something like 6 per cent and 8 per cent respectively in the current year and where Britain appears to be getting down to about 10 per cent, we still appear to be anchored at about 20 per cent. I should like to hear from the Minister the latest indications in his Department on this very important aspect.

Having talked about the malaise which was largely stimulated by Government policy since 1973, a malaise that has affected our economy to the extent it has, I should like to suggest to the Minister, through the Chair, that I am not a pessimist in regard to this country's economy. I believe there is nothing fundamentally wrong with it that cannot be put right by positive Government management and a positive leadership given by the country to the various social partners in our community. One of the main contributory causes at present is that the political leadership is not seen by employers and workers to be positive, coherent or comprehensive. There is no broad plan or umbrella under which the Government are seeking to bring the various elements in our society along with them in the furtherance of such a plan. I do not expect the Minister to come out with a detailed plan on how to bring the economy around, but there are broad targets that could be achieved and broad ways of achieving these targets.

The negative approach of having some semblance of pay restraint is just not enough. I agree that pay restraint is an important part of this package but much more is required of the Government in the way of positive and constructive action. If the trade unions, the employers and farming organisations felt that the Government knew where they were going and got from the Government an indication that there were certain guidelines within a broad national economic plan on which the Government wanted to bring the various social partners along with them in seeking to achieve, a response would be forthcoming. But until very recently the Government have set their faces against the production of any such economic plans. Recently, however, the Minister for Finance has given some indication that he is coming around to this point of view and we await the production of such a plan or such guideline.

It is now three-and-a-half years since the Coalition took office and it is a bit late in the day to begin preparing a national economic plan to which the whole community will be able to subscribe. The galloping horse of inflation has bolted and the stable door has been left open for three-and-a-half years. It is at this stage that we are now seeking to plan. That is one of the Minister's problems.

Apart from the question of leadership, there are specific areas in which the Minister and the Government could give possible help. I mentioned the 20,000 jobs lost in industry since 1974. This has taken place chiefly in home-based industry serving the home market as well as in the construction and building industry. What have the Minister and the Government done in a practical way to stimulate the growth of the construction industry? This particular aspect came in for serious comment, regarding the entire capital programme. It is stated in the Irish Bank Review for March this year, page 16, that building and construction showed a relatively small rise of £16 million to a total of £196 million in the 1975 capital programme.

On page 18 of the same report, Dr. Quinn of University College, Dublin, states:

It seems clear in retrospect——

Our party did not say it in retrospect, we said it at the time, in 1973 and 1974.

——that the expansionist strategy of the budgets of recent years (a correct strategy in principle during a time of acute recession) should have been directed in greater degree towards expanding capital expenditure, preferably on unproductive projects. The heavy deficits incurred on current account necessitated a large volume which puts more pressure on future current budgets, by involving sharply rising debt service charges.

Yet, in a period which requires expanding capital expenditure, preferably on productive projects, we find a miserly increase in a total capital programme of——

Could I ask the Senator if he has ceased quoting? When he used the word "miserly" I felt Quinn had ceased to speak and Lenihan had arrived.

Yes, the end of the quotation was "rising debt service charges". The essence of the criticism there is the lack of Government capital expenditure on productive projects in the private sector. Dr. Quinn has categorised this specifically as being the basic failure of the Government's budgetary strategy. I agree entirely with this view. It corresponds with what I described as the miserly rise of £16 million——

Very mild comment.

——to a total of £196 million out of a capital programme of £596 million. All that the building and construction sector gets from that is £16 million of an increase, in a period where that £16 million increase on £180 million is barely keeping pace with inflation; in fact, it is not keeping pace with inflation. We are talking about one of the major employers in the country, the building and construction industry, an employer which, directly in regard to its own raw materials and indirectly through the various raw materials and finished product which are required for the home on completion, is estimated to absorb 80 per cent of home production in its consumption. We are talking about stimulating an industry which is not importing raw materials for further processing here, as is the case in a large sector of our manufacturing industry. Much export-orientated industry, to which we give substantial grants and loans and which costs the Revenue substantial sums in the way of export tax relief, imports a large percentage of its raw material from abroad. This type of export-orientated industry, the various capital-intensive plants in the chemical area and so on, were set up by the Industrial Development Authority at substantial public expense through massive grants and given the full 100 per cent tax exemption on profits. While such industries are welcome, particularly for their contribution to solving the balance of payments and unemployment problems, they are substantial importers of raw materials for reprocessing, whereas the building and construction industry absorbs 80 per cent home raw material. It stimulates further economic activity, which again absorbs home raw material. Apart from the materials used for road-making, building bridges, houses, office blocks, the furnishings and so on involve a substantial home-industrial element.

Why has the Minister not done something to stimulate the building industry? Why have substantial credit advances and interest cuts not been given? Why have the Government not given the green light to the building and construction industry by guaranteeing it the necessary finance and, if necessary, embarking on a policy of reduced interest rates with guaranteed loans for the building and construction industry? Public works, such as the provision of water and sewerage, could be carried out almost immediately by local authorities; developers and private builders could start building more houses. This would be taking place in a period when every local authority are faced with a serious situation because of the cessation of advances in respect of the financing of the schemes I have mentioned. These schemes are the responsibility of local authorities. It should be the primary objective of the Government to ensure that local authorities get the finances for the provision of these services. At present the county council to which I belong has had all their new starts in water, sewerage and road schemes suspended. They have had their allocation cut by half just to cater for existing works in progress. The pattern is the same throughout the country.

I do not understand why the Government have not moved in this direction. Dr. Quinn, in the Irish Bank Review, by implication, does not understand either the relatively slow rise in the capital programme for the construction industry. The situation now is that, while the Minister for Local Government has been able to put a brave face on it heretofore, the way in which water, sewerage and road expenditure is declining on the perimeters of our towns and cities means that development is coming to a halt and that people who will try to build houses next year will be in serious trouble because houses cannot be built unless water, sewerage and road facilities are available. Planning for this infrastructure must always proceed in a developmental way three or four years prior to the actual building of houses.

I do not understand why the Government have not tried to stimulate the construction industry in a massive way, both directly themselves through the local authorities and indirectly through what I have already suggested: low interest loans and guaranteed credit to private builders and developers. The construction industry has a high employment content. Are the Government interested in providing work? Is the Government's policy one of unemployment rather than employment? We have capital intensive industries coming into the country which are welcome enough in their own way. We have huge purchase costs in regard to providing capital equipment for the fertiliser industry. We import large quantities of processed material and machinery. The construction industry is one in which, no matter what type of mechanisation takes place, there is a high, well-paid labour content. The decline of that industry has been a major factor in the loss of 20,000 jobs between 1974 and 1976. The trade unions have said that the Government have failed to stimulate this vital industry. The director-general of the building and construction industry, Mr. Reynolds, has said this on numerous occasions over the past two years. The economists are saying it. Why do the Government not do something to remedy the situation? Is there some in-built prejudice existing in certain strange, devious minds in the Government against the construction industry? There used to be an allegation that they were in some way orientated towards Fianna Fáil. That sort of stupid, silly allegation has been made on one or two occasions by Fine Gael and Labour politicians. It is a lot of nonsense. We are dealing with a serious problem. We have a highly organised industry with tremendous potential; we should be making the maximum use possible of it.

There are serious deficiencies in our whole infrastructure at the moment. We have the problem of the trunk road system leading out of Dublin and, indeed, the problem of the inadequacy of the road system in the city itself. We are lagging away behind the rest of Europe in our construction of highways, and this is particularly noticeable at present. There is grave need for positive Government action, particularly in the provision of finance.

Although our economic position is serious, there is nothing in it which cannot be rectified if brainwork, without prejudice, is applied to it. The whole area of manufacturing industry, particularly the area which is not benefiting from export tax relief, needs assistance. Old established industries have had to let many workers go because they were facing serious problems, in many cases bankruptcy. Although it would incur revenue loss, we should have a scheme whereby retained profits ploughed back into firms would be taxed at a low rate or not taxed at all. It would be a stimulant to private enterprise in the industrial area. High taxation at the moment is absorbing whatever profits arise and there is no incentive towards expansion. Tax rates on retail profits should be substantially reduced where they are used for reinvestment or ploughing back into the firms' operations. This would result in increased employment.

There is a lack in the Government's philosophy towards our social and economic policies. It is not geared to work and investment. As regards the work aspect, I can see no reason why overtime earnings and earnings relating to productivity arrangements should not attract a lower rate of tax. It has been done this year in Germany. This provides an incentive built into the personal tax code in regard to both employees and employers. It would assist in formulating productivity deals resulting in overtime and thus helping to maintain production and output. There should be a tax incentive to work rather than the present negative policy of helping the unemployed but having no positive policy towards re-employment and the maintenance of the existing level of employment.

The work ethic approach would mean encouragement of reinvestment of profits in the firm. Workers and management would be encouraged to embark on productivity schemes, to increase output and to have a differential system related to investment, work and enterprise built into our tax code. This might be difficult to administer—I have no doubt about that—but if we have the right approach towards stimulation of the economy we will get things off the ground. One might ask "What about the revenue loss from such tax concessions given to investors, management and workers?" In my view, such concessions would cause no difficulty for us in getting the required finance from either the European Investment Bank or the World Bank, couched in the terminology I have spoken about and geared towards increased productivity. Carefully calculated revenue losses, incurred in the interests of providing incentives towards stimulation of the economy in the areas I mentioned, would attract interest and would receive close attention at high levels in both the European Community and the world.

The trouble with the recent Government loan from the European Investment Bank was that it was a loan geared merely to get over budgetary difficulties, particularly the budgetary deficit to which I have referred, caused by growing deficits on current account over the past three years. Naturally the loan from the European Investment Bank to deal with that sort of problem was carefully circumscribed by the European Investment Bank and they applied careful conditions to it. But if the Government went to them not in a negative manner but in a positive manner, with a positive productive package of incentives along the line I have mentioned to stimulate the economy, certainly it would get very careful scrutiny and very sympathetic consideration. That is the sort of thinking we should be engaging in at the present time rather than thinking in negative terms, because we cannot get this economy off the ground unless the productive projects in the private sector start to rise, unless growth overall starts to rise and, in particular, unless the private sector is stimulated into growing economic activity. I think Senator FitzGerald would agree with me that there is nothing really unclear about economics; provided it is freed of jargon it is a very simple business. Basically what we have to do here at the moment is to get this country working again and to get people thinking in terms of work, enterprise and expansion. What we have done over the past three years has rendered serious harm to that approach to the economy. What we have done over the past three years has damaged seriously our prospects in this area. But I still feel that fundamentally a changed approach will give, first of all, a broad political leadership, giving confidence to investors in our economy. A broad political approach that will give that confidence is needed and then a carefully worked-out plan of campaign along the lines of tax incentives I have mentioned, designed to stimulate the private sector of the economy into making the investment decisions that will inevitably lead to more employment. If that is done I feel we can get out of the wood, but it must be done, first of all, on the basis of a Government who acknowledge the importance of productive employment in the private sector and, having acknowledged that and having given leadership to it, bring in practical measures designed to stimulate in that area.

I have given in my view the outstanding area within our economy where we are falling down on the job and that is in the building and construction industry, which immediately comes to mind as one where this sort of policy could be very quickly implemented. The apparatus is there in the form of firms and management and machinery and you have the workforce there, idle at the moment. That is the first priority I would envisage where the sort of policy I am mentioning could be very quickly adapted and implemented.

There are other matters in the Finance Bill which we can debate on Committee Stage but fundamentally if we do not tackle the whole problem of growth in our economy we might as well pack up. Everything else is secondary to that. The problem of growth can be tackled by only getting rid of the inflation problem or bringing it down to size, and then stimulating investment to provide for economic growth from that. Only from that approach can flow the sort of social improvements we desire.

We must get our priorities right. We have had our priorities all wrong for the past three-and-a-half years and because of that we are in the situation in which we find ourselves. But because the country is basically a sound country in wealth terms and has basic materials, particularly in the agricultural area, which are becoming of growing importance, because of that fundamental soundness I believe the country can be got moving again. However, it can only be got moving under, first of all, political leadership that will give confidence and, secondly, by adopting positive ways to get projects going again right across the board in the whole of the private sector so as to achieve the acceleration of investment that will lead to the economic growth which we desire, particularly from the social point of view.

I am glad that Senator Lenihan began towards the end of his speech to refer to some positive elements. It is impossible to resist the conclusion that the general tenor of his contribution—I do not particularly like saying this—was to contribute to the general psychology of defeat that pervades this country at the moment, a psychology which has to be overcome and which will not be overcome by Opposition criticism of Government policy which is less than wholly truthful.

I give a number of examples of where Senator Lenihan was less than fair in what he said. For example, he quoted from an article in the Irish Bank Review giving an account of the effects of the 1975 budget. He omitted a significant sentence—a sentence which, may I add, I wish would be read by more than Senator Lenihan. I quote from page 14:

The unfavourable external environment was a major reason for the failure of the Irish economy to respond to the expansionary measures taken in the two budgets of 1975.

That is the Professor Quinn from whom Senator Lenihan was quoting. Around the same time the National Economic and Social Council said "No Irish agency can materially influence what happens to the world economy". Was there anywhere in Senator Lenehan's speech a reference to the general context in which Irish Government decisions were to be made and Irish legislation enacted and made acceptable and understandable by the Irish people? Was any reference at all made to the world conditions which affect us more than they affect probably any other economy in the world? I do not like exaggerated statements, but when the British economy is, of all the economies in Europe, the most dependent on world trade and when one can say that the Irish economy is twice as dependent, that is at least a fair basis for my observation.

The Allied Irish Bank Review at around the same time said: “The experiences of the Irish economy are largely the result of adverse external factors stemming from a world-wide slump.” Now, I would think that if Senator Lenehan's positive recommendations had more recognition of the factors they would have been received with an open mind, as indeed were the criticisms of others than Senator Lenihan with economically descriptive titles after and before their names writing in various journals.

He refers, and properly so, to the importance of the home market. I will adopt some of his observations with regard to that later. Broadly, his proposition related to the growing penetration of that market by foreign competition—very true. But a corral of this Government's own making, does he say? Let us look at the figures. The foreign penetration of this market, on the average, in the years 1962 to 1967 was 16.8 per cent. In 1972, it had gone to 21.3 per cent. In 1973, it had gone to 23.7 per cent. It went up by 1.3 per cent only in the following two years. The largest part of growth of the penetration to which the Senator properly referred as a problem is not a corral of this Government's own making.

Senator Lenihan properly referred to the burden of public expenditure as a proportion of the gross national product and correctly suggested that this proportion this year will reach 58 per cent. When we know that represents an increase of 8 per cent, or 16 per cent on the 50 per cent to which it went to last year, when we know that over a ten-year period that had gone from 35 per cent to 50 per cent, when we know that the best estimate before the war was that it was only 18 per cent, and when we look at a figure which has now multiplied by almost four, we know that Senator Lenihan is talking sense. He is talking about a real problem, a real limiting factor, a real constraint imposed on the Government and on the Legislature when listening to any proposals for expenditure, including Senator Lenihan's proposal for further expenditure on building. All the proposals for expenditure put forward are backed merely by assertions as to their self-financing nature, at least all I have read in various journals learned and semi-learned.

I do not think it is fair to Senator Lenihan to put his position as being that of one who honestly believes the Government are in a corral of their own making. I do not think the Senator can produce any evidence that there were warning signs in early 1973. I do not require the evidence to be in the form of a speech by a Fianna Fáil Deputy or Senator or anyone else in the Fianna Fáil organisation. It was only after the middle of 1973 that, by hindsight, some signs of an international decline were detected. The real impact came in 1974. What was done by the budgets of 1973, 1974 and 1975 to which the Senator and Fianna Fáil object? What were the measures of expenditure giving rise to the deficit which they did not like?

Over a five-year period there has been a threefold increase in social welfare expenditure. Over a five-year period there has been a threefold increase in education. Over a five-year period there has been a fivefold increase in the expenditure on health. These are facts. There may be much to be criticised in the types of schemes adopted. Perhaps within these schemes improvements could be made which would make them less expensive. Every examination should be carried out to see how savings can be made. It was wrong for Senators on this side of the House to claim to have done this or that as if they were giving away their money when they were really redistributing resources.

Which were not there.

Senator Lenihan made an excellent contribution of his kind and Senator Yeats will make another excellent contribution of his kind. He should allow me to make my contribution of my kind. He can tell us how he would deal with the deficit.

If you spend more money on education and on social services more taxation will have to be imposed and you may run into a deficit. If the corrals are of our own making, and if current deficits are one of them, we did not start them. Current deficits were started by the previous Minister. I do not remember as much criticism of that current deficit as there has been of subsequent current deficits. There can be a justification for a decision to redress a balance. When this Government took office in 1973, there was justification for redressing a balance. There was insufficient welfare provision. I will not move away into the élitist discussion that the welfare state could be run in a different way. I am merely saying that the Government were elected to do this and they did it.

I suggest to the House and, through the House, to the country and in particular to industrialists, that they might have due regard to the advantages to them, both short-term and long-term, of provisions which create a proper sense of justice pervading the community. I also suggest to the House that, if mistakes were made in relation to any particular decision, our duty is best done by making specific suggestions as to how things could be improved and where we went wrong.

A measure has been introduced which endeavours to correct any abuse of social insurance which would be damaging to what ought to be a prime objective of government. It was very wrong of Senator Lenihan to say that unemployment is of no concern to this Government. What a very wrong thing for a public man to say of a group of people charged with responsibility for the affairs of this country. The Senator must be well aware of the constraints under which this Government operate in terms of economic resources. He would be subject to the same constraints if he were the Minister introducing this Bill into this House. He cannot ignore the political difficulties of rejecting proposals for expenditure, or the political difficulties or the fiscal difficulties of receiving more taxation from a particular proposal.

There are also overall constraints imposed by the failure to communicate wholly to the people the limitations on the resources which exist for them and for us all, without which increase neither we nor they can get anywhere. It is wrong for politicians to pretend there are many things they could do. To be fair to Senator Lenihan, he did make some suggestions at the end of his speech and to some of them I will be making reference.

We have had too many contributions to the psychology of defeat, too much emphasis on the bleak facts, too little consideration of the possibilities for the future, reiterating all that everybody knows, because it is in all the papers all the time. In Ireland the ability of everybody to agree with everybody else is one of the most disappointing features of public commentary and I have noted it, not this year, but 20 or 30 years ago. I wish they would disagree on some basis other than personal. I begin to suspect the conventional wisdom when I find it so wholly agreed on by everybody. One of the dangers of any contribution—and it can come from the captains of industry as well as from Opposition politicians—is that if they disturb confidence in the ability of this society to cope with its problems, they weaken this society's ability to do just that.

We have a short-term bleak situation. The problems need short-term proposals framed in a long-term context. I go a long distance with Senator Lenihan's proposition that the provision of the infrastructure should represent a decision made some years before the demands for that infrastructure.

I have a difficulty, a difficulty Senator Lenihan seems to blur, as to how I would finance that. I do not think from within the ranks of the advisers to the Government will come the solution because, while I have the greatest admiration for the attention to detail by civil servants, for their integrity and incorruptibility, for their dedication to the public good, the fact that they are, in the British tradition, concerned above all with producing an efficient and economical centrally run system, leaves them weak on policy. It is from outside that sphere that some of the solutions will have to come.

Various elements are required to achieve the national aim of going forward and doing as well at home with the talent of our people as our people have shown they can do when they go abroad. In this society we have done much. Maybe you can criticise the cost in terms of tax and deficits of what we have done, but we have done much to create a sense of justice. I do not think it is right to say it is vote buying. I believe a sense of justice is necessary. Perhaps enough has not yet been done fully to pervade the community with this sense. Secondly, a widespread campaign is necessary to bring home to everyone the significance of profits, where these profits are made out of a non-monopolistic situation and through genuine risks taken. Just to take one figure I have, in real terms last year profits declined by 10 per cent and retained profits declined by 75 per cent. Where does industry get the money to give employment unless it has retained profits? There is either money coming in from foreigners—then we run the danger of howls of "multinationals"— or there is money retained in the collective unit, the company, which makes the profit.

What happens to profits? A percentage is taken by the Government in taxes and used to provide and pay for the services which the industrialists as well as the rest of us enjoy. There is no need to detail them, but one thing I think the Revenue Commissioners badly need is a public relations officer to tell the public what the Government are doing with our taxes, to bring home to everybody the services they are enjoying as a result of the receipt of taxes. In this context I should like to adopt the words of the new British Prime Minister Mr. Callaghan, as reported this week: "The profits of today are the jobs of tomorrow". That is an absolutely vital matter. There is, and I would like to interpose it here, a lurking feeling on the other side of industry that they are being asked to hold back their claim for wages, but the mere discipline of a restraint on dividends alone will not suffice because the retained profits will increase the value of the shares even if the dividends are restrained, even if, as the last Corporation Tax Act did, distributions are effectively curbed and caught into a rather heavy net of direct taxation.

At the end of the day the shares are going to increase and they will be all working for Mr. "You-Know-Who" and for his ultimate benefit. I am forced to the view that, at the end of the day, this will be the case. This cannot be done now and I see it being done at the beginning by some means of tax incentive that cannot be at a cost to the Revenue in terms of what they are now receiving because it is in relation to profits generated in the future in excess of what they get now. Senator Lenihan will probably remember that was the way by which the export tax relief was finally passed through the civil service. It applied only to profits generated in excess of profits that had been earned before, so they felt they would not be losing revenue. Sensibly it was changed in due course.

The workers in a manufacturing enterprise should be allowed to get their stake in it. There is a most interesting article on British Leyland reported in the Financial Times last week on how their share participation scheme which they introduced in January last has generated extraordinary goodwill in British Leyland as a result of which over whole tiers of structures in that vastly dispersed company shop stewards are being provided with the lot in terms of information for Lord Ryder's ten-year plan. This is not something that can be imposed. I do not believe in these kind of revolutionary solutions. They do not work. People want to be able to lay their plans so that they can do this, that, or the other thing, and they do not have to do something.

Where we are so dependent on an inflow of capital we cannot start imposing something that will stop the inflow of capital. There are at this moment in our fiscal code impediments to employers giving away shares to employees. They will suffer capital gains tax if they give away to their employees their share. The whole code should be re-examined to produce such a situation that the people who joined in and were co-partners in the creation of the profits which are necessary for future employment could get in on that surplus. That is not to accept the Marxist view that the surplus is created merely by the work of the employees. It is clear that the surplus can disappear with the best machinery in the world and the best management in the world if you cannot get the workers to work the machinery under proper management and organisation. Productivity is the first essential.

The significance of profits might also be brought home by the application of an idea which I have borrowed from as distant a place as Russia, near though it may be to the hearts of some. It is combined with a Maoist idea and combined also with a John Kelly idea, that is, that there ought to be some very generous amount—I am not talking of hundreds of pounds but tens of thousands of pounds and hundreds of thousands of pounds—by way of awards to counties that produce the highest average productivity in the manufacturing industry, something that would set teamwork operating all over Ireland, one against the other.

I came across a case recently where in a particular industry in England, which is almost exclusively Irish manned, the productivity average of that industry was twice the national average because they were all working as Irishmen in England competing with their fellow citizens in that country. They were stimulated by the team spirit to do the good work and they were extremely well paid as a result.

There must be more obvious signs than I see of mutual understanding of the problems of Government by people on both sides of industry. There must be understanding by Government of the problems of business people, and of people who have to represent their workers, trade union representatives. There must be more understanding of the problems of the leaders of industry by their workers. There must be understanding of the very real problems and conditions of work under which people do their work by the Government— which includes all of us—all too remote, in many cases, from the conditions under which people actually work. The reaching of this mutual understanding is necessary, not merely to get out of the short term problem situation but, much more importantly, to move on from here to very much better things. We have already moved on here from very much worse things. Before we start our next journey, it might be worth looking at a few of the facts.

When this State was founded, 98 per cent of its exports went to Britain, and over 90 per cent of its imports came from Britain. We were a farm for a factory called Britain. Now the position is totally changed. It is not necessary to go into the figures. Our exports to Britain are something of the order of 50 per cent. Possibly that is an overstatement if you correct for the green £ and sterling fall. We have substituted for a totally dependent situation a new, perhaps more harsh, reality, but one with which we should be as well able to cope as all the rest of the people of the world. We may no longer depend on Britain but we govern ourselves in the knowledge of the interdependence of this world of which we are part and how, in the conduct of our resources, we must have sensitive regard to that interdependence. We had a small market of three million people when we started this State. We are now almost fully in a highly skilled protected market of over 250 million.

We started with civil war and all we can do now is to apologise to each other when we have to criticise each other in these Houses. That is something of an achievement. Ireland was remarkable for her denuded mountainsides. This was commented on in the 18th and 19th centuries. The bare bald heads of the Irish hills were frequently referred to. An Irish Government Department which found only 1 per cent of the acreage of Ireland under forest have multiplied that by five during the period of self-Government, after much trial and error. There will be much more trial and error. In all our achievements there has been trial and error. Without the taking of risks we will achieve nothing anywhere, as anybody who has achieved anything knows.

We thought we had no mineral resources. This was a favourite theme in our geography books. It was so well known that it was still in the First Economic Programme in 1959. An interesting point that the Minister might report to his colleagues is that, whatever you say about tax reliefs and the cost of tax reliefs, it was a tax relief that produced the discoveries which have now created the position in which it can be said on the authority of a remarkable paper read recently by Dr. Cranley of the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards that, when Navan comes on stream in a few years time, Ireland will replace Australia as the third largest exporter of metals in the world and become the largest exporter of metals in Europe. We thought we had nothing. We discovered we had something.

We discovered, under the fiscal stimulus of an Irish Parliament, that we have other great resources, that we have got a long indented sea coast with clean water very suitable for mariculture. Some promising steps have already been taken by Bord Iascaigh Mhara, Gaeltarra Éireann and the ESB to produce oysters, which I gather can now be eaten all the year round—I resisted the offer during the month of May because some atavistic instinct in me made me nervous of the idea—other shellfish, salmon and so on. An interesting view was put forward from the point of view of the EEC that this business of large ships steaming backwards and forwards from the Continental of Europe fishing on the Continental Shelf is highly uneconomic. The long-term probability is that this country could become a fish factory for Europe.

Therefore, those who throw up their hands in despair at the prospect of trying to find jobs for the net 20,000 that we have to find for the next ten years should be thinking again. First, I do not like the way the news of the increase in population is being received. Imagine if, the first time you are presented with a child by your wife you said: "Oh God, a dependant", and at the second one, "Another dependant". The dependant-ratio is increasing dramatically. It is 100 per cent worse than it was with the first child. You think you are ruined. You have to find employment for the children. There are more people now who are dependants than there were ten years ago. We should be bowed down by it. I do not feel a bit bowed down. We should be celebrating the overcoming of the Famine and not be afraid of how we are going to get employment. These mouths will have to be fed. They will demand to be fed, and housed and clothed, and an increasing home market will present its own opportunities for them, which makes it all the more desirable that we have a scheme to encourage our people, to encourage the employment of people both in the manufacturing and service industries to serve that home market.

I understand there is a Green Paper coming out shortly and the sooner the better—prices increase the longer you delay. I would recommend complete freedom from taxation on all profits made in excess of, say, the average profits made over the last few years whether they are made on exports or home sales. These will be new profits so there will be no revenue loss involved in that. The details of that scheme would obviously have to be worked out. In particular there should be encouragement for people who are engaged in applying new ideas. Our expenditure in research and development, even for capital purposes, is very low compared with the rest of Europe although wonderful work has been done, in particular by the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, and various other State bodies.

In celebrating our achievement we should realise that at the foundation of this State the number of people who had any education was relatively small compared with the numbers in third level institutions now.

There is another point which is very important. There has been more integration between the city and the country. I would sense that there is still antagonism between the rest of the country and Dublin, but the antagonism between town and countryside has declined. One of the factors which any Minister for Finance will have to take into account in future is the high proportion of people who work in urban towns who are commuting. I think 35 per cent of the people at work in these towns are commuters who live outside the towns. This leads me to another very important point. There a lack of clarity in some of the commentaries one hears. There is the general suggestion that if we could only get real disposable incomes up everything would be all right. Therefore, people can say: "Double my salary or wages. That will dispose of it quickly", as if the payer was in some way subtracting from the profits.

There are two points about that. First is that the person may dispose of his income but he will be increasing the cost of the manufactured goods for the purposes of exporting them. It is only through having the goods competitively priced that they can be exported. Secondly, the farming population should be made aware that their own children's future will depend on their making their savings available to productive enterprises which include, of course, the provision of moneys to local and central Government authorities for expenditure.

In the journals—and I agree with Senator Lenihan here—we get rarified élitist discussions about the value of growth. There is no doubt that we are an expanding population whose capital income is half the average of the EEC countries and only 70 per cent of the UK's capital income, and whose expectations are increased by their knowledge of what is provided elsewhere. We cannot have rarified arguments that we should all wear loin cloths and stroll in monastery gardens and read appropriate literature. We are not going to do it. We have to govern the people as they are and not as we might wish they would be. If we do not have growth we will not be able to maintain the just society we seek to achieve. It is not my business to look after anything to do with wages in any sector.

It is interesting to note, as I think I have correctly, that despite the enormous rise in the cost of the public service there has been only a 2 per cent rise in numbers. That means that the young people are not getting in. It may seem cold, but the only thing is to get the old people out more quickly. I would suggest a system of notional pay increases, optional for the purposes of establishing pensions for people over a particular age, which would entitle them to opt out as if they were at the age of retirement. This would make it possible to take into the public service people with skills developed outside and, perhaps, some public servants, with their particular administrative knowledge and their long good practice at work, would be given opportunities to find employment and to give useful contributions in private enterprise.

Consideration should be given to how some services might be provided at little cost through the covenant system. I shall give just one example, as otherwise it might go on for hours—as it probably will, anyway. I have been reading things about provisions for the youth movement and community centres and so on. I have the most tremendous sympathy for both these movements. There should be provision for them. But then there is this business of limited resources. There is the restrictions on tax and on borrowing, the restriction on the amount of revenue which flows in, the existing set of expenditures, many of which should be re-examined and, therefore, any former Minister should hesitate greatly before attacking public expenditure because much of it is as a result of half decisions which have been left unexamined.

A lot of public expenditure should be re-examined to see if the same purpose could not be achieved in a better and less costly way. Take, for example, the youth movement and the community centres. Say we had a system on which taxpayers, without the burden of administration resulting from it, once they are over a particular tax bracket would be enabled to give away part of their money to help youth movements and community schemes. That is only an illustration of a flexible system. I know there is a built-in socialist, bureaucratic and in Ireland an anticlerical fear of the danger of covenanting—that it would be used to raise money for the church or something— but it is quite possible to so structure them that they can get control with very little administrative burden if it was properly thought about.

The Government, having been in this tight corner for a short period until things improve—as things will certainly improve—should think of how tax reliefs provided in this way can meet some of the enterprises they cannot simply afford by direct expenditure. I am afraid I will hear I am highly out of order and highly conservative, but I see no point in taxing people to give it back to them: I see no point whatever in my being taxed to be given back children's allowances; I see no point whatever in my being taxed to provide myself with a subsidy for the education of my children. I see no point in it at all. I see every point in subsidising people who cannot afford it. There may be many people who are using this subsidy to send children to a university who should not be at the university at all. We are subsidising education at higher levels of people who should not be there. I know it is a thoroughly conservative decision.

Should the universities not stop them?

I would expect Senator Yeats to agree with me when he comes to make his speech, because I have taken a highly conservative position on that matter. Senator Quinlan is even better able to make a speech.

With increasing population we must admit that we could all look at our babies and say "Oh God, more jobs". And that is what we are calling all the new babies—more jobs. Where are we going to find jobs? It means we have to do the same type of planning as a society that the wise parents will be doing for their children. It is obvious with the kind of industrial development taking place. I have spoken about natural resources and I have not mentioned land at all. Great progress has been made there but it is only scratching the surface of what yet can be achieved.

There is going to be great development in social services—and this brings me to the question of education. It is most important that this is done without departure from the idea of the pursuit of learning for learning's sake. It is the very heart of any claim for independence by an academic institution for which I would fight to the death. It ought to be possible to take an overall look at our education in the context—and this is where planning is so necessary—that we now know various projects that are coming along here on different levels, some through the public service, some through the sponsorship of the IDA, some who would be encouraged if they were aware of where we were going, of what was coming in other fields. Education should be adapted to give people the proper training for these jobs. It is perfectly clear that we are going to lose all the real benefit of the resources, like the forestry resources which will involve mills and pulping machinery and all that type of thing, involving vast expenditure.

There should be considerable attention given to providing the skills necessary for these jobs of the future, to give the people skills appropriate to the tasks they will have to do.

In the short term I agree with any sort of tax incentive. Here, I would remind the Minister for Finance that one of the important things in regard to tax incentives where Schedule D is concerned is the previous year's assessment. So, if I am correct, the cost of it will not have an impact on the Revenue quite as quickly as the benefit will flow—a tax incentive to get people back to work must be a short term thing. The long term agrument here must be in favour of high skills to develop all the properties—I do not know enough about it but I suppose "productive technology" is a good term—as we need.

I suggest that State companies should be empowered to form new divisions to retrain workers rendered redundant in their effort to make themselves efficient. Such companies should be empowered to establish new businesses on a copartnership basis or under licences from international companies or with the assistance of local applied sciences—new businesses whose specific job will be to find new and appropriate jobs for those who can no longer be employed if the concern is to be kept as efficient as it should be, if costs are to be kept down and if we are to increase our exports, increase our employment and generate national income.

There has been a suggestion made which I commend to the Minister, that is, at this time it might generate employment and be commercially justifiable if a company were established with the assistance, say, of the banks to provide orders now for Irish manufacturing industry—this is obviously not applicable to every class of product—to build up stocks to meet the time when it is estimated there will be a world demand for them. Many Irish industries have become very liquid and consequently low in their stocks. They may lack the nerve to build up stocks which they might do if they could get the cash flow in through a guaranteed order for the goods. It would have to be on commercial terms. This would mean that people would get to work now and not await the upturn in world trade attaching on the economy. They could anticipate and get the stock situation up to export level by creating new employment under a scheme of that kind.

I cannot accept Senator Lenihan's view that there is some sort of antagonism about the building industry on the Government side nor do I think it is as easy as he makes out. Senator Lenihan is not alone. I have been reading what he has been reading but I should like to see its economic analysis. There will be a fiscal cost involved in putting, taking a round figure, 5,000 people to work in the construction industry and taking them off benefit. One would have to know where the payment of the 5,000 will come from. Will it all come back even with a multiplier effect? The statistics should be published. I am sure the calculations have been made with the multiplier effect.

There is one simple thing which could be done and which might be a help. It was introduced, I think in 1969, some year when there was a boom in office block development and people thought it would be a good idea to put a heavy stamp duty on the construction of complexes. It now stands at 15 per cent; so, taking a contract for £1 million, £150,000 is being paid in stamp duty. The joke is that those office blocks are then rented back to the Government who have to pay a rent which reflects the £150,000 which they borrowed from the builder for a few years. It is not a large matter, but it is the type of small thing which could have a psychological effect of quite considerable importance in terms of the Government not being against it, and that impediment can be removed. There are other impediments of that kind along the line which do not bring in much money and I should like to see the pattern of returns from them over the years. Perhaps the Minister when he is replying can deal with that matter.

I will conclude with the point that the people should be told the truth all the time, without equivocation or fumbling but without any insensitivity. Any Senator who is putting forward a proposal, above all the Leader of the Opposition in the Seanad, should make some attempt to suggest that the cost of a scheme be looked at first. Every Senator has a responsibility, no matter which side of the House he is on, to be aware that the question of resources is paramount. There is a great deal going for us in terms of our market position, our educated work force, the availability of incentives for industry, in terms of the strength, the cornerstone of the infrastructure on which industry depends, that is, the stability of our political system. There is no antipathy, no matter what anyone may say. All the capital taxation business has been rolled under the carpet. There is one thing quite clear in regard to the capital taxation, that is, nothing was directed against profits. Some people say that it was a mistaken response to a demand by capitalists for a change in capitalist charges. It was a demand not made by people without property which produced the capital Acts. It will teach capitalists to be more careful in making such demands in the future.

The point I am making is that if in some cases these taxes had an unfortunate impact, in many other cases they did not have any impact. In any case it should never have been taken, as it was taken, as showing any hostility to the concept of profits as an essential element in the free operation of the economic system we happen to have and which we must have as an island behind an island, as somebody once described it.

Before I come to Senator FitzGerald's speech and the budget I must utter a word of protest about the conditions in which we are forced to debate this very important item. This is one of only two major chances which the Seanad get to debate State finances each year. The annual Finance Bill is certainly the most important single piece of legislation with which the Seanad deals in any year, particularly this year in view of the type of instrument it is. Today, some four months after the budget speech was made on 28th January last, this large and important Bill is flung at the Senators on the basis that it must be dealt with this week. It must be signed by the President not later than Thursday. It is an outrageous way in which to treat a parliamentary assembly. It makes it impossible for Senators even to attempt to put down recommendations.

The Fianna Fáil Party held it up in the Dáil last week.

I am not interested in what happened in the other House. I am talking about the way business is being conducted by the Government and it is not the first time such a thing has happened.

Fianna Fáil held it up.

The Minister—I am glad to see him here—has not been often in the House and he may not be aware that Item No. 2 on the Order Paper today, the Motion for Earlier Signature by the President, is becoming almost the normal thing.

The Minister has given the explanation for it.

I do not accept that. Six times now since last December the Seanad has been faced with these demands for Earlier Signature—rushing legislation through at the last minute in order that it be brought up by motorcycle to Arus an Uachtaráin for the President to sign. This has happened six times since December. I took the trouble to examine the records of the last session of the Seanad. In the four years from 1969 to 1973 there were two of these demands for earlier signature. One related to a serious riot in Mountjoy Prison and overnight legislation had to be introduced into the Prisons Act to enable the prisoners concerned to be brought to another place of detention. This was obviously an urgent matter; I do not know what the reason was for the other one. There have been 11 requests from this Government and six of these were made since last December. Each time the other House has been blamed for holding up the passage of Bills. It ought to be possible to conduct Government business in such a way that this does not occur.

It appeared to me in the first few minutes of Senator FitzGerald's speech that he was lacking in conviction, almost uneasy, in his advocacy of the merits of the Finance Bill. My view was justified by the fact that he quickly left the Finance Bill for a variety of matters, most of which I agreed with but which had very little direct relation to the actual details of the legislation before us. However while he was in a rather anguished way defending the budget, he spoke of the general psychology of defeat. He is right in saying that in this country at present there is a general psychology of defeat. Senator FitzGerald and others on that side of the House might consider for a moment how that general psychology of defeat has been created. It has been created not by the economic circumstances that face us—not to mention outside circumstances which naturally impinge upon us—but by the widespread feeling that the Government are incapable of dealing with or unwilling to deal with the problems they face. There is a general feeling that we have a Government which have almost given up any effort to deal with problems, particularly financial and economic problems, facing us. This is what is causing the psychology of defeat, of which Senator FitzGerald so rightly speaks.

Senator FitzGerald also spoke about external problems. No one has ever denied that these exist. But in the last three years the problem has been that these external problems have been used by the Government as an excuse for doing nothing. Year by year the attitude of the Government, when they have come into this House with items of legislation of a financial nature, has been that the oil crisis was not their fault and that there was nothing they could do about it. When these problems first arose, instead of settling down to solve them, as other countries did, the Government attempted to blame external circumstances for all our difficulties and they tried to spend their way out of trouble in the hope that the other countries which were dealing with their problems would ultimately create such boom conditions that we would be automatically lifted up on the general tide of economic recovery. This of course has not happened and that is the basis of the problem facing the Government.

Senator FitzGerald said that Senator Lenihan knows the constraints under which any Government suffer with regard to resources. We are all aware from common sense and experience of the constraints under which any Government in office must suffer. The problem has been that these constraints have been deliberately and constantly ignored by the members of the present Government. I shall refer to this in some detail later on.

The 1976 budget cannot be looked at in isolation. It is the culmination of three years of complete and almost irresponsible mismanagement by members of the Government and, in particular, by the Minister for Finance. After three years of Coalition Government, in 1975 there was a fall of some 2 per cent in national output, there was an inflation rate of 21 per cent and we had more than 100,000 out of work. Industrial exports decreased considerably and at the same time we had, as a sinister corollary to that, an increase in consumer imports. Senator FitzGerald pointed out that profits last year were down by 10 per cent and retained profits decreased by as much as 75 per cent. These figures speak ill of any possibility of economic recovery in the near future, because, as Senator FitzGerald quoted: "This year's profits are next year's jobs". As well as all this, the finances of the State, as represented in the budget, are in complete disarray.

A curious historical fact which appears to recur is that each of the three Coalition Governments we have had over the past 25 or 30 years have taken just three years to create the kind of situation we are facing now. The first Coalition Government, from 1948 to 1951, left office after three years, having reduced the finances of the country to an extremely serious and dangerous condition. We had the long period of the fifties when there was almost complete stagnation, largely as a result of the irresponsibility and incompetence of that Coalition Government. From 1954 to 1957 we had the second Coalition Government which went out of office leaving the finances of the country in ruins. Again, a long period of recovery had to elapse after that. This Coalition Government were in office for about three years when, at the beginning of this year, the financial roof fell in.

There seems to be some political and economic law—I am thinking of calling it Yeats' Law; I am working on it— which reads that it takes three years for a Coalition Government to bankrupt the country. It is a strange aspect of a Coalition Government. Perhaps Coalition Governments are unable to take the necessary decisions, but whatever the reason, it seems to take just three years for them to reduce the country to the state in which it is now. From the start of the present Coalition Government the aim appears to have been that at all costs, no matter what happened, the next general election must be won. We had a period of spending money on an enormous scale simply to win political popularity. The figures are startling and horrifying. In 1972-73, that is the last year of the previous Fianna Fáil Government, total current expenditure was £663 million. Last year, 1975, total current expenditure had gone up from £663 million to £1,350 million. This year it is going to be £1,683 million. In other words, under this Government current expenditure has risen from £663 million to £1,683 million or, looking at it another way, from 29.6 per cent of total gross national product to probably around 40 per cent this year.

There appears to have been a complete collapse in the general supervision which is normally exercised by the Department of Finance. Every Government like to be popular. Every Government and indeed every Minister in every Government like to spend money on pet schemes. All of us, not just members of Coalition Governments, have what one might describe as a social conscience. Anybody who is in public life likes to hand out money for education, for health, for social welfare, for all the other schemes in which all of us are interested. But in any Government, and in particular in the case of a Minister for Finance, there has to be an element of control, an element of decision as to which are the most important priorities. It is a matter of the allotment of scarce resources.

The problem appears to have been, in the case of this Government and in particular in the case of this Minister for Finance, that that control which is normally exercised simply went by the board. It would appear that this Government and individual Ministers went on a spending spree without any sort of control on the part of the Minister for Finance. We had the extraordinary situation, for example, in regard to last year's budget.

The first budget last year was brought in in January, but it completely changed its character between January and June. In June the Minister again came into the Dáil and then the Seanad to say that an additional £86 million had already been spent on top of the amount laid out in the January budget—a complete breakdown in the budgetary system as it is applied in this country. Indeed we have in this respect what I can only describe as a completely dishonest table at the back of the budget speech on 28th January. The table lists the main heads of current expenditure including current budgetary deficit. You have the 1975 outturn and the 1976 estimate. You have figures, for example, for current budget deficit 1975: £241 million, outturn £259 million, whereas of course the original estimate in the 1975 main budget was £125 million. But the figures are put in here without any footnote to explain what is being done. By putting in the figures for the mini-budget of last summer rather than the main budget earlier in the year one gets the impression that the final result was fairly close to what was intended. But in fact, apart from the £86 million extra expenditure, the original current deficit, which heaven knows was high enough with £125 million in January, 1975, by June was estimated at £241 million, almost double; and, in fact, even that figure would have been exceeded by the end of the year. The final deficit figure ended up last year at £259 million.

Now, Senator FitzGerald said, correctly, that Fianna Fáil inaugurated this concept of running a current deficit. He forgot to mention that Deputy Colley's last budget in the financial year 1972-73 ended up with a current deficit of £5 million. He certainly inaugurated current deficits to that extent. He budgeted for the deficit and it ended up at £5 million. We can give that to Senator FitzGerald. However by 1974 under this Government the deficit had amounted to £92 million and it is up to £327 million this year.

Now you have had over the past three years or so the simplistic Coalition view, constantly expressed in particular by the Minister for Finance, that the more you spend the greater the growth of the economy. That simplistic view is, I think, by now completely and utterly discredited. As I have mentioned, Fianna Fáil undoubtedly believe in the concept of deficit budgeting in the right circumstances, that the money in the case of such deficit budgeting should be borrowed for capital expenditure rather than for consumption. If the money is borrowed for capital expenditure—for the provision of wealth, for the financing of activities which will increase the national wealth—if this is done, then when the economy develops the resources are available to enable re-payments to be made. Without this, as has happened in the past few years, vast sums of money are borrowed, not for capital purposes, not for the provision of employment but merely to enable consumption to be carried on far beyond what is available in resources, and when the resources are not available repayment becomes a very serious burden.

We have the appalling position now that the Minister for Finance is borrowing in order to service the cost of borrowing. We all know—and experience has shown only too clearly in the last couple of years—that borrowing on the scale being carried out by this Government merely fuels inflation. Now with regard to this borrowing I think the figures are sufficiently awe-inspiring to be worth quoting. Again in the last year the Fianna Fáil administration's total borrowing for public services was £199 million. Last year it had gone up well over three times to £733 million and is around £900 million this year, something like four times the rate of four years ago. This 1976 figure for public borrowing is 22 per cent of gross national product, an enormous figure which seems still more enormous when it is compared with the experience of other countries. Other countries had the same external circumstances to deal with, the same oil crisis to deal with as we have. The other EEC countries, leaving Britain and Italy out of it, their borrowing this year is between 4 per cent and 6 per cent of gross national product. In the case of what one might describe as the sick men of Europe, the United Kingdom and Italy, borrowing is at the rate of 10 per cent of gross national product. With us it is more than double that at 22 per cent. The national debt has gone up from £1,300 million on 31st March, 1973, to £2,400 million at the end of last December, and by the end of this year it will be over £3,000 million. In other words, it took 50 years to get to the level of £1,300 million in March, 1973, but in three more years that has been more than doubled. In other words, it has been increased by the end of this year to the extent of maybe 150 per cent.

Relative to our national income our national debt is one of the highest in the world. It amounts to 70 per cent of our total national income and will probably be 75 per cent by the end of this year, despite the fact that, unlike other countries, we have not been involved in large-scale wars. We do not have enormous defence forces to keep up of the kind which other countries have. We should have a considerably smaller debt than most other countries.

This policy of very rapid increase in borrowing could be justified in part had the policy succeeded. But it did not. Unemployment has risen as fast as elsewhere. Our rate of inflation is the highest in Europe. Industrial output has fallen as rapidly as anywhere else. Rapid recovery is now taking place in almost all other countries. Even Britain is beginning to make a recovery, but there is no sign of a recovery here. This disastrous policy, disastrous in the sense that these enormous borrowings will be a millstone around the country's neck for years, has not even had the virtue of having succeeded in avoiding some of the problems other people had.

It is worth mentioning that the Coalition Government embarked on this policy of running heavy deficits in the current budget in 1973 before any oil crisis occurred. The pattern had been set before the excuse of the oil crisis began. The Minister for Finance has now at last come to admit the truth of what we have been saying year after year regarding Government administration, particularly in regard to excessive borrowing. I quote from the Minister's statement on 28th April, 1976, at column 289 of the Official Report:

....borrowing is not an alternative to taxation, though some people believe it is. ...borrowing in the long term adds to the burden of taxation rather than lessens it.

The Minister has consistently, from the moment he became Minister for Finance, used borrowing as "an alternative to taxation". He shows us in the budget to what an extent it adds to the burden of taxation. Take the question of loan charges, the amount each year in the budget that is expended in paying off loans and bearing the interest. In 1972-73, under Fianna Fáil, the figure was £127 million per year. Last year it was £241 million. This year the figure is £355 million. The taxes levied in this budget amounted to a net £107 million. We all know the effects they have had. We know the amount of distress and unrest they have caused among our people. The extra loan charges contained in the budget for this year were £114 million. All the taxes imposed in the budget, the greatest amount of taxation relative to national income that has ever been imposed in any budget, were not even sufficient to pay the extra loan charges incurred this year as compared with last year. How true it is, as the Minister says, that borrowing in the long term adds to the burden of taxation rather than lessens it. The tragedy is that it has taken him so long to find this out. The cost of borrowing now amounts to £113 per head of the population each year.

One of the problems for the past three years is that the Minister for Finance so often says one thing and then does quite another. He said in his budget speech in the Dáil: "Borrowing is not the painless panacea that some people suggest". Who ever suggested that borrowing is a painless panacea except the Minister himself? This is the attitude he has been taking year by year since he came to office. He said we could have our cake and eat it; that we could borrow all this money which would enable us to coast along happily while other countries were suffering from reduced national incomes caused by the oil crisis; that we could go ahead and borrow and when everyone else would start reflating we would be all right.

Again, in the budget speech he said:

Borrowing for capital purposes is justifiable in the context of our long-term economic aims. Borrowing to meet current deficit is not, no matter how defensible it may be by reference to immediately pressing requirements.

This, of course, is common sense. We have said all along that borrowing for capital purposes is justifiable but to meet current deficits it is not.

From March, 1973, to the end of this year the Minister for Finance who said that current borrowing to meet current deficits is not defensible will have borrowed by the end of this year £731 million to meet current deficits, £731 million on this policy he now says is indefensible. Consider how much better off the country would be, how much better our living standards would be, how many of the jobless would now have work, if that £731 million had gone to provide work instead of trying to maintain consumption as part of the current budget. Unfortunately, the political reality is that current expenditure on health and social welfare is considerably more attractive for gaining political popularity than long-term economic development. One must accept that the Government's attitude in this respect has many governed solely by political rather than economic considerations. However, very late in the day, the Minister for Finance now claims to have seen the light. He acknowledges that the Coalition's excessive spending has worsened inflation and unemployment. It has now become more than the nation can bear.

What has this budget, which comes after the Minister has admitted all these facts of life, done? Has it made things any better? This seems doubtful. The Minister says the budget must be looked at for its effect on employment and on inflation. One can agree with these two priorities. Let us consider its effect on employment, effects which can only be considered negative. Let us consider the effects of these very heavy taxes.

For example, 50 per cent in the ordinary rate of VAT can have only the effect of depressing demand and therefore reducing employment. Consider the effect of the vastly increased cost of insurance stamps—£15 million—on industries. Consider the effect of the 13p per gallon on petrol on the cost of the industrial and commercial life of the country.

The Minister has made much of the increase in the capital programme in this budget. It is up by 27.6 per cent. Allowing for inflation this year of from 18 to 20 per cent, a 27.6 per cent increase in capital spending is relatively small. One has to put it beside the increase in current expenditure in this budget of 25 per cent. If the Minister's priorities were right there should be a vastly greater increase in capital spendng than in current, but in fact they are very much the same.

Let us consider the nature of this increased capital expenditure. The Minister boasts of an increase of £12 million for shipping. How much employment is that going to give, £12 million mainly devoted to expenditure on the building of two tankers in Japan? It will do something to reduce unemployment in Japan. It will do nothing to reduce unemployment in Ireland. The Minister has been saying a lot about the necessity for accepting the lowest tender on such an occasion. What is the lowest tender in real social terms? In considering the lowest tender in a case such as this should one not consider also the cost that the State would save on social welfare payments, unemployment benefit to those who might be building these tankers in this country, the cost of redundancy, the cost of pay related benefits, the loss of output and skills involved, social benefits to the country as a whole of the kind of additional employment and economic development that would be caused in such a case?

We have another £27 million involved in loans to industry, money for the IDA and so on. This is desirable and entirely what ought to be done; but it must be accepted in the context of this year, 1976, that it will create no additional employment. In future years it will, but as an immediate issue in facing the problem of getting some of the 100,000 unemployed to work, it does not affect the issue. Then there is £24.5 million extra for NET in Cork. Here again, while there will be some employment undoubtedly, there is the curious situation that the main contract goes outside the country for building this plant.

Then there is the housing, where the extraordinary fact that the total for housing is up by only £5 million, a very small proportion of the total, and the amount for private housing is down by 8 per cent. Senator Lenihan has rightly pointed out that it is in this field that the most immediate results could be had in providing employment. Whatever the reason, whether it is, as Senator Lenihan suggests, due to some curious form of prejudice, to have in a budget, where the primary purpose is the provision of employment, this minute increase for housing, actually 8 per cent down in the amount for private housing, seems extraordinary.

The only remaining extra figure for the capital programme is £10 million for agriculture, again highly desirable. However, to speed the process of disease eradication, while certainly this should have a beneficial effect on the incomes of farmers over the years, obviously has no effect at all in providing employment. Regarding the second main purpose of the budget, its effect on inflation, for a long time the process of inflation was held by the Coalition as an act of God. Inflation was a thing which existed everywhere and, like the measles, one caught it or did not, and nothing could be done about it. It is now admitted to be to a considerable extent under our own control. We have, as usual, the Minister, whatever he may do, saying in his budget "Inflation remains the greatest single obstacle to our economic health". That is true, but what is to be made of the budget's effect on prices, on our economic health, as the Minister says? The budget raised prices by about 5 per cent and in the three months ending February 15th last the cost of living index went up by 7.3 per cent, and this even before the very heavy rises in VAT came in on March 1st.

The Minister, at his party's Ard-Fheis in Galway the other day, spoke of the incontrovertible fact that inflation was less than last year. One sometimes despairs of the Minister for Finance saying anything sensible. He speaks of the incontrovertible fact that inflation is less than last year at a time when the latest figure has shown that it is going up at a rate of some 32 per cent or more per year. It is hoped that for the rest of the year inflation will not rise at this rate. It seems very probable that for the second three months of this year, ending May 15th, the rise will be around 5 per cent, making 12 per cent in all in the first half of this year. It will probably be a little less for the rest of the year but the mind boggles as to how any Minister for Finance could make a statement of this kind which is incontrovertibly untrue.

The inflationary effects of this budget, which are being very considerable, will certainly cause further unemployment and, what is more serious, the nature of the budget was such as to make a pay pause impossible. The Minister, and indeed the Taoiseach, called for a pay pause to the end of 1976 and as they did this they brought in a budget which ensures that this simply cannot happen. Take the Government's influence on prices. First, there are the direct taxes imposed in the budget now before us. The ordinary rate of VAT shoots up by 50 per cent. There is 13p a gallon on petrol, a very large increase in car tax, heavy increases on drink and tobacco. We have very heavy rises affecting everyone in the country, directly or indirectly, in CIE fares. The same applies to the ESB rates. There are the social welfare contributions imposing a further £15 million on industry, apart altogether from the heavy impost on the ordinary worker; heavy increases in the cost of telephones, postage and TV licences.

These are all matters not just within the control of the Government but actually happening under their direct instructions. These unprecedented impositions in the budget, and outside it in the case of certain items, might be barely tolerable if one felt that this year's budget was going to lead to some even minor improvement in the condition of State finances. However, we find after all this that this year's current deficit is higher than ever before, not higher merely in terms of the number of pounds but higher as a proportion of national income. The extent of borrowing is even higher than before. State spending as a proportion of gross national product is higher than ever before and higher than any country in Europe.

Neither of the two main aims of the budget as expressed by the Minister has been successful. First of all, instead of reducing our excessive rate of price inflation it has added to it and will continue to add to it for the rest of this year at least. Secondly it must limit the growth of public expenditure, the expansion of which has been a feature of recent years. It does not limit that growth. This is a neat way of talking about the expansion, which has been such a feature of recent years. Who is responsible for this feature? Of course it is the Minister himself.

One of the problems for this Government is that they appear to be totally unable to keep on any kind of consistent course. Take the budget experience of the last 18 months. In January, 1975, the Minister brought in a budget in which he ignored the advice given to him by Fianna Fáil early in the previous autumn with regard to the necessity for bringing in subsidies in order to reduce the cost of living. He raised prices in that budget by 4 per cent. Then, apparently to the Minister's surprise, he having raised the cost of living by 4 per cent, the wage negotiations that followed on that budget necessarily took account of this, as one would expect them to. In a panic the Minister came into the Dáil and Seanad in June and brought in a mini-budget in which he cut prices by 4 per cent, and with some difficulty persuaded the unions to agree to cut wages by a corresponding 4 per cent. Having first raised prices by 4 per cent and then cut them by 4 per cent the Minister last January raised them again by 5 per cent and indeed by considerably more if one allows for the effect of the VAT increases on 1st March. There does not seem to be any consistent course from one month to the next with regard to the financial policy of this Government.

What is going to happen about wages? The budget would appear to have made a pause impossible, certainly any suggestion of a pause to the end of this year is clearly impossible. We have the present effort of the Minister to at least have a pause in the public sector. The Minister at the moment is endeavouring to prevent any rise in salaries or wages taking place in the public sector until the end of this year at least. Everyone who considers the economic realities agrees that in the interests of the country there ought to be a general pause. However, there can be no justification for a pause limited in this arbitrary way to one particular sector. Indeed the Minister admitted as much in the course of his budget speech. On 28th January, 1976, in the Official Report Volume 287, column 629, he said:

Those in the public sector cannot be expected to accept income increases smaller than those being granted generally in the private sector.

The Minister was right in that. There is no justification for saying that one sector of the population—a very large sector, something more than half a million people—should be arbitarily prevented from gaining any increase in their incomes at a time when the rest of the population are going to get increases. The Minister's position seems to be quite indefensible, and he admitted as much himself in his budget speech.

Here again we have the situation that the Minister says one thing one day and the very next week or month he goes out and adopts a totally different standpoint.

One of the problems that the Government face in dealing with the finances and the economy of the country is the very considerable success now being secured by the British Government in dealing with inflation. For a considerable time the Irish inflation rate has been double that on the Continent. With the exception of Italy on occasion but certainly in relation to all the other EEC countries our rate of inflation has been consistently higher than theirs. This is a situation which is going to cause very great difficulties for us dependent as we are on exports.

However, our position has been cushioned until now by the fact that the British rate of inflation was as high as ours and indeed for a while last year it was even higher. As a result of the comparatively successful wage policies that had been pursued by the British Government and agreed to by the British unions since last summer, this position has changed. Our rate of inflation last year was some 21 per cent. This year it would appear to be from 18 to 20 per cent. Eighteen per cent is the minimum we can expect. At the moment the British inflation rate is down to 13½ per cent and by the end of this year it is likely to be from 9 per cent to 10 per cent on a year-to-year basis. Next year it is accepted that it will probably be down to around 5 per cent.

In other words, by the end of this year our inflation rate is likely to be double that of Britain. Next year our inflation rate may well be three times that of Britain. One does not need to underline the appalling effects that this situation is likely to have on our exports to Britain, and almost as bad, on the extent of British imports into Ireland. Our exports are in serious danger of being priced out of the British market. Indeed they are in danger of being priced out of the whole Continental market, but in addition British imports to Ireland will be highly competitive and are likely to increase very rapidly as a result.

As the Minister rightly said in his budget speech, we must set ourselves a programme no less ambitious if we are to secure our future prosperity. We do not set ourselves a programme as ambitious as the British do by raising the cost of living by some 7 per cent in three months. Having stressed the problem rightly, the Minister made it impossible for us to solve it this year. A figure of 7.3 per cent in three months is already more than half the total annual rate being achieved in Britain at the moment.

The budget solves none of our present problems. It has a larger current deficit, speeds up inflation, increases borrowing and leaves the extent of unemployment pretty well untouched. Does anyone think that within the next 12 months we are likely to see less than 100,000 people out of work in this country? Public spending, which was 42 per cent in 1972, soaked up 54 per cent last year and 58 per cent this year of our gross national product. Even the Taoiseach now admits that this huge mass of public spending is one of the main causes of our inflation and unemployment.

This year has seen the fairly rapid development of economic recovery in the greater part of the world. The United States and Japan are already fully launched on the path of recovery and are approaching boom conditions. European recovery is well under way. It is likely, for example, that in France and Germany this year there will be a 5 per cent increase in national income. It is likely that, because of the wages policy of the British Government, there will be a period of low demand in the United Kingdom this year, but all the indications are that there will be a considerable recovery next year. All the evidence suggests that the world will reach near-boom conditions by 1977. But what of Ireland? We are at the moment top of the inflation league with no sign of a real fall in the number of jobless, and our finances appear to be in complete and irretrievable disarray.

The Minister admits that the current deficit facing us is intolerable. He says that it will be phased out over three years. In other words, what the Minister says is that as a result of Government policies over the past three years, we are faced with the prospect that in each of the years 1977, 1978, 1979, £110 million must be taken out of the budget. How can this be done? It can be done only by drastic spending cuts—one wonders where this can take place—or else an appalling tax rise. To eliminate the deficit in the manner suggested by the Minister would involve raising taxes to the extent of a further 8 per cent of the gross national product and raising the tax figure from 35 per cent of national income to 43 per cent, or a combination of both. It is an appalling prospect. How can the Minister do it? It can only mean for the next three years that there are going to be heavy deflationary policies in the budget. It would appear to make it impossible to have any real national recovery, at least until 1980, because of the decision of the Minister that this deficit of £327 million must be phased out over three years.

With regard to direct taxes the Minister admits, and I quote:

We now have the second highest marginal rate of personal income tax in the EEC. It applies at a far lower point than in any other member state.

In spite of the fact that our personal income tax is at a much higher rate than in other countries the 10 per cent surcharge that the Minister applied in his mini-budget last year has been imposed this year again. One wonders if this surcharge can possibly be removed before 1980 at least, in view of the fact that the Minister says that this £327 million current deficit must be eliminated in the next three years.

On top of this fact that the Minister admits that rates of personal income tax are the highest in Europe along with this so-called temporary 10 per cent surcharge imposed on people, the Minister brings in what can only be described as the outrageous proposal with regard to Schedule D. We will deal with this on Committee Stage but I think one should say a few words about it now.

What the Minister says in effect is that all the self-employed in the country must in the next two years pay three years' income tax. Senators may remember that some time ago a well known children's story writer in Sweden was told by the officials of the Socialist Government in Sweden that she was due to pay 102 per cent of her income in income tax. So she wrote a child's fable in one of the main Swedish newspapers in which she says: "How can I pay 102 per cent of my salary in income tax? There are not that many per cents."

Unfortunately the Minister has beaten the Swedish socialists at their own game. There are indeed that many per cents and a few more besides. The Minister's proposal means that if, to simplify the argument, a self-employed person's income remained the same from year to year, he would be paying this year and again next year at the top rate of income tax—115.5 per cent on the amount of income received by him. It is difficult to see the reason behind this. It is difficult to see how the Minister can look upon this as fair. The Minister's line apparently is that, after all, the rate of tax per year does not vary. But the fact remains that the self-employed person who receives his ordinary income this year and again next year is expected to pay three years' income tax, having received two years' income. At the top rate this involves him in paying 115.5 per cent. There are indeed not that many per cents, but there are when it comes to the Irish Minister for Finance.

This kind of situation arose in the public service when the Minister made the change in PAYE to bring the payment up-to-date. The Minister rightly gave a concession to those in the public service. Why did he not do this in the private sector? The principle he is attempting to bring in is certainly a good one. One can agree with it completely, provided that the administrative problems can be overcome. Obviously it is fairer that people under Schedule D, as in any other Schedule, should be allowed to pay on more up-to-date income rather than 12 or 15 months in arrears as at the present. Why when this concession, amounting to a considerable number of millions of pounds, was made to the public service, does the Minister refuse to make any concession to those under Schedule D? It is going to mean very large sums in additional tax. Indeed the Minister, in introducing this Bill to us today, spoke of the position of the public service and the transition to PAYE that has been made. He said there was also the point that, as the change will involve a considerable increase in tax liabilities, there could be hardship in the absence of any remission in cases where heavy financial commitments had already been taken on.

Surely the Minister must understand that in the case of the self-employed, of whom there are a very large number, the change will certainly involve a considerable increase in tax liability. It would mean one complete year's extra taxation for them in the next three years. Not alone the civil servants but also the self-employed could be involved in hardship in the absence of any remission in cases, as the Minister puts it, where heavy financial commitments had already been taken on. However, we will be able to go into this in more detail on the sections concerned.

With regard to income tax allowances, the Minister boasts from time to time about the number of millions it cost to give income tax allowances. This year however they amount to 8 per cent on average, which is far below the percentage of inflation this year. The same of course applies to last year with what seemed to be, on the face of it, considerable concessions made in income tax allowances, but again well below the level of inflation. The Minister boasts of improvements in the scope of income tax allowances and compares them favourably with what he describes as the Fianna Fáil record in this respect. As far as the income tax payer is concerned, year by year his position is getting worse, because he is being passed by by inflation and in real terms the so-called income tax allowance increases given come nowhere near matching the increase in the cost of living and the fall, therefore, in the value of money. The Minister promised, I think two years ago, giving an absolute solemn undertaking, that year by year from then on the income tax allowances would be indexed to the cost of living so that the value in real terms of these allowances could be claimed from year to year. He has simply not carried out that undertaking. He did not carry it out last year and he carried it out still less this year, when the 8 per cent increase will be less than half of the actual fall in the value of money.

Again, with regard to social welfare, the increases given in this budget—an average of 10 per cent—have to be met in the light of the likely price increases in this year of some 18 per cent. In other words, the real value of all social welfare payments will be reduced as a result of this budget rather than increased. There is an interesting point here. Last year, because of the extent of inflation, a second leg, as it were, was brought in on October 1st. There was an increase in social welfare allowances to match the corresponding increase in living costs in the autumn. The Minister in his budget speech said nothing about this, from which one could conclude that it is not intended to carry out this process this year. Indeed, the Minister has repeatedly said that there is no scope in the budget for any additional expenditure this year.

On the other hand, the Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Cluskey, when he brought the Social Welfare Bill into this House—and I imagine he did the same in the Dáil—said categorically that, if necessary, there would be a further increase in the autumn. Therefore, I should like to ask the Minister what the position is in fact. Who is right, the Parliamentary Secretary or the Minister? If there is to be an increase in social welfare payments—as indeed there ought to be—to meet increased living costs so that these people will not suffer a reduction in their already low living standards, how does the Minister propose to finance it? Will there be a supplementary budget in the autumn?

The social welfare increases of £25½ million only cost the State—or the taxpayer, if you like—£1.4 million. All the rest of the money concerned was put on the stamp. Indeed, the rise in the stamp which was very high—so much so as to be a considerable burden on the economy—brought in a profit, if I may use that word, to the State through the budget of some £8 million. In other words, the stamp was raised by £8 million more than was needed to pay for these rather meagre social welfare increases. The stamp has been used as a form of taxation.

Again, in breach of an undertaking, there was no reduction this year in the qualifying age for the old age pension. We have what can only be described as an attack on the living standards of the small farmers, in the west of Ireland particularly, with the changes in the dole arrangements. One wonders what the electors of Mayo, who voted in a recent by-election, think now about the way in which their interests have been looked after by the Government. The allegation during that by-election was that, if Fianna Fáil were returned to office, they would do away with the dole. Of course, it was denied but it is not always easy to catch up with unfounded allegations of this kind. In fact, no sooner was the by-election over than the Government did that very thing or began doing it.

I should like to ask some questions with regard to the thorny problem of equal pay for equal work. The Minister for Finance went around the country saying that, in effect, if, as he put it, the EEC wanted equal pay for women in this country, then they should pay for it, ignoring altogether the fact that the Minister's budget of 1975 already gained from the EEC a net income of some £108 million. There would be £108 million more to be found in this year's budget were it not for the very large sums coming in as a result of our membership of the EEC. In spite of this, the Minister claimed that the EEC should pay whatever costs there are for bringing in equal pay.

The cost in the public service of equal pay was known by the Minister—or should have been known by the Minister—long ago, months or, maybe, years ago. Yet nothing was done about the situation until the last minute. The Minister says that, as he puts it, sex discrimination is now abolished because of this business of having payment to public servants on a marriage basis rather than on a sex basis. He says sex descrimination is now abolished and this completely fulfils our EEC obligations. I wonder what the EEC Commission have to say to this. Has the Minister any views as to whether this really does comply with EEC rules? Certainly the Irish Congress of Trade Unions do not appear to think so. They have said that the Minister's action in this regard is a subterfuge.

With regard to the private sector on equal pay, again there was no preparation. The Government, having rightly put a Bill through both Houses, which was accepted unanimously in those Houses, to bring in equal pay, made absolutely no preparations. Where there were problems in private industry, a relatively small subsidy would have been the obvious answer. However, now what can only be described as the budgetary incompetence of the Government appears to make this impossible. Within the past few days, it seems, an application for aid of some kind has been made to the EEC to help whatever industries may be suffering from the potential burdens of equal pay. As a result of the lack of activity on the part of the Government, the problem is, as yet, completely unsolved. Very few people have been paid equal pay. All the workers in this country who are concerned are entitled to equal pay retrospective to January 1st. The whole thing is like a time bomb. The problem will become steadily worse. The burdens, not merely on the State but on industry also, will become greater as workers are entitled to claim retrospective payments. One finds it inconceivable that any Government could have allowed a matter like this to drag on so long without making any effort to deal with it.

Now we have the EEC loan. I suppose you could say that the EEC loan is the only reason we are having a budget today at all. If it were not for the £150 million provided by this loan, the whole finances of this State would effectively have collapsed. With regard to this loan, it could be said that the spending spree of the Government is at last over and the receiver is in. The Minister says the Government were carrying out the conditions of this loan in any event, but previous experience suggests that, in the absence of some such incentive as is provided by the terms of this loan, it is very unlikely that the Government would have taken the steps that have been required.

In the Financial Times of March 23rd last there was an article on Ireland under the heading “Economy in the Doldrums” which dealt with this loan. It said, and I quote:

It is a £150 million five-year EEC loan which stipulates that Government borrowing, as a proportion of GNP, must be halted this year and subsequently reduced, and this borrowing should in future be financed as much as possible by such means as placing long-term securities with the public. In Ireland, so closely linked to the City of London, that is much easier said than done.

A third condition, and this brings the hapless Mr. Ryan full circle back to his pay pause problem, was apparently the imposition of a number of economic performance targets attainable only through severe wages restraint. How he gets it, Brussels has clearly indicated in the unfeeling manner of foreign bankers, is his business.

From now on we will be governed by stringent economic terms laid down in this loan and accepted by us as a result of our acceptance of this loan.

One thing that puzzles me very much is this. It is known that the decision to make a loan was agreed in principle by the EEC council as long ago as February, 1975. The decision was only in principle and the final documents were not completed until much later, but that decision in principle was made as long ago as early 1975. It was known at that time that conditions and terms of this kind would be imposed upon us. The Government continued their Rake's Progress, continued to borrow on an enormous scale, continued to spend on an enormous scale, continued to inflate, and also to increase wages on a large scale. They completely ignored the coming problem that would be presented by the terms of this loan.

Now we have what can only be described as the pathetic conclusion to the Minister's budget speech, where he said we would have to set about paying our own way and that nobody else will support us in a standard of living which is beyond our capacity to sustain. What an admission by a Minister for Finance introducing his fifth budget. He says, after all that time, we will have to set about paying our own way. No more pathetic statement can have been made anywhere by a Minister for Finance.

The entire record of the Coalition shows them to be incapable of running the finances of the country. That is the basic reason for what Senator FitzGerald described as the general psychology of defeat now existing. The Government should get out before they do further damage and hand back the job to Fianna Fáil. It may, and probably will, take years to settle the economic, social and financial problems created by the Coalition, by their irresponsible actions and, in some cases, inaction. Certainly, the sooner a start is made the better. As Senator Lenihan rightly said, the country can be put to rights. There is great hope for the future, but the tragedy is that this Coalition Government cannot and will not do what is necessary.

The Minister in his introductory speech referred to the emphasis in the budget on public expenditure. He went on to state that the steep increase in public expenditure which had taken place in recent years involved an equally steep increase in Government borrowing. He went on to say that a percentage of GNP at current market prices brought it to a record 17 per cent. He also said:

It is widely acknowledged that a considerable portion of this borrowing was directly attributable to the recession. The contraction in private demand had to be substantially offset by expansionary budgets unless we were to plunge further into recession. If that had been allowed to happen, the problem of unemployment would become far greater.

If we accept that budgeting of this nature was necessary in the prevailing economic climate, some of the measures outlined by Senator Lenihan could have led to greater unemployment. As a rural representative, I am most concerned about unemployment in the agricultural sector. The latest figures on unemployment—and employment in all sectors is vital to the economy— show that in 1946 the total employment figure for agriculture was 519,000, and it has dropped under successive Governments to a spectacular 244,800. This is a drop of over 270,000 in that period. Obviously this is an international trend which has afflicted most western countries. It creates for any Government the problem of ensuring that other forms of industrialisation are available to ensure that this massive exodus of people from the land can be gainfully employed.

Similar figures for the same period for employees in industries producing transportable goods rose from 116,300 to 216,100, an increase of approximately 100,000. In the building industry, which has been referred to repeatedly, over a period of ten years there has been relatively little change in the numbers employed. In fact, the figure has risen slightly from 61.1 per cent in 1968 to 61.87 per cent in 1974.

If the drop in agricultural employment continues at the rate of approximately 1 per cent over the next 25 years, the Government in office must ensure that alternative jobs are created either by IDA assisted industries in rural areas or by a continuation of Government investment in areas such as local government. I agree with Senator Lenihan who outlined the importance of this type of Government investment, particularly at local level, either in the building industry or at local government scheme level. Vast amounts of money need to be pumped into the economy at local level especially in areas with a high labour content. There are no problems about importing raw materials and the end-product is a tremendous boost to the economy of the locality.

I respect the views of all local authority members and I would be concerned if Senator Lenihan feels no new starts have taken place in his area. There have been new developments in my area. This week a major new sanitary service scheme costing £300,000 was started. It is well to put on record the Government's commitment in local government to the various schemes which are so vital both from the point of view of creating employment and providing services for the people. In my own county in 1972-73, under the Fianna Fáil Government, the total amount of money allocated for house purchases, reconstruction loans and supplementary grants was a mere £150,000. This figure had increased under the Coalition Government to £999,000 in 1975, almost £1 million. Local authority housing construction almost doubled from £434,000 to £703,000. The allocation for water and sewerage schemes increased from a meagre £47,500 to £240,800. In the year before the Coalition took office, our council were unable to get money from the Fianna Fáil Government for water and sewerage schemes. We had to borrow £200,000 from an English insurance company to provide a water scheme.

Therefore I fail to follow the reasoning of Senator Lenihan when he says the Government should be doing more in these areas when, in fact, they have done much more than Fianna Fáil ever did. The Minister for Local Government produced figures recently for the building industry which prove conclusively that the Coalition's performance under these headings has surpassed anything ever dreamed of by the Opposition. Over 25,000 houses per year have been completed. In my own county, local authority houses have increased from 34 completed in 1972 to 218 completed in 1975. The number of private houses erected increased from 209 to 411 in 1975. These figures prove the Government's commitment in areas such as local government where, as Senator Lenihan said, useful and gainful employment can be given to people. The Government have shown their concern in that area by making this money available to us to carry out works of vital necessity to people.

The Government have repeated these improvements in the areas of health, social welfare and education. The allocation for health has increased from £67 million in 1972-73 to £242 million in the current year. That is equivalent to an increase in the GNP from 4.8 per cent to 6.3 per cent.

Senator Yeats referred to remarks about contributions in the health field as being of political significance only, while his colleague in the other House, the spokesman on Health, screams for more money to be invested on health. We have a social commitment to ensure that the weaker sections of our community, who through no fault of their own are old or infirm or out of work, are protected from the effects of recessions. In education the contribution has increased from £110 million to £268 million, an increase of 143 per cent. These areas, although generally they are not looked upon as being of significance from an employment point of view, are vital areas of social responsibility for any Government and they need massive injections of public funds. This continuing demand on public funds confronts any Minister for Finance with the dilemma of finding money either by taxation or by borrowing.

Listening to the contributions from the Opposition this evening I have come to the conclusion that some want spending in certain areas, while others complain there is too much spending in the same areas. They apparently object to forms of taxation or borrowing, and they have voted at all stages, on all our legislation, against the necessary changes in the taxation code to make it more equitable. They have proved conclusively, by their objections to changes in the taxation code, that they have now isolated themselves as a major party on the capitalist side, particularly with their performance on the wealth tax. It certainly isolated them with the category who say wealth generates wealth and the ordinary people will have to survive on the crumbs distributed at the discretion of those who have wealth.

This broadening of the tax code brings into the net sections hitherto outside it. Of course this creates problems. It creates anger and disappointment. It creates unhappiness in a section hitherto exempt almost completely from contributing anything to the running of the country. The leaders of that section of the community have the tremendous responsibility of advising their members of their social obligations. All those who make profits above an acceptable figure, having regard to their expenses and borrowing commitments, should pay a fair share of such profits to ensure that the poorer sections are protected in a period like this, and that jobs can be created. The unfortunate PAYE contributors have carried their full brunt of taxation for a long time.

Last year farmers contributed some £100,000 in taxation while PAYE payers contributed in the region of £500 million. The Minister referred to the taxation of co-operative societies. Much has been said and written on this subject over the past few months. My party, in our agricultural policy document, emphasised how important we consider the co-operative movement, the true co-operative movement, not the vast monolithic giants, management orientated, which have, in fact, admitted through their own balance sheets that they made considerable profits over a number of years. These are not true co-ops, which include all sections of the community, from the consumer to the producer. Other people not aligned to the co-operative movement now could become involved. The late Canon Hayes was a great believer in a co-operative movement based on this concept. We all know of firms who trade under the guise of co-operatives and who enter into unfair trade practices with other businesses in similar industries who have to survive without the tag of "co-op".

In my county the food processing industry is run by a co-operative movement which made a profit of over £1 million in a factory in Clonmel last year. They decided to close down the factory and that benefited from a tax free period. A private industry, in the same town, in the food processing business, has to survive and give employment without such benefit. It is very easy for a factory, whether it is a co-op or otherwise, to close down for two or three months and let the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare pick up the tab. They can then open the factory again. They make more profits by operating in this way. If that is the way co-operatives are run, I do not see how they can expect to be given exemption from taxation.

There are certain sections of the co-operative movement which should be exempt from tax, sections which export agricultural produce outside of the intervention system. I accept the Minister's reference to this in his speech where he promises to have a look at it I welcome this. If all farmers—and I emphasise the word "all"—accepted the principle that, if they make a profit, irrespective of their valuation, they should contribute something from that to the Exchequer, I would certainly feel that all co-ops should be exempt. Membership of a co-op transmits certain benefits to its members' income. This is the core of the "aggro" which is going on at the moment. Membership of a co-op is not of benefit to the co-op itself, but is of benefit to its members. If the co-op is just a profit-making group paying money to people who do not agree with taxation, then the Minister has grounds for ensuring that they contribute something to the public purse. The co-operative movement admit that 95 per cent of their membership pay no tax.

In their meetings with representatives of various bodies, Fianna Fáil have made a commitment—it is interesting to hear them making a commitment because they rarely did so when they were in power—that they would allow all the co-operatives to be tax free. They said they would wipe out rates. They said there would be very little borrowing. According to their economic adviser, they said they would cut back public expenditure by 10 per cent. If all these things are possible, I should like to know who their fairy godmother is.

I should like to join with some of the earlier speakers in expressing dissatisfaction with the amount of time available for this debate. Traditionally, the debate on the Finance Bill has been one of the highlights of the Seanad session. Down through the years valuable contributions have been made. It is deplorable that at present we find ourselves up against a deadline because the Bill has to be passed by tomorrow night. That is a great pity and I, as an Independent here, must protest against this because at a time when everyone, Government and Opposition alike, have a right to be concerned about the future, when we find a Finance Bill that borrows to the extent of £321 million and when we find the unemployment situation as it is, we have a right to be concerned. Therefore, we should try to see, by debate in the Seanad or elsewhere, whether we can come to some guidelines for the future that may show the way ahead in some way.

In saying that, I do not want to be pessimistic for one moment because we have got to realise, as Senator Alexis FitzGerald put it very well in his speech, the present difficulties and also count our blessings. The present difficulties are, as we all know, part and parcel of the world recession. Consequently, we have to look at this from that standpoint and to realise that it is a futile exercise to pass blame and recrimination from one party to another or to suggest that if another party had been in power the course would have been different. We are all victims of the euphoria that was created by the EEC when we jointed in 1973.

I do not think anyone of us, whether for or against the EEC at that stage, could for one moment have foreseen the drastic downward turn the world was to take, especially in the developed nations of western Europe, within the following two years. We all had the elation of working together, or most of us anyway—83 per cent of the people— for entry to the EEC in January, 1973. Everything looked fine: at last we were to be given the opportunity of developing our potential, both in agriculture and our well-adaptable and easily-trained labour force.

That was what we saw ahead and any Government acting on that would have followed the policies that were followed in the subsequent two years, the same policy for Government and for individuals. It meant that if you believed in the vision we saw of the future then you had to get ready for that future as quickly as possible. You had to borrow. You had to try and get the equipment, the factories, the infrastructure needed for that great tomorrow we saw just on the horizon. The Government went in for deficit borrowing and deficit budgeting, and quite rightly. Many individuals incurred grave bank debts with the same vision.

Likewise, we shared the European vision that at least we had joined a community in which the spectre of unemployment was to be no more. We were to be a full-employment society which meant that now the question was not of finding jobs for the people but really finding sufficient people to man the industries, which had been the pattern in Europe the preceding years. In short, that awful word "rationalisation" began to become the magic password for the future where any type of capital expenditure was justified provided it theoretically, in account books, led to a cheaper product.

I think we will rue some of the things that have been done under that banner for many years to come because it was basically a measure designed for a situation of a scarcity of labour and it is now realised in Europe that that situation is not there at present and is not likely to appear again in the foreseeable future. Therefore we have got to turn about drastically on that.

At the same time we became urged on by the European social welfare system and so on by which we get redundancy and pay-related benefits and all that— all excellent in their own way because nobody for one moment in any way wishes to see people deprived through losing employment through no fault of their own and certainly everyone wants to see that the weak, old and infirm will share in the general development of the country. We all agree with that but what has the result been of that policy, coming at this stage, when coupled with the recession? It has been, first of all, to create a situation where work is scarcely rewarded for the employee who may take a short-term view. The prospect of getting a large redundancy payment very often conceals the fact that a man's job is disappearing, and the scale of benefits that have been paid has masked the loss of a job, that sense of loss that was so prevalent up to two or three years ago. The result has been that in the last two years of the recession employees in the various factories have not fought to keep their factories going in the same way as they would have fought to keep their factories going if all the sugar was not handed around to sweeten the swallowing of this dose of rationalisation.

These are all tendencies that unfortunately are now seen to be very much in the wrong direction. Europe is beginning to recognise this fact and we have now to look at the situation and realise that we have all been on a wrong course for two years. No blame to anyone, it was the course that seemed the proper and reasonable course. But it is a wise man who recognises early on when he is wrong and I think it is a wise Government and a wise political party that will have the courage to face the change of direction when the situation calls for it.

I am calling on the Government to show that wisdom and to show that leadership in facing up to the drastically changed situation rather than waiting until Europe starts setting a headline for us in a year or two by telling us, "This is the pattern; this is how it has changed". We should see that for ourselves already. Europe is groping at the moment on the question of unemployment or at least on how to provide more jobs, and they are coming up or about to come up—it will take them about two years, probably, with all these long night sittings and so on— with a real scheme for it.

They are coming to the point where they recognise that capital investment for the sake of cutting down jobs within an industry, supposedly producing a cheaper product, has to be looked at very carefully. It has to be balanced against the natural rights of every citizen to his share of employment. That has to be balanced and given priority over any book figures that call for rationalisation.

As a case in point, I wish to comment on one-man buses for CIE. I do not have the full figures, but the case illustrates the pattern. I feel certain that an economist or accountant working on the figures will show that the removal of 1,000 bus conductors from CIE's payroll will produce a substantial revenue to CIE. Perhaps they may save a couple of thousand pounds per conductor being made redundant. That is a gain to CIE in the short-term, but we have to balance it against the slight wage increases to drivers for dual responsibilities and also there is the fact that those redundant workers will have to be given work by the State—in other words, either we keep them permanently on the dole or we have to create employment for them. Employment on any level will involve capital investment of £3,000 or £4,000 per job. That is a serious problem. Perhaps this is not the responsibility of CIE's accountants. Surely there must be within the planning authority of the Government the authority to make those decisions, to tot up the figures on a national basis.

Following this example, we take the service that is given. If conditions are improving, which we expect to continue, one of the items which would come into the improvement picture is service. I am sure a driver of a bus cannot give the same service to those using it as can a conductor and a driver combined. I am not using this illustration in order to condemn CIE. The case I wish to make is that a lot more has to go into decisions on redundancy. It is a judgment that has to come from the Government as a whole. EEC regulations probably encumber the Government to a large extent in their operations in that sphere, yet the Government have to face these issues.

The Government must be seen to encourage thrift and investment as the keystone on which our future has to be built. Mr. Callaghan, the British Prime Minister, has been reported as saying that today's profits are tomorrow's jobs. That statement coming from an acknowledged socialist, should surely be good enough for our people to accept as a judgment on the role of profit.

Despite our heavy borrowing, the Government have not come up with any real inducement to the people to save. The only way to cut our dependence on borrowing is by encouraging savings, yet we have the bad example abroad that savings are scarcely worthwhile because the money that goes into the venture depreciates so fast. There is a feeling abroad that you should only save what you cannot spend. That is a wrong philosophy, based on the failure to take inflation into account in calculating rewards on money invested, be it Government investment or any other type of investment such as housing or shares in Irish companies. So far, the Government have refused to allow for inflation. We have reached the ridiculous situation where if a share in a property that was worth £100 today next year is sold for £115, the calculation says that a profit of £15 was made and tax is deducted accordingly under capital gains. We got a vague promise when the Capital Gains Tax Bill was being debated that there would be some revision. The Government then, in company with the British Government, did not have the courage to face the fact of inflation and to build in an indicator. They preferred to temporise with it. The French Government, who introduced a Capital Gains Tax Bill about five weeks ago, have built in an inflation regulator. It would be well worth the time of the Government and the Minister for Finance to examine an inflation regulator and have it built into our scheme as soon as possible so as to encourage maximum savings in our community. It is only by saving that we can cut back on production, that is, holding some of the production for the future. I put on top of the list that we should encourage investment and thrift by every means possible.

We should return work to its proper place in our community. We should recognise that every citizen has the right to work, that it is as much part of his general right as the right to eat, because the right to work is a condition for full life. Therefore, the temporary experience we have had of unemployment relief and so on must be recognised as only temporary and there must be a solid and unequivocal commitment by the Government to secure employment for all who want it.

That looks like a platform slogan but it has to be put into practice and it is not nearly as difficult to put into practice as it may seem because it means that we are looking at the situation in the country, various services and so on, from the point of view of their work content, and the example I mentioned in CIE is only one of many others in that area. Then there are people, for example the school leavers of this year, who seem to have such poor prospects of employment. Employment prospects should be opened up for them. Obviously the question of jobs for school leavers does not require very long planning or very heavy commitment in capital. In short, it can be environmental work.

On looking around the country and seeing the amount that needs to be done in cleaning up various areas, in fixing parks, improving public amenities, we can see that in that field alone there is no lack of work over the next five years or more. This is the type of work of exceedingly great benefit to the general welfare of the community as a whole which fits in very well with what school leavers are prepared to do, because taking the work our school-going children do while on holidays either here or abroad—the long hours they are prepared to work, the difficult and often unpleasant tasks they do—that mentality which is present in our young people today is the type of frontier spirit approach that could easily be harnessed over the next four years to an emergency programme to improve the general amenities at many levels in our society. On the other hand, it would mean that those who are not in a position to get permanent type employment would be temporarily employed.

I implore the Minister and the Government not to start young people on a career of unemployment as there is nothing more desperate and more soul destroying, and I therefore call immediately for an emergency programme based on amenity development. It will not cost very much more than keeping those same people on the unemployment register.

On a more permanent basis it is necessary to look at the situation in our schools. Admittedly, far more is being spent on education, but can we be satisfied with the size of the classes in our primary and secondary schools today. Surely, an average of something more than 40 pupils per class is not fair to the children or their future. To improve the situation will call for more expenditure. For every person employed one is taken off the employment register which is a first contribution.

Secondly, how do you measure what is given to our children? I suggest that if money is needed to finance an emergency programme on the lines I suggested, let us have a general income tax at all levels to provide the money. It will be a cowardly and unpatriotic citizen who will refuse to give to that tax.

In the long term, if we accept the fact that we must be committed to full employment that means spreading out or rationing the work. The average work week previously was 60 to 65 hours per week. Today it is 40. On a European level, I doubt if the world can absorb the products of full employment out of the industrialised community working at 40 hours a week, and therefore the EEC will probably come up shortly with a recommendation to the effect that you have to tailor the output of the industrial community on a world scale to world consumption.

Admittedly we in Ireland would like to keep the figures higher if possible because it would help our national development, but we have to face the problem of sharing. If there is to be a 10 per cent unemployment rate in our community that should be 90 per cent employment and 10 per cent unemployment for everyone. A cut in the work week of 10 per cent would mean obviously, that the production per individual would be reduced by that amount. Therefore, we have got to look at what the individual produces for his own consumption and for the capital need of continuing society and so the capital need has to be scrutinised very carefully. That means that if the work week goes from 36 hours, or whatever it is now, down to 30, surely we do not envisage that growth will be provided on that scale. In other words, the 30 hours will then be available, the prime 30 hours in the week from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. It means that the principle of shift work which has been accepted in industrial organisation as a means of cutting down the capital involved per worker, has got to come into every facet of our national life, whether it is in the teaching profession, or Government services or any other, so that the whole work week will have to be staggered. The commitment would have to be so many hours entitlement to work in the week but the hours will no longer be neatly packed into the middle of the day on five days, but spread over the six days of the week probably from 8 o'clock in the morning until eight at night on a two-shift basis. By that means we should be able to cut down the capital expenditure required for providing employment in Government services, in banking and teaching.

The capital involved in that should not go up. I expect Europe is going to come up with some such approach in the next two to three years. Let us be ahead of them, if we are to gain, and not come after them with the time lag that we so often notice. That is the pattern to which we will have to adjust in the future.

I believe that the most fundamental right of an individual in our so called affluent society is the right to work. That right should be the main commitment in planning for the future. I ask the Government to use an imaginative approach. They have noted the British approach and the co-operation that the British Government are obviously getting from the trade unions. I hope that our Minister may be able to fashion some type of tax that may do something to bring the general workers and everyone in the country along with it. I admit we could not have done this unless the British example was there.

With Britain committed to reducing inflation to under 10 per cent, and very likely to achieve it, we cannot accept less. Whatever sacrifice is called for has to be made in that context. The Minister should not hesitate for one moment to do an about turn in financial strategy if the situation calls for it. The successful British initiative was something that our Minister could not have gambled on last January.

One of the most obvious ways of maintaining employment is by stimulating our home market. We have to compete with foreign products. Our Government are very tied by EEC regulations in this regard. The foreign products are entitled to come in. Our trade unions are not tied by EEC law. I am still waiting for the trade unions— I say this as a member of a trade union—to give a lead in a proper "Buy Irish" campaign. That is one case in which the picketing of any premises is more than justified when the premises concerned can be shown to be giving less than a square deal to Irish products. We should at this critical juncture insist by every means possible that Irish products are pushed and get as much preference as possible. I hope the trade union movement will turn their picketing activities to that.

I agree with the Senators who have said that this is one of the most important debates this House has had an opportunity of holding. I share the regret that there is not more time available. It is not very encouraging to look around this House and see the number of potential speakers and the number that have spoken so far.

We ought to be more realistic in our comments on the budget. We should have more regard to the realities of the situation. There are many things which we would all desire for this small country of ours. There are many conflicting interests that we would like to subscribe to. Some of the speakers here this afternoon have, whether knowingly or unknowingly, subscribed to absolutely conflicting policies. Senators talked about the Government's excessive borrowing and taxation. They were followed by speakers of the same group who spoke about the need for increased spending on all fronts. The well-known policy beloved of most politicians—to have one's cake and eat it—was obvious. The Minister would be the first to admit that that is a very illusory objective. We cannot get away from the fact that we are a small State with a small population of three million people. We have a very open economy, possibly the most open economy in Europe, and certainly one of the most open in the world. We have to export nearly half of what we produce. We have to import a very substantial proportion of our requirements. For that reason we are very dependent on what happens in the outside world.

Many years ago an effort was made to cloister this country from the effects of the outside world. It failed miserably. All parties and economists are now agreed that, in order to be successful and prosper in this country and to give our people the standard of living they require, we must export and, as a corollary of that, we must import. We are also faced, for the first time in many years, with an expanding population. That expanding population, as Senator Quinlan quite rightly pointed out includes a big number of young people leaving schools, technical colleges and universities and expecting a source of employment. We have a movement away from agriculture. People are no longer satisfied with the standard of living agriculture can provide for them, especially from small farms. They are looking for employment near their homes, certainly in their own country. We have had over the years, for as long as we can remember and for as long as we care to read about in our histories, an historically high level of unemployment. Even in the "good old days" when the Opposition Party were in power—the halcyon days of Fianna Fáil—60,000 or 70,000 people was quite the norm with the population rate running at 30,000 or 40,000 a year. In the context of those figures the present high unemployment rate is not so bad relatively as it might seem. We have always had a high unemployment problem. We will continue to have it until we can organise our resources to the extent necessary to provide the investment to provide jobs and are prepared to accept the disciplines necessary to ensure that adequate capital will be available for investment in industry, agriculture and the services.

The great challenge of this decade is going to be whether we, as a small country and democracy, are prepared to accept those disciplines. If we cannot accept them, we have no hope whatsoever in the foreseeable future of resolving our unemployment situation and providing our people with a decent standard of living and providing an assured future for our young people. Those are the facts of life. It is no harm to keep them in mind when we are talking about our annual budget, our annual housekeeping account.

When this Government came into power some three years ago they were faced with a number of severe problems. They were also pushed and encouraged by a desire to do something that had not previously been done for several sections of our people. They were particularly concerned with the low standard of social welfare benefits for certain sections of the community. They gave first priority to putting that right, to bringing up our level of social welfare benefits and to introducing new social welfare benefits for those who needed them. That cost quite a lot of money.

Those social welfare benefits over the past three years have been substantially improved, even allowing for the high rate of inflation. I do not think anybody in this House would suggest that we cut back, that we should in some way reduce the taxation or reduce the income of the Government in some shape or form at the expense of the weaker section of the community. That is a burden we all accept. That is an objective every Government would wish to carry out to the best of their ability and to the best of the economy's limits. We also have the desire that our social services and our standards generally should correspond as closely as possible with those appertaining in the North of Ireland and Great Britain, where our people tend to come and go and have done so for centuries.

This Government also—and I think the figures over the last three years can prove this—have expended vast sums on education and increased hospitalisation and health facilities, have given heavily to industry, have given greatly to help the increased housing programmes on all fronts, particularly local authority houses where there was a substantial imbalance compared to other modern economies and to assisting people who are prepared to invest in their own homes. The man prepared to do that is probably the best citizen of the whole lot and one we would all wish to help. The young home owners, the young couple getting married, the young couple perhaps with a small family who want to invest in a home of their own, should be encouraged to do so. Indeed, every local authority in the country has been anxious to help. I think the Government are being generous along these lines. You cannot accept that and at the same time criticise the Government for borrowing too much or for taxing too much. This is part of a payment we must make if we want our people to enjoy reasonable standards of living comparable to other countries, because over so many years—perhaps some of our memories go back longer than others—a large section of our people did not enjoy those benefits. That perhaps is one of the reasons they left their own country.

There is no doubt that the greatest problems of today are inflation and unemployment. These have been rightly stressed by every Senator who has spoken so far in this debate. They are not only common to this country but to the whole of Europe and to every member of the EEC and indeed to countries not allied to the EEC. As we discuss this Bill and our own unemployment problem here, it is no harm to remember that in the EEC at the moment there are some 5,000,000 people unemployed. The most highly industrialised and most advanced countries in the world grouped together still have not resolved their unemployment problem. Therefore when we talk about our own problem here we are in good or bad company, whichever way you wish to look at it. That is not going to be resolved in a hurry.

While it is true to say—and whichever side of the House you are on you quote figures to suit your own particular argument—that in the most recent quarters there was a high annual rate of inflation, if we go back and take 12 months, we will find that the rate of inflation is dropping. I think that is the proper way to measure inflation. I do not think it is fair to measure from quarter to quarter because a quarter, in my opinion, is too short. There are too many things which can affect the rate of inflation in an economy of any country. It needs to be measured in periods of at least 12 months. If we go back and take the situation at the end of April we find that there has been a welcome drop in inflation.

The Government can do so much but we, as a people, can do far more. It has been said ad nauseam that there is no hope of reducing inflation or clearing unemployment or reducing it to acceptable levels without we, as a people, accepting the necessary disciplines, which I referred to a few minutes ago. The most important discipline of all at the present time is that all of us, not just the workers or the farmers or the businessmen but all of us, accept restraints in our incomes, preferably over at least 12 months and desirably over the next two years. Unless we accept that discipline and all that goes with it I see no hope whatever of bringing inflation down to a level comparable to our competitors in Great Britain and in other countries in Europe and certainly no hope of clearing unemployment. We must accept that.

I feel sometimes that this whole argument is being distorted to some extent. There is a feeling that—whether it is expressed honestly or for a purpose I am not quite sure—the workers are being asked to bear too much of the burden. That is not so. It should be seen not to be so. If we are going to have this burden of postponing the realisations or our expectations of a higher standard of living for a year or two years we must all do it, everyone of us, and we must be seen to be doing it. It must in every sense of the word be a national partnership between ourselves and our community. I see no other way whereby a small community of a few million people such as ours can survive in this day and age with so many outside influences impinging on our economy and only awaiting the opportunity to create further difficulties for us in our non-competitive or uncompetitive situation.

I was glad, like every Senator here, to see some of the recent publications which made reference to the economy and the budget and so on and to read what might be described as the most conservative organ dealing with economic affairs—the Report of the Central Bank of Ireland, which has been quoted from time to time in this and the other House, particularly by the more conservative or traditional minded Members of the Oireachtas. Generally they have been critical not only of the present Government but also of past Governments. They have been regarded as the traditional, conservative, almost reactionary viewpoint. I quote from the general review given in the issue of this document which came out just a very short time ago:

Although economic activity declined last year, some improvement was evident late in the year. Signs of continued recovery are, however, still rather tentative. Before the budget these signs reflect in large part an upturn in consumer expenditure. A consumption-led recovery might have been ephemeral unless it were transformed into a more sustainable investment and export-led growth path. The Budget represents a first step towards such a change. Some abatement in the growth of public current expenditure has been accompanied by a substantial expansion in the Public Capital Programme. The shift in emphasis of public expenditure in favour of investment is welcome, particularly in the context of the unemployment position and of the rapidly growing labour force. A pause in the growth of money incomes, which indeed formed the basis of budgetary policy, is, of course, a further essential step towards ensuring sustained economic recovery.

I think everybody would subscribe to those words. The report goes on:

Despite the slackening in the upper thrusts of current public expenditure and the sharp increase in taxation, the current budget deficit of this year is higher than ever before.

This was emphasised by the Minister in his speech.

Its present level—£327 million or almost 8 per cent of the expected gross national product—is clearly not sustainable.

Both the Minister and the Taoiseach have underlined that sentiment. It goes on to conclude:

This has been recognised by the Government's commitment to "phase out the present current deficit over a three-year period."

I hope the Minister will be successful in that.

One of the present vital necessities, and other speakers have referred to it, is to encourage the expansion of the manufacturing sector. There is no section of our economic activity likely to produce quicker results or results better for the economy than an expansion in the manufacturing sector. It has been estimated by various experts that over the next decade something like 200,000 new jobs in industry will need to be provided if we are to look after our expanding population and to give our young people a chance in life.

If one calculates the cost of providing a job in industry—the small sum of £3,000 to £4,000 is probably a minimum figure—it will give us some idea of the capital investment required if we are to go near to achieving this target. It also gives some idea of the sort of investment that we must think of from our own resources as much as possible, through savings and taxation—provided it does not go above an acceptable level—but also with the assistance of outside investment. That is why it is so absolutely necessary, no matter what is said about the dangers to our economy and to our control of Irish industry by outside investment, to support a policy of encouraging worthwhile—and I underline the word "worthwhile"—outside investment in industries.

I stress "worthwhile" because most of us have had some experience of the type of industry that at the first cold breeze shuts its branch factory in Shannon Airport or Dublin Industrial Estate or, perhaps, even worst of all, in the west of Ireland where it may be the lone industry in a country town. It shuts up shop and departs leaving nothing behind but an empty factory and probably several hundred people unemployed. That type of industry is no use to us. But there are good foreign industries that want to come in and stay here. Without hesitation I would say that the great majority of the outside investors in this country have been glad of their decision to come here. They were pleased with the reception they got here. They liked the environment and, above all, they liked the Irish workers whom they find intelligent and easily trained.

We should go for more of that type of industry. That is what we need, allied with the development of our natural resources which, I think, must offer the greatest hope of all of an expansion of our country. That type of development offers us real progress. I do not subscribe to some of the gloomy prophesies that have been made here this afternoon. If one was to subscribe to that one would be inclined to pack up shop altogether and take the boat or the train. There is a great future for this small country, but we cannot wish it on ourselves and certainly the world does not owe us a living.

In the context of manufacturing industry I should like to repeat something I said recently on some other Bill. Special encouragement should be given to the small businessman, the small entrepreneur, the man who has inherited or has a natural skill to do something with his hands or his head and lacks capital or some assistance from a State body which he could not provide for himself in these days of computers, calculators and market research. A small man cannot do that.

I was very glad to see recently the establishment within the context of the Confederation of Irish Industry of a special section for small business firms with an employment limit of 100. The limit does not matter; it is the idea that counts. I would urge the Minister and his colleagues to give every possible assistance to this organisation—I think the Minister has already spoken in their support—and to give them the sort of practical help and encouragement they need and cannot provide for themselves. I am against providing anything for anybody of any kind who can provide for themselves, but I am concerned for the man who has nothing but his hands or his brains and an idea and the courage to go through with it but perhaps lacks capital and certain assistance of a technical or marketing nature which the Government or a Government agency could provide. If he expands his little factory or starts a new factory, he is going to stay there and his sons or daughters will stay after him. He is the best investment any Government could make.

I cannot emphasise too much my belief in the policy of assisting small businessmen to grow. In that connection, I was glad to see that the Minister had given some modest encouragement by way of a lower tax rate for small companies, up to a limit of £5,000 and then a slightly higher one up to £10,000. But Mr. Healey, who has been quoted here approvingly by speakers on the opposite-side, has been more generous than that. His figures, I think, go to £30,000 and £40,000. In this day and age it is not a very large sum of money.

I think it was Senator Alexis FitzGerald who referred to the psychological aspect in any talk of recovery, expansion or progress. It is vitally important. One can talk oneself into a depression. It can be done for vicious political reasons or it can be done out of ignorance, but whatever the motive it is a very dangerous track and is something which should be avoided at all costs. If we do not believe in the future of our country nobody else will believe in it.

In saying that, let me say quite frankly that the Government of the day should be criticised. Constructive criticism is good for any Government. In fact, the Opposition is there to function as a constructive critic, a searching critic or a damaging critic if they like. But when an Opposition do that there is an obligation on them to come up with alternative proposals. I do not want to sound political but, so far— and I have sat here since half past two today—I have not heard one alternative suggestion that would help this country out of its present difficulty. There has been plenty of criticism. I heard the Government criticised, told to get out and let in an alternative Government who, apparently, if one is to judge by the contributions of the front bench men here, have no policy at all, not even a bad policy. That is a very dangerous situation. In our democratic system there should be an alternative Government ready with cut and dried policies to put before the people. At the moment the only policy seems to be to knock the Government. That is just not enough. People will not swallow it.

There are encouraging signs that we have passed the worst trough which probably came somewhere between mid-1975 and the end of 1975. We can take some heart that there are signs abroad. The economies of our partners in the EEC and the United States are on the upturn. We can profit from those recoveries in those other countries if we take the proper steps ourselves here to ensure that we benefit from them, that we are ready for it, that if consumer demand rises we are ready with competitively priced goods. Strange as it may seem, an economic recovery in Great Britain and on the Continent could be the worst possible thing that could happen to our economy if we are not in a position to compete. We would not alone be unable to export but we would not be able to hold our market at home either. That would be a disaster, even a greater disaster than no economic recovery in the world at all.

When the recovery comes there is an obligation on the Government, whatever Government are in power, to ensure that it is not a frothy recovery, that it is based on solid ground and that it will be continuous and sustained. All Senators will agree that there is nothing worse than an off and on type of recovery—prosperity for 18 months and then another slump. However long a recovery takes, we all hope that it will not take too long, let it be a sustained one so that our young people can see a future for them in their own country.

I am not an economic expert but I cannot help being somewhat partisan when I hear the discussions taking place today where an effort is being made to suggest that there is a clash of interests between the public sector and the private sector. We should be quite clear about this: there is no confrontation and should be no confrontation between the public sector and the private sector because they are compatible. What is absolutely essential for the health of the public sector is a healthy and profitable private sector which will be able through taxation to provide the capital for the public sector in order that it will provide all the social services, education and so on, and also assist public industries.

There is an obligation on State industries to operate within recognised commercial standards. Capital is too scarce and too expensive nowadays to afford the luxury of propping up inefficient either public or private companies. We cannot afford to do it. It would be far better to face up to the situation. If an industry cannot, and has no hope of making its own way, let it go to the wall and make provision for its employees and others in expanding sectors of the economy. This propping up of industries can be carried too far. When industries, public or private, turn into a glorified relief scheme, there is a burden on the public or private purse. Therefore it would be far better to develop new types of industry and train our young people for them.

Our success is dependent upon ourselves; it is dependent on a partnership between capital and labour, for want of a more accurate description. Above all it is dependent on our will to win, our will to accept the necessary disciplines which will ensure that the required capital is forthcoming to develop industry, agriculture and the other sectors of our economy. If we do that I am convinced that there will be a very bright future for this small country.

Ba mhaith liom a rá go bhfuil áthas orm an deis seo a bheith agam cúpla focal a rá ar an mBille Airgeadais seo. Measaim gur cheart agus gur chóir go mbeadh an deis céanna ag gach Seanadóir, ní hé amháin ar an dtaobh seo den Teach ach ar gach taobh den Teach. I mo bharúil féin is Bille an-thábhachtach é seo. Na rudaí adeirtear ar an mBille seo, rachaidh siad go léir chun sochair do mhuintir na hÉireann ar chaoi éigin roimh deireadh na bliana. Ar an ábhar sin níl mé sásta leis an méid ama atá tugtha don díospóireacht ar an mBille seo. Sílim nach cheart go mbeadh teora chomh dian sin curtha leis. Admhaím nach ortsa atá an locht, a Leas-Chathaoirleach, ach ar an tslí ina gcuireann an Rialtas obair an Tí os ár gcomhair.

I should like to take our minds back to the months of December and January. In those months the theme played to us by the media and the Press was that the Minister for Finance would settle things, that he would do his best to ensure that the budget would have all the elements to cure the many ills facing the economy at that time. Indeed, thanks to the manner in which the media broadcast the propaganda and to the many appearances of Ministers on the media, the people were conditioned to accept the fact that we had a sick economy and there was a genuine willingness among the people in general to accept whatever measures, drastic as they might be, the Minister would introduce. They were prepared to accept temporary hardships and lower standards of living, all in the interest of the nation.

In January the Minister presented his budget. His main cure was to reduce inflation, safeguard employment and limit the growth of public expenditure. Those were the principal guidelines which the Minister announced. Later it became clear that the general tone of the budget and the various taxes imposed were defeating the laudable aims contained in the budget.

We knew at that time, and know now for certain, that the budget would not reduce inflation. In fact, it increased it. We were shocked to learn that even among Ministers there was no agreement on the operative date of the budget. There were differing headings on the newspapers and these added to the general confusion in regard to what price would be paid for certain articles. The Minister succeeded, on the first day after the budget, in creating a rift between customers and suppliers. This added to the worry of the general public.

Whatever the Minister may have intended the budget to do, it was doomed to failure from the beginning. We know the purpose behind it was to bring in revenue. We all accept that some taxation is necessary to provide funds for running the country. Some money is borrowed and the rest is raised by taxation. But the Minister for Finance must ensure that the imposition of taxation does not break the camel's back. We always accepted the principle of an annual budget and some increases in taxation. But this is the fifth budget we have had in three years and unfortunately many people now feel that it will be necessary for the Minister to present another budget in the autumn. People would not object to paying extra taxes if it would help to curb inflation. The Government have been blaming outside conditions for all the ills that have befallen them since they came into office. When Fianna Fáil were in Government we had the economic war of 1932-33, which was an internal matter and extremely important for the country.

Is this directly relevant to the Finance Bill of 1976?

Senator FitzGerald is a man for whom I have very high regard. I often listen attentively to his valuable contributions but I never interrupt him and I would expect the same courtesy from him.

In 1932-33 the then Fianna Fáil Government had to face these problems, not coming from the outside but arising at home. From 1939 up to 1945 there was World War II when we decided to remain neutral, when all the adverse external influences were pressing on our country. We had no ships to transport our food and we really had our backs to the wall. We did not shirk. We faced the task manfully under the leadership of the then Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera and of Ministers such as the late Seán Lemass and we succeeded in keeping our economy right, paying our way, feeding our people and, indeed, even increasing our standard of living.

I do not know what sort of hoodoo seems to be over Coalition Governments here but there is one undeniable, unpalatable fact. On each occasion a Coalition Government took office the same well-beaten track was trod, the same pattern developed. In 1948 the Coalition Government were handed over our finances in good order, yet by 1951 they ran out of Government. In 1957 they left office after being in power for two years and nine months and left 95,000 unemployed. We had massive unemployment, housing grants were not paid and there was despondency over all.

These are undeniable facts, and surely no one could say I was a prophet of doom if I said that the present Coalition Government seem caught up in the same mistakes and failures incurred by their coalition predecessors on two previous occasions. In 1973, when Fianna Fáil handed over Government to the Coalition, the country had never been in a better position. Unemployment and emigration had been stemmed and our population was increasing. We may have made some mistakes, but it is only fair to say that we faced all our problems squarely and succeeded in solving most of them. The state of the economy was never better and our reputation abroad was so sound that for the past three years the Government have been relying on it and using up our external reserves. I can safely say that the good reputation earned by us under a Fianna Fáil Government was instrumental in the present Government's obtaining several substantial loans from abroad. This year, for the first time in the history of our State, a loan we obtained abroad had to be underwritten by the other eight members of the EEC. This really brought us to the end of the road. For the first time this country was not fit to stand on its own legs abroad. None of us can take any pride in that.

I should like to refer now to our unemployment position. A good Government should be concerned primarily with the welfare of the people and a budget should try to ensure, as far as is humanly possible, that jobs are provided for all. It should be their objective to secure a decrease in unemployment, that manufacturing industry would increase, that exports would be greater, that there should be an increase in general living standards. That is the way a country should advance.

While it is our duty to criticise, we never refused to support the Government when they sought national loans or any assistance which we thought would be of benefit to the community in general. We take no pride in the fact that we have about 118,000 or 120,000 people unemployed at present. As Senator Quinlan remarked, it is a poor prospect for school leavers for whom Fianna Fáil provided free post-primary education up to third level. The outlook is bleak for them now and they find that at the end of their intensive studies there is no work for them. They will have to join the dole queue and the demoralising effect of that will leave an indelible mark on them.

This Government of all the talents, which took off with a fanfare of trumpets, with every Minister being lauded as the greatest ever to take office even before Mohammed Ali was ever heard of, were supposed to be experts in everything. As individuals, there were many brilliant men among them. Some of them are brilliant in the academic field—some with union cards and some without them—and may be excellent men, but as a Government they are the greatest disaster that hit this country since Cromwell. They were projected to the people by the media as being wonderful men in their togas but now the feet of clay are showing underneath. Now the people are beginning to see where the fanfare of trumpets and the parade of talents has led us. The records are there. We have 52,000 students with little prospects of employment; we have a cutback in every facet of our economy.

The Minister for Finance is the Minister who provides the money. He has had to take the rap on many occasions. He has been blamed, even behind his back by some of his ministerial colleagues, because he is the man who provides the money. They often forget that it is a Government collective responsibility, that the Minister for Finance is just the man who handles finances and that every Minister who sits in the Government should shoulder fair share of the blame for the disastrous state in which we find the whole economy at present.

Somebody opposite mentioned county councils earlier on today in this debate. I want to say that the amount of money coming to my constituency in Cavan for roads this year is not equivalent to what came last year. There is no built-in inflation clause. Indeed, the amenity grants to provide young people with work, which Senator Quinlan was speaking about, have been stopped completely. So far as roads are concerned, on the main road from Cavan town to Dublin city there are a few tar barrels which have actually rusted—they have been there for at least 12 months. That is the kind of effort being made to build up our road structure to help industries in rural Ireland. Nothing is being done in that way. What is being done in any local authority area to build up an infrastructure for extra industries or for extra housing? Where are all our water and sewerage schemes? There is a lot of hullabaloo about water schemes. Somebody over here mentioned water schemes. They will prepare plans all right, but as far as the actual scheme is concerned it never gets off the ground. As a matter of fact we have been asking them for years to try to draw up some type of an economical expansion plan and to give some guidelines, but they have never agreed to that. This open Government keep all the secrets to themselves. They stumble on from one stepping stone to another until eventually, I suppose, they will fall in and drown altogether.

Remember, we have £320 million borrowed and I will not go into the amount of money it takes to service that. Senator Yeats gave a very elaborate and detailed account of our economy, of what money was borrowed, what it has taken to service it and what impact it had on the people in general.

As far as education is concerned there is a cut-back there. Some new schools have been opened but they were schools that Deputy Faulkner built. The same has happened so far as local authorities are concerned. The Government were generous in giving a few houses, built by Fianna Fáil, at cut prices in order to project an image of their generosity. Houses were often given for less than the site would cost. That type of buying popularity is no good at present. Government is a serious business, and Ministers and Government should take it in a serious way.

Much talk is made about Tara Mines, minerals and so on. We in our time invited these people in to explore and we were glad to see them coming in. I agree with my friend, Senator Russell, on the other side—I thought his speech was very sensible—so far as capital is concerned. To get in industries and to promote employment we must have capital. We must have a certain amount of respect for the man or the woman who went along in days gone by and saved capital and is now willing to invest it in this country to provide employment for our people.

I agree with practically all he said regarding small industries. I think they are very important. Any Government worth their salt should try to foster small industries, especially in rural Ireland, and not have this whole city cluttered up, creating building problems, housing problems and social problems and education problems. There is little difference now between town and country. Thanks to Fianna Fáil, we have rural electrification all over Ireland. There are free sites available in many places. If the proper roads were built, we could have industries sited in practically any part of our country. This would be of immense benefit to the people. It would ensure that the schools, churches and halls would be there and would be filled.

Reference has been made to the increase in the population. That has been happening over a period. We are glad to see it happening. I do not know how bankrupt the National Coalition Government were that they could not do what has been done for years and years by many Governments in this country: take the census and count the number of people in our country. Remember, that census of population is of tremendous importance so far as planning is concerned. Without a census it will be very difficult to plan in the years ahead.

The amount of money the Minister is collecting now from tax on the motorist is not alone a hardship but is a tremendous imposition on hundreds and thousands of people. The motor car is now taking the place of the bicycle in most cases. Surely the fellow living down in rural Ireland is entitled to have a motor car, seeing that in many parts of rural Ireland he cannot avail of the public service that is supposed to be provided by CIE. Take the old age pensioner who under Deputy Haughey's scheme would have been entitled to free travel on a bus or on a train—it was a great benefit and was highly appreciated by them. How is he to avail of that down in rural Ireland where there is no public transport? Is his motor car to be taxed so that he will not be able to go into the town even at the weekends? The tax on petrol was imposed by an ingenious method, without the people fully understanding the method of taxation in regard to horsepower and so on.

All these things militate against the ordinary person. It was easy for them to propose doing these things in Opposition, but now that they are in Government they are side-stepping quite a lot of things that should be done.

It would be very interesting if the Minister at some time would tell us how we in the three Ulster counties are faring so far as taxation is concerned and what return are we getting in transport, roads and sewerage schemes in comparison with the population and size of our constituencies. We seem for quite a long time to have been neglected. Somebody in the Government—even in this Government with most of its Ministers living in the city—should have a look at how people are existing in the Border counties and try to give them their fair share of the proceeds of taxation. We have never benefited, or benefited very slightly, so far as third level education is concerned. Never has any branch of a university ever come up north. Apparently they think we up in the north are not fit to follow a course of third level education. Consequently, we are down-graded, not alone in this budget but in many budgets.

In our time we invited in the Ambassador Oil Company and others to explore for gas and oil. We would like to see that exploration furthered, now that the world is getting smaller and that encouragement has been given because of oil finds in the North Sea and off our own coast. The same would apply to gas.

Some Senators opposite made a great song and dance about their performance in regard to social welfare. Naturally, we on this side of the House always like to see plenty of money provided for social welfare and we did that in our own way while we were in office. Indeed, practically every single one of the social services that had been introduced were introduced by a Fianna Fáil Government, and paid for at that. If there has been an increase in social welfare since the Coalition Government went into office, let us be frank and fair and honest about it, and let us tell the people that the main increase was provided by virtue of the fact that Fianna Fáil steered this country into the EEC and that because of that £35 million was saved on agricultural subsidies. That is the money the Coalition handed in through the letter boxes in Mayo and other places to try to impress the people that they were Daidí na Nollag of the whole country and that they were giving the people something to which they were not entitled.

I would like to be constructive about this, particularly so far as the unemployed are concerned. I firmly believe the majority of the people are fed up to the teeth with the performance of this Coalition Government. They seem to be incapable of making decisions. There is no leadership. There seems to be a rift between Labour and Fine Gael. The Labour Ministers go to a cabinet meeting with Fine Gael Ministers and go back to their headquarters in Liberty Hall and make a different statement. I am a member of a trade union. There is a rightful place for trade unions as there is for employers. The best way to progress is for the Government to take the trade unions into their confidence.

Our workers have a proud tradition. They have done marvellous work in the past. Situations should be faced manfully. Trade union leaders have the responsibility of being able to control their members. Any Government will have difficulties if individual wildcat strikes are allowed to affect the economy and if, after two or three weeks, they get the blessing of the trade unions. That is not playing fair with the Minister. He should be given a fair chance. Both unions and Ministers should sit down at arbitration or at the Labour Court and settle knotty problems amicably as they arise.

As sensible men and women in a country fighting for its economic life we should realise that it is vitally important for our future that there should be agreement.

I am one of the thousands who believe the Coalition Government have made a complete mess of the economy. They have bungled every Department. They have, as we say in the north, actually eaten the seed potatoes. The people are fortunate in that they have the Fianna Fáil Party who, in the past, left office with the country in a solvent position, with our finances right, employment on the increase, and emigration stemmed. The people can have confidence in the future Fianna Fáil Government who will have to take over and wash up the vessels which have been left unwashed by the Coalition Government, the third Coalition who have failed in my lifetime.

The Government have produced a number of Finance Bills in this House. I would suggest no Finance Bill as damaging as this one has been introduced. The major problems facing our economy are inflation, massive unemployment, and the huge national debt. Studying this Bill, one finds nothing to solve those three major problems. If one takes into account the increased taxation on petrol and the increased car taxation, one can only believe they were introduced in a state of desperation, because the Government must have known taxation of that kind could only increase unemployment. It is obvious that with the increased costs commercial firms using cars and trucks for delivery must increase the price of the product. When the price of the product is increased, there is less demand. When there is less demand, there is less production. When you have less production you have less employment.

I cannot understand the attitude of mind of the Government when these proposals were considered. The Tánaiste called for an economic plan. One could be forgiven for wondering who was he calling on. Was he calling on Fianna Fáil? If he was, when back in Government we will produce one. It would be laughable, were it not so serious, to hear the No. 2 man in the Government, the Leader of the Labour Party, calling on his own Government for an economic plan. That is too serious to laugh at. Does it mean we have reached the stage that there is no co-operation around the Cabinet table? Why does he have to call for one publicly? Will the Taoiseach be the next one to call for an economic plan?

One could be forgiven for thinking anything about the Government at the moment. Recently a prominent member of the Labour Oireachtas Party said one would want to be blind not to see the shortcomings of the Government.

When you find members of the Government Party, the Tánaiste, the Chief Whip, openly criticising their Government, you can only sit back and think we are in a very serious position. When we offer criticisms, rather than saying that it is constructive criticism, the Government say: "Oh, that is just the Opposition making a case." We have offered criticisms and suggestions from time to time. They were never accepted, but resented. When the same criticism is being offered publicly to the press by members of the Government party, then it is time the Government openly stated their policy and said what their plans are for the future.

I know of no plan that the Government have. I do not believe there is one. If what I am saying is untrue, the Minister should tell us what is the plan. What is the plan to fight unemployment? What is the plan to fight inflation? What will we do about our national debt? Recently we negotiated a loan with Saudi Arabia and, for the first time in 55 years of self-Government, we had to seek guarantors. We had to ask members of the European Community, our fellow members, to act as guarantors for us to get the loan, because we as an independent State, a proud nation, could not get it on our own credit rating.

The Senator is quite wrong. As a matter of fact the European Commission loan is not an OPEC loan.

It was going to be but they could not get the money from them.

That is my understanding. I would not contradict the Minister. My understanding was that, in fact, not alone did they guarantee the loan but they laid down restrictions as to how the money should and should not be spent.

The Senator is misinformed.

I am pleased to know that that is not the case because I know how bad a state the country is in. I would hate to think it is that well known internationally.

They laid down restrictions on Government financial policy.

Is it true that they laid down restrictions on Government financial policy?

I must assume it is. I quote from the Financial Times:

It is a £150m five-year EEC loan which stipulates that Government borrowing as a proportion of GNP must be halted this year and subsequently reduced, and this borrowing should in future be financed as much as possible by such means as placing long-term securities with the public. In Ireland, so closely linked to the City of London, that is much easier said than done.

A third condition, and this brings the hapless Mr. Ryan full circle back to his pay pause problem, was apparently the imposition of a number of economic performance targets attainable only through severe wages restraint. How he gets it, Brussels has clearly indicated in the unfeeling manner of foreign bankers, is his business.

That is from the Financial Times of Tuesday, March 23rd, 1976. I notice there is no comment from the Minister on that.

The Minister's proposals, rather than increasing revenue to the Exchequer, will reduce it. In the last quarterly increase we have recorded one of the highest increases in the cost of living. I noticed in a well-known daily paper last week, a paper which has never been friendly to this side of the House, the headline "We Are Broke". It was not contracdicted. Was anything said about it? Is it true? If it is true, a statement should be made about it. If it is true it is very serious. If it is false it was irresponsible journalism and this should be said by the Minister.

Who is governing this country at present? It is hard to know. As was pointed out by the previous speaker, the Minister for Finance takes a lot of the blame for the sad state of this country. The lack of loyalty of members of his own party and of the Government is deplorable. Rather than accepting the responsibility themselves they want to blame the Minister for everything. Surely it is true that any decisions that are made affecting the economy are made by the Government, or are some made around the Cabinet table and are others made in Liberty Hall? We would all welcome a plan so that everyone could see where we are going. As far as I can see, we are going downhill rapidly and nothing is being done to curb this downhill trend.

Arguments were used by Government Ministers trying to blame everybody but themselves. They blamed conditions outside the country. They blamed other countries, people connected with oil, the Arabs—everyone except themselves. While every other country is recovering, we are still going downhill. The unemployment figure at the moment is 117,000 and that is not taking into account the school leavers of last year and school leavers this year. It is said that so many are unemployed. It is pitiful to think of school leavers. When asked: "What will you do when you leave school?" The answer is : "I am going on the dole." Jokes of this type are made to cover up the frustration of young people full of ambition, full of fire, young people who feel they can take on the world and do great things. Many of them will not succeed but some of them will. All of them feel at that age they can do something special. What is facing them? No jobs, nothing but frustration and annoyance. We expect young people to have loyalty to our codes and to act as we have taught them. I wonder how do they feel about it all, at that age, with nothing to do, with all their ambition and nothing for them.

I believe there has been complete mismanagement in the past few years, and that is the general accepted view. I am not blaming any Minister in particular. Some have harder jobs than others and are not getting the loyalty they deserve. I do not blame any single party. I blame the Coalition. A Coalition cannot work. It can last. It has lasted. The ambition stated by the Taoiseach was that he would make a Coalition work. He has not made it work. He has made it last. There are people on the Fine Gael benches who must deplore the attitude of members of the Labour Party and equally there must be members of the Labour Party who deplore the policies——

The Senator should confine his remarks to general financial policy. He is becoming extremely broad now and losing contact with the Bill.

Very good. The Government have asked for restraint. They are not showing it themselves. Where is the incentive for any businessman to invest his money, or to put his time and ability into something worthwhile? There are people of talent in every country. We all depend on people of talent. Where in this Bill is the encouragement for the industrialist to build an extra bay on to his factory, or to build another factory? He thinks: "Here I am going to invest my money, give my time, worry about business, and at the end of it all pay more taxation." Even if he eventually retires and invests his money, he will come under the wealth tax net. There is no encouragement whatsoever for any businessman to do anything at present.

These are the people who must be encouraged. When business people are encouraged and given tax incentives, and their talent recognised, all of us will benefit. There will be more jobs for people. There will be the spin-off from the jobs. Business generally will benefit as a result. At present there is a lack of confidence. Banks are under lent. They are inviting people who have proved themselves in the business world to negotiate for loans. Business people are not taking them up. I understand this is true. In one case I know it to be true. It is not worthwhile any more. There is a complete lack of confidence in the Government.

The Tánaiste said the bubble has burst and we will never return to the growth and the rising living standards of the sixties. He is right. We never will under the Coalition Government, but we will under a Fianna Fáil Government. I am merely echoing the words of the majority of the people when I say: "The sooner the better."

Senator Lenihan and Senator Yeats have fully covered the defects of the Finance Bill, 1976. They have also fully covered the state of the economy. The facts they have given are so painful that I do not think anybody else in the House would wish to repeat them.

When this Government of all the talents were seeking office they promised us the sun, moon and stars. All we have got from them is depression and more depression. We were promised stabilisation of prices. We were promised more jobs. We were promised everything, and all we have got is 120,000 unemployed. Added to that we have the school leavers of last year and the school leavers of this year added to the dole queue. While on the point of the school leavers on the dole queue, I cannot see why girls who cannot find jobs cannot be accommodated in this queue also.

Last year I made the point that this Government proved to be a hopeless housekeeper. They failed to make ends meet. Their only hope of survival is by borrowing. Every week of the year a quarter of what they spend has to be borrowed. Any housekeeper knows that if this goes on the day of reckoning must come some day—either she or somebody else must pay the piper. The only people who will pay the piper in the long run for all this spate of borrowing we have had are the taxpayers who are already overtaxed.

As Senator Hanafin said, day by day we are losing our credibility at home and abroad. He asked where is the incentive for any businessman to invest, for anybody with brains, or any entrepreneur, to take a risk and to create employment. All he can look forward to in return is taxation. As things stand, it now seems to be a mortal sin to make even a moderate profit.

Senator Yeats and Senator Hanafin made the point that it is a very sad state of affairs for all of us—not only for the Government but for everybody in the country—that we can no longer get a loan from our friends in the EEC without having strings attached. They cannot trust the Government to use the money wisely. We are all the sufferers because we are all under the same shadow as the people who are running the country.

Long before the budget was announced, the Minister lectured us and said we should behave ourselves and be prepared for sacrifices. He said we would have to tighten our belts. From the talks that have gone on in trying to reach a wage agreement, I believe if the Government had given any type of a lead there would have been a different outcome. There has been no lead from the Government. They are now paying the price for all the false promises, and for all their buying of popularity with the last two budgets.

The point made by several speakers on this side of the House is that we were told there was no point in making a plan because there was such a crisis in the world. According to the Government it is never here; it is always in the world. You would not need to have your leaving certificate to know that when you are in a crisis you must plan to get out of the mess. Otherwise you sink deeper in the mire. Until the Minister and the Cabinet face up to outlining some kind of a plan for survival, and revival, things will get worse and worse.

I fear the Minister must have been very bad at his maths. Last year he was 100 per cent short in his first budget. He had to make up for a doubling of the deficit at the end of the year. The Education Estimate was £26 million short. If that is not going wide of the target, I do not know what is. We hope this year's deficit of £327 million will not be doubled by Christmas Day. As a result of this budget all we have got are rising prices, jobs lost, living standards lowered. Any of us that do shopping or now and again visit our local pubs we believe the returns to the Minister will diminish because less is being bought in business houses all over the country. People just cannot afford to buy.

Senator Russell said we should not criticise this borrowing. We, on this side of the House, believe if you borrow for productive purposes or to create employment, nobody will crib. But when you have to borrow, even from the EEC, to keep the country floating and to pay for day-to-day requirements it is a very sorry state of affairs indeed.

I do not think we should let this debate conclude without making reference to the fact that one hand of the Government does not know what the other hand is doing. We could not visualise any Government going through the exercise of bringing a Bill before the Dáil and the Seanad, piloting it through, and wasting precious hours on the equal pay agreement, and not having done their sums before they attempted to even show us the Equal Pay Bill. This was an insult to the women of Ireland and to the intelligence of the men as well.

Senator Ferris referred to the local government housing programme. I am glad things are going so well in his county but we in Kerry have not the same story. We could only afford to start 41 houses this year. I am sure other counties have the same story as we have.

I was not present for all of Senator Lenihan's contribution but I think he dealt with the building industry. This is a field where the Government have made a great mistake. It is one of the industries, together with agriculture and tourism, that has the greatest spin-off and gives the greatest number of jobs. It was a great mistake to cut off the grants instead of increasing them and encouraging people to build. Anybody with an income of £45 or £48 a week would not even get the trifling grant of £300. Somebody said already it would hardly buy nails but at least it was some recognition of taking on the task of building your own house. Indeed £45 a week today would only classify you in the lower income group if you wanted to build a house.

Some Senators made a very interesting point which should be followed up. While we have this unemployment problem, our manpower should be used to improve our roads, our water services and our sewerage services. This would be a very wise move because, when the upturn comes in the economy, whether it is external or internal, this infrastructure will be there to encourage industry and to help our tourist industry.

It is now the normal time for adjournment. Is it proposed to adjourn?

I wonder could we, within a reasonable time, conclude the Second Stage? If so, it might be worth sitting on. If not, we will adjourn until 10.30 tomorrow.

I have just a few sentences to say.

We will facilitate Senator Ahern in any event, but it does not seem worthwhile continuing if there are more speakers on the far side.

Debate adjourned.
The Seanad adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 26th May, 1976.
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