Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 15 Jun 1978

Vol. 89 No. 9

Fisheries (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 1978: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main objectives of this Bill in amending the Fisheries Acts are:

(1) to substantially increase penalty levels for offences under the parts of the Fisheries Acts which deal specifically with sea-fishing and in particular for breaches of the exclusive fishery limits of the State by foreign sea-fishing vessels; and

(2) for confiscation of all gear and catch on conviction or indictment; confiscation, where appropriate, of unlawful gear and catch and lawful gear unlawfully used on summary conviction, and for possible confiscation of the actual vessel in the case of a second indictable offence.

Consequential amendments have been made in the provision for trial of a defendant and for detention pending trial or appeal and for release on lodgment of adequate security.

I have availed of this opportunity of the need for amending legislation to make provision in the Bill for the following: the detention of any suspect fishing vessels in port for up to 48 hours for examination prior to the institution of legal proceedings; the complete separation of the offences of illegal entry and illegal fishing; some textual amendment of section 35 of the Fisheries (Amendment) Act, 1962; the extension of my powers to restrict the use of certain types of gear in prescribed areas; the taking of powers to regulate sea-fishing operations in accordance with an international convention on conduct of fishery operations in the North Atlantic which was drawn up in London in 1967 and, finally, for the redefinition of the words "fish" and "net" in the Acts.

As Senators are probably aware, section 221 of the Fisheries (Consolidation) Act, 1959, which provides for forfeiture of fish and fishing gear in cases of unlawful entry of foreign sea-fishing boats within the exclusive fishery limits was recently declared to be unconstitutional in the High Court. The basis of this judgment was that forfeiture of fish and fishing gear in such cases constituted a penalty so great that the offence cannot be a minor offence within the meaning assigned under Article 38 of the Constitution. In effect, the severity of the punishment placed the matter beyond the competence of the District Court.

I have no doubt that Senators will agree that the present position whereby the only penalty which can be imposed for infringment of our exclusive fishery limits legislation by foreign vessels is a maximum fine of £100, is totally unsatisfactory. While notice of appeal has been served by the Attorney General against the High Court ruling, I am advised that no advantage is likely to be gained by pursuing the appeal. Even if the forfeiture provision had remained, the penalties were still inadequate in my view bearing in mind the importance of safeguarding fish stocks at present.

I am confident that the increase in fine levels for offences committed by foreign fishing boats, which range from £500 on summary conviction on a charge of illegal entry, £10,000 on conviction on indictment on a similar charge, and for a fine of up to £100,000 on conviction on indictment on a charge of illegal fishing, will, in addition to the various confiscation and forfeiture provisions, provide the necessary deterrent and protection against would-be offenders. These fines and forfeitures are set out in Tables I, II and III in the Bill.

Senators will observe that in some cases of summary conviction provision has been made for automatic forfeiture as a consequence of conviction of fish unlawfully caught, unlawful gear, of lawful gear unlawfully used. The Attorney General considers that such provisions are not in conflict with the High Court ruling because in this decision the "forfeiture" provision of section 221 of the Fisheries (Consolidation) Act, 1959, which contain no distinctions whatever on the basis of the lawfulness or otherwise of the catch or gear or the use of the gear, but provides for a simple forfeiture of all catch and gear found on a boat in respect of which a conviction had been obtained, were held to be unconstitutional. Fines for some other sea fishery offences which would affect local as well as foreign skippers have also been increased to a more realistic level.

One secondary but very important provision to which I should like to refer is that providing for detention for up to 48 hours of vessels suspected of having committed an offence. At present, a vessel may not be detained unless charges are being brought against the skipper. With the larger vessels now in use and the complex conservation regulations such as minimum mesh sizes, maximum bye-catches in operation, it is virtually impossible for a sea fisheries protection officer to confirm at sea that an offence has in fact been committed. The new provision will make enforcement of all sea fishery legislation easier.

I commend this short Bill to the House.

We in Fine Gael welcome this Bill. We are very pleased that, even at this stage, its initiation has now commenced. The problem of poaching by foreign trawlers has been and continues to be very serious. It has been quite clear for upwards of six months that the laws available to us to deal with this problem were very inadequate. It has been a matter of amazement to us on this side of the House that, because of the obvious deficiencies in our laws and the serious problems arising from those deficiencies, there was not an urgent, comprehensive and speedy move by the Government to rectify the position. The lack of urgency in regard to this matter, which is entirely within our own competence to deal with, is indicative of the generally less than satisfactory approach to our whole fisheries problem. It required the pressure of a Private Members' Bill introduced in the Dáil, by Deputy Deasy to provoke the Minister into rushing in here with this Bill. It is wrong that a matter such as this, which is entirely technical, should have to be initiated by a Private Members' Bill. As I say, it is indicative of the lack of urgency in the approach of the Minister and his colleagues to this problem that the matter comes before us in this way. The Minister has been aware of the problem since as long ago as 1 December. In the Dáil, at column 611 of the Official Report he said:

A Bill is nearly to hand and I will introduce it in the Dáil in January.

This is 15 June and we are now seeing this Bill for the first time. In the interval there has been six months' pillaging of our waters by foreign fishermen. They have been subjected to fines in the region of £100 or £200 and, as far as they are concerned, that is merely a licence fee to catch all the fish they want, bearing in mind that they can catch fish to the value of in excess of £100,000. That has been the position for the past six months. We have sat back and allowed this very valuable natural resource to be pillaged.

As the Minister said, the Bill was nearly to hand last December. We are now in June and Senators saw the Bill introduced in this hurried, hasty manner in its final form for the first time this morning. How serious was the Minister last December? How urgent or how serious did he regard this problem? On 13 April, at column 714 of the Official Report, he said:

I propose to introduce amending legislation urgently...

That was four months after the initial promise. At the same column he went on to say:

... we have the legislation in course of drafting at present. Again, I would hope to have it in about six weeks.

This is in relation to a Bill we were told was nearly to hand last December. Again, at column 715 he said:

We shall have two Fishery Bills inside six weeks.

I do not know where the hold-up was or what the reason for it was, but it seems to me there was not the necessary political will to take this Bill out of the administrative machine and get in here where it could be processed into legislation. This is indicative of the less than serious and less than urgent approach to the whole question of our fisheries, this vital national resource. However, I suppose better late than never, but it must be a matter for serious criticism and serious worry that this measure comes before us so belatedly and in such a hurried and unsatisfactory fashion. The debate will be less than satisfactory because of the short time the Bill has been in the hands of Senators. I concede that we got an indication last night, in draft form, of what would be in the Bill, but even that gave us very limited time in which to read it.

I am disappointed also that the Minister's speech, in his first visit to the Seanad as Minister for Fisheries—we had the pleasure of debating other matters with him—is so brief. He did not touch on some of the other matters touched on in the Bill which affect the general fisheries policy and our general attitude in that area. I can understand the Minister might be anxious in his opening speech to confine himself to the technical changes being proposed in some sections of the Bill, possibly in the hope that the debate might not widen into a general review of fishery policy and the tradition and stances—and I use the plural deliberately—of the Government in that area.

I am sure everybody here can recall the glory days of last year when nothing less than a 50-mile exclusive limit was demanded by the Fianna Fáil Party. "Not an inch less than 50 miles" was the cry. Anything less than that was to be an act of gross treachery. That stance has been abandoned. Our whole negotiating stance has been bad, unfortunately. The psychology of the negotiating table is important. It is very important that people with whom we have to negotiate should have respect for their counterparts around the negotiating table. It is very important that they should be satisfied that they will have to deal with people who know the techniques and tactics of negotiation, people who, if they move from the position, do so only by going into a superior position, or an alternative position with equal benefits. Any move by opponents at the negotiating table will be inhabited if they feel they are against somebody who knows his mind, who has a set plan, a set policy, and who is prepared to be tough in the negotiations.

Unfortunately, the various attitudes, statements and stances of the Minister and his colleagues have left him personally, and other colleagues who may be with him, and people at various other negotiating levels, in a difficult position in so far as the Irish case is concerned. The first indication of the Minister's weakness as a negotiator was when he made the Commission's case shortly after taking office, when he gave it as his view that the conservation measures taken by his predecessor would not stand up. It was not his business to say whether or not they would stand up. They were part of the whole negotiating stance. This naive throwing to the opponents a negotiating card was an indication to his opponents of the type of personality they would have to deal with.

I am certain that hard-nosed colleagues on the mainland of Europe were quite pleased to see somebody was coming to sit around the negotiating table whose approach could be reckoned to be naive from time to time, because the Minister gave public expression to that. Impressions were given because of the various stances and trimmings, the "50 miles and not an inch from it" and, of course, people in Europe are quite well aware of what the Opposition were looking for—this hard 50 miles. Yet when they meet the people who are looking for this tough 50 miles and find them with a soft centre, prepared to cave in, to trim, the whole psychology of the negotiating table is working adversely to our interest. It is no wonder that our fisheries policy and our fishing industry are in the mess they are in at the moment. The fishermen are unsettled. They do not know what their future is, and this vast and valuable resource is not being utilised in the best possible way for the benefit of this nation.

I must offer this indictment to the House of the Minister and the Government for the inept, naive and soft compromising way in which they conducted negotiations on behalf of the fishing industry. Their dilatory approach in bringing in this Bill is another indication of the less than serious concern for, or less than total appreciation of, the urgency with which this problem needed to be dealt with. Waiting for six months for an amending Bill to cure a loophole found by the courts is not good enough because, in that six months, valuable stocks of fish have been pillaged from our waters. It is a matter of disappointment, too, that in his speech, the Minister did not expand on some other matters which must arise from the nature of this amending legislation.

The Bill provides essentially for the imposition of penalties on people who have been detected fishing unlawfully. I would be interested to have the Minister's views on what measures he has in mind, not so much to catch people who are fishing unlawfully, but to prevent people from fishing unlawfully. Of course, the basis of any law is to try to prevent breaches of it first, rather than having as your primary aim the prosecution of those breaches. We would all like to see a situation where breaches of the law do not occur at all, and yet the Minister is silent on this. How will he prevent the commission of offences by foreign trawlers? How will he control fishing under whatever regime he may negotiate in the months to come?

There has been a suggestion that £30 million will be made available from Community funds for extra vessels, and possibly airplanes and equipment, to monitor the activities in our waters of trawlers from other countries. This figure has been talked about for a long time, but there is no sign of it yet. Nor have we got any hard, precise, detailed plans as to how this money will be spent. It is not as if there were no precedents for supervising foreign boats in our waters. Bearing in mind that the desirable No. 1 objective must be the prevention of unlawful fishing, we should look to the precedents available to us from two other countries in particular. In Canada, I understand—the Minister can correct me if I am wrong in this—fishing by non-national boats is controlled by Canada having a fishery officer on each boat who monitors the activities of the boats in question. This will ensure there will be no unlawful fishing. It will also ensure that, if anything improper is carried out, there will be evidence available at first hand from an officer of the State concerned in the event of a prosecution having to be taken.

It seems to me that this would be an altogether more satisfactory way of dealing with the problem. It would prevent the commission of fishery offences at the very scene of the potential unlawful act. One might say that there might be administrative or financial difficulties in getting and paying people to carry out this inspection, but they could be negotiated with the Community. I am sure they will be on the one word with us in that they want to see fishing carried out properly, quotas observed, and proper types of nets and equipment used. It will be in their interest as well as our national interest to see that offences are not committed. If £30 million is available for the provision of naval vessels, I have no doubt the much lesser sum necessary to employ fishery officers could be made available either from the trawler companies concerned or from Community funds.

In Norway, I understand, the coastguard service puts people on board from time to time with a system of careful monitoring. This is an alternative if one does not want to go to the extent of having a permanent officer of the State on every foreign trawler. I would suggest to the Minister and the House that the best method of preventing unlawful fishing is for us to insist that on very foreign trawler that fishes within the exclusive waters of the State there be carried a fishery officer from the State and that it be the duty of any vessel coming to fish in our waters to come to an Irish port to pick up this officer and to land him when the tour of fishing is finished. As I say, prevention should be our ambition rather than mere detection of offences. I would be interested to hear the Minister's views on that. Does he think prevention is the thing to aim for and, if he does, how does he think it could be achieved?

The Minister was silent on one matter mentioned in the Bill which I read with some interest and some puzzlement. Section 9 inserts a new section into the Principal Act whereby the Minister takes power by order to "prescribe and adopt such measures of conservation of fish stocks and rational exploitation of fisheries as the Minister thinks proper". It also provides that it is an offence if anybody contravenes or attempts to contravene such an order. I would be glad to know what is meant by this new section. Is this not the whole essence of what is being discussed in the context of the EEC? What is the point of assuming in this section what could be unilateral powers which might be unlawful under the Treaty Regulations on the Treaty itself? I would be glad to know what precisely this means.

One very important aspect of the fisheries industry is the processing of the catch. The amount of fish we import in a processed state costs in excess of £8 million. I would be glad to know if there have been any discussions between the Minister and his colleagues in the bargaining situation. In return for any concessions he might make in the future, apart from the ones already given away, would he insist on a quid pro quo that catches be landed for processing in our factories to give much-needed employment in the processing industry in that part of the country where it is most needed, in the west, the south-west and the north-west?

I understand the processing factory in Rossaveal has a capacity to absorb far more fish than is being landed there. It could be in the interests of our partners in the Community who will be fishing in waters contiguous to those ports and those processing plants to land their catch there. I am sure they would prefer to be allowed to fish and land their catch there, rather than being prevented from fishing at all, or being compelled to take smaller quotas. These are all matters for negotiation, and I would be glad if the Minister would deal with these points when he is replying to the debate.

It is very important for the future of Castletownbere, Rossaveal and Killybegs that these ports should be expanded, as they are capable of being expanded, and that the processing industries especially should be utilised to their full capacity and, hopefully, under a new regime, that they could be expanded to employ more people. There would be the double benefit of employment in these areas where employment is so necessary. There would also be a substantial saving on our balance of payments position if we could reverse the position where we were importing half a million pounds worth of fish. Having regard to the general economic situation, anything that may ease our balance of payments next year and more particularly the following year is something which the Government should grasp with eagerness.

One matter which may, potentially, cause difficulty in the courts is the question of evidence to support a charge when the defendant, with the consent of the Attorney General and the court, opts for trial summarily. The forfeiture provisions in such a case apply only to fish unlawfully caught and gear used unlawfully in the commission of that offence. How on earth, in the absence of a fishery officer on the boat, will it be possible to prove, as between the thousands and thousands of fish in the holds of the trawlers, which fish were unlawfully caught? How will it be possible to prove which gear was used for the catching of the unlawfully caught fish and which gear was properly used? I am sure this is a point which has occured to the Minister and he will be able to give a satisfactory answer to it.

In conclusion, the Bill is welcome even at this stage. We hope it will achieve the objective for which it is intended, to deter foreign trawlers from fishing in our waters. It is important that the reducing stock would not be reduced further, particularly by unlawful activities, and that it would be preserved for the benefit of this country and for the benefit of the Community generally. It is a matter of regret that the whole fishery policy of the Government is so uncertain, so clouded in ambiguity, so indecisive. This weakens our position around the negotiating table. We cannot be taken seriously and it is quite clear that we have not been taken seriously. Nevertheless, at this stage, perhaps the adverse effect of that can be undone to some extent if a firm line is taken by the Minister from now on and he is prepared to indicate that his prime interest is to ensure that there will be a viable, vibrant fishing industry around the entire coast of this country. The Minister should be prepared to insist that the valuable stocks which are in danger, and some species in grave danger, be preserved but that during the conservation period the first claim on those stocks must belong to the nation within whose waters they are to be found. The Minister owes that to this country and particularly to our fishermen who feel they have been seriously betrayed by the Minister up to now. It is important to restore confidence in the industry. The first step in doing that is for the Minister, in his negotiations, to bring home a package that will ensure a viable industry with potential to grow.

I welcome this Bill. The whole fishing industry will realise that this is an important and useful Bill which will serve the industry well. It is not my job to answer Senator Cooney but I cannot refrain from saying that the Senator might be inclined to take political advantage from the introduction of the Bill but fishermen will recognise that the present Minister for Fisheries did not create all the problems facing the industry. In fact, the present Minister inherited most of them. This is not a simple problem. It is a problem that has been created with our entry into the Common Market. It is affected by the various negotiations at different levels and by the whole trading life of the Common Market. The fishing industry is part of it and it could not proceed in isolation. I do not accept that there was any definite pattern set by the previous Government.

I congratulate the Minister on introducing the Bill. Regardless of whether or not it was introduced in haste, the Bill provides the deterrent that the fishermen were hoping for. It updates the law so that it is now very unattractive for foreign boats to come into our waters to fish unlawfully.

I have reservations about the difficulty of implementing the law. All of us realise that that will not be an easy task. Anybody who knows our coastline will be aware that we are open to those who want to fish our waters unlawfully and a major effort will have to be made to implement the law here if it is to be impressed on foreign fishermen that we are serious about protecting our fishing industry.

I agree with Senator Cooney that prevention is better than a deterrent. The best prevention that we can provide is the ability of our own fishermen to compete with foreigners fishing in our waters. We are in the process of building up our fishermen and helping them to compete. That is the deterrent we can provide against foreigners coming in here. I hope this method of helping our small fishermen around the coast will improve steadily and that a greater effort will be made to understand how difficult it is for a man who may have a tradition of fishing on, say, a small half-decker and now finds that he is competing with bigger boats.

A fishing seminar was held in my own county, Donegal, not too long ago. The Minister for Fisheries and the Commissioner, Mr. Gundelach, attended. Mr. Gundelach made a short speech to the fishermen. He indicated that the fishermen should understand that this is a very broad industry and that there are three aspects to it, the catching of fish, the processing of fish and the selling of fish. He said that the Irish fishermen should not be too selfish, that they should not look on the catching of fish as the only important aspect of the industry. They should take into consideration the moneys that could be and would be provided from the Common Market for the processing and marketing of fish because all the fish caught off our shores could not be eaten here. That was a reasonable case for the Common Market Commissioner to put forward but it failed to understand the tradition and the life of the Irish fishermen in that the wealth of the coastline of Ireland does not stop at the shelf of land that meets the sea. The fishermen who live along our coast find it difficult to earn a living and to compete with the rest of the world. Mr. Gundelach, coming from an industrialised country, would find it difficult to understand that the fishermen were not unreasonable in looking for a 50-mile limit because if one takes 50 miles inland from some of our coasts, our inner shore, it would be difficult for fishermen——

This Bill deals mainly with the provision of penalties and the conservation of stocks and discussion on the limit and so on does not arise.

I respect your wishes and I will stay away from the 50-mile limit as much as I can. I want to refer to the overall situation in regard to the conservation of fish, the help we can give our fishermen and how difficult it is for our fishermen to survive. Any legislation that is introduced here that helps the fishing industry and the fishermen is certainly very welcome.

Despite the many claims being put forward by those in the Common Market we should never make this a political issue here. We should make it a national issue. Our fish means the same to us as the North Sea oil means to the Scots. That is the message that should go out to every foreigner who attempts to take fish out of Irish waters. Regardless of whatever trading arrangements we have with the Common Market, this is an important issue because the livelihood of the fishermen is at stake. I only hope the Minister will see that the law will be enforced against those engaged in unlawful net fishing, whether in estuaries, out at sea, in rivers or wherever they fish. I hope this Bill is the forerunner of a completely new fishing policy and that the fishermen will accept this as a start to conserving the stock of fish upon which their livelihood depends. It is a start. It might not be a perfect Bill but it is very welcome and it will serve to extend and help an industry which is very important to all of us.

I thank the Minister for giving us an opportunity of introducing this Bill in the Seanad. I welcome the Bill which is naturally protective in its nature because we are in a very vulnerable position with regard to the fish around our coast. The fishing industry here is so important that the provision of protections of all descriptions is of paramount importance. In view of the events that have taken place since the fishing policies were announced by the EEC when we had to weaken on the question of the 50-mile limit, it is necessary that measures be taken to plug the most vulnerable gaps. I welcome the Bill because it gives protection in areas where we are being exploited with very serious effects on the livelihood of our fishermen and our fishing industry in general.

However, it is all very well to tighten up the law applied to areas where one is vulnerable and to introduce protective measures such as increasing fines, forfeiture of boats, detention of boats and persons and so on, but this is a poor substitute for doing what is really necessary to protect the fishing industry because one is dealing with one aspect of the problem in isolation. We should be trying to make the fishing industry an integral part of the national economic plan that we have been talking about.

Business suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.

Before the adjournment I was saying I appreciated the need for protective measures and the fact that some endeavour is being made in this direction to protect our fishing fleet. I went on to point out that to deal with it in isolation was not sufficient because I did not think we were dealing with the question of developing the true potential of the sea as an integral part of our national plan. I felt that running alongside these protective measures which will give some security to our fishermen, we should have incentives to help the industry to grow and develop.

Would we not be better engaged if running alongside the protective and the punitive measures such as those introduced we were to engage fully in the total development of the industry where a much higher percentage of catches can be harvested, as they are in other countries which are not much bigger than ourselves? We could aim to have the Naval Service reorganised much more for effective fishery protection. It is not just a question of the fishing industry alone. The Naval Service could in a combined operation also engage in lifesaving co-ordination, anti-pollution work and so on.

Because we got the Bill so late, it was difficult for me to find any figures, but around 1970-71 there were some figures produced and it appears that at that time there was a general feeling that after decades of neglect the Irish sea fishing industry experienced a revival. There were increases in the number of vessels in the fleet, there were higher catches and there was a tendency to develop the co-operative spirit. But unfortunately the EEC fishery policy in the meantime has disrupted the growth trends in our fishing industry. The result is that the quantities of fish captured by our fishermen around coasts have been affected. It appears that we take only about 10 to 15 per cent of the fish caught within easy reach of our shores. Irrespective of the EEC laws we should press ahead with the setting of our own sights on 16 to 17 per cent catches by Irish trawlers. When we talk about protection we are talking about jobs, because the two are ultimately linked. We must also talk about an increase in jobs. Such activity running alongside the protective measures and policing will increase the number of jobs. It will also produce sufficient scope for good wages and conditions that will compare well with jobs elsewhere in industry.

I am afraid that the provisions in the Bill on their own will not extend the industry's potential along our 2,000 miles of coastline which is a valuable front door to the North Atlantic. The potential here is substantial and we should have a well thought-out and fought-out policy making our fisheries an integral part of national industrial development, the national economic plan. I believe, without having any statistical proof, that in that way we might add in excess of £100 million to our economy. The other real benefit from it would be that we could produce jobs in parts of Ireland where we lack other sources of employment.

The Bill is good but I must reiterate that coming in isolation I do not think it will satisfy the fishermen in general, that it will do the job that is needed to help the fishing industry to develop and grow. I said earlier on that it was hard for me to get figures today because of the short time at my disposal. I have a few figures for 1965-66 and 1966-67 from a few countries. I have Irish, British and French statistics. In 1965-66 our catches were 26,000 tons and in 1966-67 they were 178,785 tons. They were 142,000 tons for the French and in 1966-67 they were 157,694 tons. I know there is a vast difference in the population of these countries but our growth rate was rather low, particularly having regard to the fertile fields we had to fish in. Possibly the cause is that in the previous century we did not have control of our own affairs.

That is behind us now. We did something in 1970-71, around that period. As I mentioned earlier, the Irish sea fisheries had something going for them but the impetus was not maintained. The entire industry must be looked at again in view of the effects of the EEC policy on it. We now have an opportunity not only to protect our fishermen from the invasions of foreign trawlers by the measures in the Bill, but to get cracking with good supporting structures for the industry in general— boatyards, equipment and substantial extension of credit for the purchase of boats. The industry needs such development and encouragement. I would like to see development of the co-operative concept and fish processing and selling by modern marketing methods. This has not been done as effectively in the fishing area as in other fields of industry.

Naturally, protection is needed, more so because of EEC policies which have brought our fleets and fishermen not only into conflict but into crisis as well, in the sense that if we do not get hold of the situation now and start working on the twin objectives of developing the industry by making it an integral part of the overall economic plan and at the same time policing it through protective measures, then the threat to our traditional fishing grounds will grow. We are inadequate in the sort of structures needed in the fishing areas to meet the changing times due to the EEC and so forth, and the Government should take a greater stake in the industry. I am not debating the old nationalisation game again.

I welcome the Bill. I believe its provisions are needed to give our fishermen, the fishing fleet and the industry, the greatest protection. But, as I have said, protection is not enough. You cannot defend and expect to win. You have to have your objectives and if you take protective measures in isolation and do not have something running alongside them, structures to assist the industry to grow and develop, then I do not think the measures will have the effects they should have. It is a twin job and the measures introduced today are merely doing one side of the job. I would hope to hear more from the Minister on the other side of the job.

I should like to welcome the Bill which is a necessary, appropriate and timely measure. I particularly welcome the fact that it is being introduced in the Seanad. On a number of occasions we have sought and considered that Bills should come through the Seanad first if it were feasible or possible, and I am delighted to see that at last we have a Bill being introduced here and discussed here initially. This is a very good thing which we should welcome, as I am sure we do on both sides of the House. It is perhaps particularly appropriate in welcoming the Minister here in his capacity as Minister for Fisheries to say he was with us in the Seanad as Leader of the Opposition. It is very nice that the first Bill to be introduced to the new Seanad should be introduced by the former Leader of the Opposition here.

This is a down-to-earth, practical and necessary Bill and it brings in needed realistic penalties. Let us face it, the previous penalties were totally inadequate and inappropriate in modern circumstances, whatever about their legal and other implications. Indeed even as to these penalties there are some of us who might think they could be increased further in the future. At least we see under section 2 that we have a fine not exceeding £100,000, and that is a fine which bears at least some relation to the value the sort of catch which is being taken, let us face it, from our offshore waters.

Then there is the seemingly almost innocuous section which provides for the boat being seized. A boat perhaps conjures up visions of some little 20-foot smack of no great value whereas of course many of these boats which are coming into our waters are extremely valuable and therefore we are talking perhaps in terms of not even tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of pounds but of figures running over the million. This is an extremely severe and I would say necessary penalty because our fisheries are resources which for far too long we have neglected. We have not perhaps fully appreciated them, we have taken them for granted or perhaps not considered them at all.

Senator Harte referred to the percentage of fish caught in Irish waters, or waters in the region of this country and noted how low this percentage is. This is a totally unsatisfactory position.

The other very practical provision here is of course the one of detention. It is utterly ridiculous that our fishery protection vessels should be tied up for days at a time in order successfully to bring about a prosecution or assist in the bringing about of a prosecution. It is very appropriate and necessary that this detention measure be introduced.

Senator Cooney had some practical comments and suggestions regarding surveillance. This is another matter in which we have been greatly lacking. It is no use declaring fishing limits to be such and such, or bringing in these penalties, if foreign trawlers are able to ignore them. We have got to have the necessary fishery protection services. I am delighted to see that practical measures are now being taken to increase our fishery protection service. This is first of all a necessary service to enforce the sort of Bill we are discussing today and indeed to support our fishing industry generally. We seem to forget that this is basically a maritime country. Fishery protection vessels should be built here and manned here and contribute to the general welfare of our people. I am delighted to see this. Maritime affairs generally have been neglected for too long and we now have a new sense of purpose, a new sense of emphasis and a new realisation of the importance of our resources and perhaps all the controversy during the last two or three years would have served a particularly useful purpose if the realisation had been brought home to us that we are one of the maritime nations of the world with great resources potentially available to us.

I would strongly suggest that for surveillance the use of aircraft should also be increased. They are obviously insufficient in themselves but in the enormous waters—we are talking about our 2,000 miles coastline—in such an enormous area, aircraft not only play a useful part but a vital part, and I hope that further acquisitions will be made and that the aircraft will be suitably and appropriately equipped for photo reconnaissance purposes, and if there is any legal question here about the admissibility of such evidence, I hope it will be borne in mind and if necessary further legislation introduced. This is a very effective way of catching trawlers within waters in which they should not be.

A third aspect which comes up is the development of a coastguard service. That has many obvious implications. It has great value in itself, but purely from the point of view of fishery protection, an organised coastguard service who would report the presence of vessels could well play a useful and practical part. If there were designated people they could immediately report the presence of foreign fishing vessels and it could be quickly ascertained whether they were authorised vessels.

This Bill basically is a protection measure, a protection to our fishing industry and it really is an important industry. Senator Harte quoted some figures from the sixties, and there are further figures which he would have quoted if they had been readily available to him. Perhaps I will be permitted to quote them. The numbers engaged in fishing here have, for example, increased since the 1965-66 period from 5,000 odd to more than 7,000, small in total numbers but very vital to our economy. I do not think any of us who are land-based realise the dangerous task which fishing involves, the hard work which it involves, and perhaps most of all the skill which is involved. It is an industry in which the people concerned are absolutely vital over and above the vessels, important though they may be. In terms of shore-based people involved in the fishing industry, there has been an approximate doubling since the period mentioned. Indeed, it has almost trebled since the period mentioned by Senator Harte. I would totally agree with him when he says it is an absolutely inadequate percentage on total numbers.

We sometimes also fail to realise the contribution of fishing to GNP—it has gone up from £5 million to more than £30 million. However, we are not today discussing these matters in detail but I refer to them as an indication of the importance of this measure, its practical importance to an industry which has been neglected grossly. It is now getting some of the attention it deserves. I hope and believe it will get a great deal more. In the future it is likely to contribute greatly to our economy, and the people concerned deserve all the support we can give them.

There has been some reference to the EEC implications. One is not going into matters which are not directly germane to this Bill, but there is a passage in it, section 9, referring to conservation of fish stocks and rational exploitation of fisheries. We are talking here about the 12-mile limit and there is no special controversy within the EEC regarding the 12-mile limit at the moment. There are a lot of complications. There is some degree of agreement that there should be support from the EEC in this respect, but there is anther aspect looming up in relation to the EEC in regard to foreign trawlers.

One of the major culprits in relation to fishing offences, poaching, is the Spanish fishing fleet. We perhaps do not realise, though I am sure the Minister realises and our negotiators will realise when the question of Spain's admission to the EEC comes up, that they employ more than 100,000 people in fishing. The largest number of people in western Europe employed in fishing in any single country, are Spaniards, and this Bill is important in preventing any would-be attempt by Spanish interests to build up quotas in relation to fishing.

We should, and I am sure the Minister will, watch this when Spain's application comes up. In the meantime, this Bill is necessary to help to ensure that the Spaniards cannot claim quotas which would be inappropriate, and I hope other steps in that direction will be taken, and I am sure they will.

I was slightly surprised by the contribution of Senator Cooney. I agree with and appreciate the practical measures he was suggesting but I must say as regards fishing policy generally that if we are to talk about who had been doing what in the last while I think we are glad to see a Minister of the competence and negotiating ability and the seniority of Deputy Lenihan in charge of this important aspect of our national resources.

I will concentrate briefly on one aspect of this matter. It seems to be a particularly glaring and damaging example of delay and unpreparedness in relation to a matter that the Minister should have been prepared for. The Minister has known since 22 September of last year, at least since the district justice in Cork ordered the confiscation of gear belonging to a Bulgarian trawler, that the legal instruments to protect our fisheries were questionable. It is perfectly fair to say that having regard to the course of decisions of the courts in relation to other statutes the Minister should have been aware before the defendant indicated he was going to question the powers of the District Court and the district justice that there was a danger that these powers were defective. The High Court found what he could well have anticipated they would find in February last, and here we are on 15 June dealing with legislation which, with no compliment to the Seanad, has been pushed into this House as through a back door to the Oireachtas with our co-operation, because of our desire to facilitate the creation of proper legal machinery——

My purpose is to do honour to the Seanad.

——to prevent the spoliation of this country's wealth. The Minister sat idly by watching for many months. It is inadequate to say that there are big constitutional questions of international law. The Minister is a corporation sole and he has been the Minister for nearly 12 months occupying that office. He should not be taken by surprise with regard to any aspects of constitutional law or international law affecting fisheries. No private businessman would tolerate this. It is a dereliction of duty to sit there from February last until June——

It was in April that the ruling came to hand.

February until June. In June we are dealing with the offered piece of legislation with regard to this matter. During that period what belongs to the Irish people was being illegally taken away from them. I emphasise that point because of its general importance in relation to the conduct of Government. The Minister is being casual in relation to seeing that he is properly equipped with the best professional advice. He should have been ready for this. He should not expect everything to go all right. The national plan we have talked about is expecting everything to go all right. It should be ready for things going wrong. This is an example of something that can go wrong. There should have been a Bill ready to deal with the situation in anticipation of the High Court finding that the defendant was right.

The Minister said he expected it on 1 December last.

I did not wish to get into debates relative to what the Minister said in other places. I believe that he did say that in December, but the High Court finding was not made until February. I am grateful to the Senator for his assistance on that point.

This is the last Bill I will bring in here.

The Minister should have been ready for this in September last and not in December. I think he was ready for it, but why was there a delay? If the Minister's Department were insufficiently equipped with lawyers, when is he going to repair that? If other Departments are insufficiently equipped with the necessary expertise in constitutional and international law or any other professionalism, when are they going to get it? In the words of the poem, the Minister "slept, methinks, and waked and slowly found himself stripped in sleep"; stripped of his powers to protect what it is his duty to protect, fish belonging to the Irish people.

Cut out the comic opera.

Listening to Senator FitzGerald, one would imagine that the illegal entry of foreign trawlers began only a few months ago. I welcome this Bill and the provisions in it. I sincerely trust that once it is passed it will not become a piece of worthless paper. We must act and we must be seen to act on this measure. Above all, we must issue a clear warning to foreign trawlers, no matter where they come from, that we at last in this country will not tolerate in any way the plunder and the ravaging of our seas.

As I have said, one would imagine from listening to Senator FitzGerald that all this began only a few months ago. The fishing industry is too important for this country to be made a political football. The plight of the fishermen has never been recognised properly by any Government in this State. The time has come when action must be taken. Fishermen are an unusual breed of people. Not alone have they fished all their lives; most of their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers fished. They had nothing but fishing. If their industry grinds to a halt many of them are not in a position to turn their hands to anything else. They are traditionalists. I know what I am talking about because one branch of my family for generations were attached to the sea and fishing.

It is not enough to have substantial fines. One must detect the offenders. One must have the equipment to detect them. Our fishery protection vessels must be such that at very short notice they can be placed to apprehend these offenders. I remember a few years ago being informed that the Russians were fishing off Tory Island. I rang the Department concerned and they informed me that the fishery protection vessel was in Cork and that it would be sent right away. So, the fishery protection vessel began its merry way from Cork to Donegal but, needless to say, the Russians were long gone when the vessel reached Donegal. I remember making representations about the placement of protection vessels on the north-west coast and was given very strong and valid reasons why they should be maintained in Cork alone. I do not know what the position is today, but there is no point in having elaborate protection vessels, spotter planes and so on, unless they are properly placed around our coast and unless all sections of our coast get this protection. It is essential that somewhere off the north-west coast there be a placement of protection vessels and spotter planes if we are going to do our business properly.

The Donegal fishermen for years have watched their herring being plundered by foreign trawlers. Now the EEC are suggesting that the fishing of herring must be stopped off the north-west coast next year. The Minister must persuade the EEC that this is not on. Fishermen are reasonable people. They realise more than anyone else that it is in their interest that fish should be preserved. But it is very difficult to persuade them as to what they should do when for years they have watched their fish being stolen from them practically under their eyes. It will be very serious if there is a closure on the herring fleet off the north-west coast. I urge the Minister to tell the EEC and Mr. Gundelach that it is just not on.

Even at this late stage we can do something concrete. If we simply pass this legislation, put it into a file and practically forget all about it, then we are wasting our time. We must provide the proper fishery protection vessels and spotter planes and we must place them properly and take the necessary action. It has been a tremendous disappointment for all of us that the 50-mile limit was not able to be effected. If we can at least compensate the fishermen by ensuring that from the moment this legislation is passed the plundering of our seas will cease we will be making a useful contribution to the fishing industry.

We all welcome this legislation and we also appreciate the Seanad being given the opportunity of discussing the Bill in the first instance. It is regettable, however, that it has been introduced in this House in more or less the backwash of a week's sitting when there is little opportunity for other than an extemporaneous and ad hoc discussion on the matter because we have not been given much opportunity to prepare anything on it.

The need for this legislation is obvious. The delay since the High Court decision made this necessity obvious is regrettable. This Bill is coming before us as a result of the pressure in the other House with the Private Members' Bill being introduced there. It is not worth going into whether the provisions for fines in that Private Members' Bill are better than what is in this Bill from the viewpoint of protection and conservation of our fishing stocks. Suffice it to say, as the Minister expressed in his opening statement, that the fines envisaged in this Bill hopefully will be a deterrent against poaching by foreign trawlers in the future.

Whether the level of those fines will be sufficient to act as a deterrent remains to be seen. If not we must consider the need for adequate protection measures being there at all times for our fishing fleets. This raises the question of surveillance, be it air or naval surveillance. We have to ask if we are presently adequately equipped in this regard. I have doubts as to that. That we are inadequately equipped arises from what appears to be the most overriding factor in this whole question, namely the defensive attitude which this country seemed to adopt over the years in regard to the fishing industry. We seemed to be more and more concerned about protection and keeping foreign trawlers away, instead of going out in an aggressive, business-like fashion and pursuing this industry as other categories of industry are being pursued at present. This defensive attitude has not been helped by what appears to be a public feeling that all the agitation over the past couple of years, both by the fishermen and by political parties before the EEC Commission, is not worth the candle when we weigh it against what we are getting from the EEC Common Agricultural Policy Fund, and that it might be unwise of us to rock the boat in any way whereby that CAP would be harmed as a result of any unilateral action we might take.

The fishing industry for Ireland must represent a tremendous potential. Most other island countries who see an island of our size surrounded by very adequate fishing stocks would find it difficult to understand why we have been so remiss and so backward in pursuing this fishing industry as they themselves would have pursued it, given the same environment as we are fortunate to possess. There is a question here of public education in regard to the great potential that exists in our fishing industry. We must get away from the defensive attitude which has dominated our thoughts in regard to fishing. We must go out and seek that market much more aggressively than we have done in the past. This means that we must have an overall policy in regard to the fishing industry.

Confidence is needed by the fishermen to know where they are going exactly and what they can achieve at the end of their day in regard to their catch. We need larger fishing ships than we possess at present. I wonder if the Government have envisaged giving more adequate financial assistance to attain this end. For far too long we have been engaged in a fishing exercise solely through the use of very small fishing vessels. Some recent statistics disclosed that we have only a couple of large fishing vessels which could be in any way regarded as being on a par with what most other countries, such as Holland and Spain, possess. This is inadequate for an island such as this with great potential in fishing stocks around our lengthy coasts.

If our economy is an open one then at the sufferance of all foreign winds which blow, certainly our fishing industry is even more open and we must protect it as much as possible. One welcome provision in this Bill is the power of detention of vessels for 48 hours. This can act as a good deterrent and might be more effective as a deterrent than the nature of the fines levelled in the three-tier fines system now envisaged by the Minister.

This fishing industry needs an overall policy, an air of confidence in the market. The fishing industry, the Government and the public generally must get away from the defensive attitude which has existed for far too long in regard to merely protecting our existing fishing stocks. We should strive to provide the means to attack this market because the potential is certainly there for the betterment of our economy.

Very constructive speeches were made on this matter both in this House and in the Dáil. I am glad to conclude this debate after the contribution by Senator Markey. I agree with him that as far as the future of the fishing industry is concerned one must adopt a positive attitude, that protection of itself is only part of the story and development is the other part, and that protection and development must go hand in glove. For that reason in the course of the negotiations which I have been having over the past 12 months with the Commission and with our EEC partners, I have emphasised the fact that Ireland's developing fishing industry requires an injection of investment and capital. Part of the arrangements now being suggested by the Commission are a 50 per cent grant towards Irish fishing boats within the limit of boats now getting financial assistance under the marine credit plan of Bord Iascaigh Mhara. They are also proposing similar grants towards fish farming, and I intend to fight for an instalment next week on the £30 million which the Commission have also agreed should be allocated towards our fishery protection fleet. The important decision that has been secured from the Commission and from our Community partners over the next 12 months, which will be enshrined in whatever EEC fisheries policy eventually emerges, is that we are entitled to a preferential position by reason of the under-developed state of our fishing industry. That principle has been acknowledged and incorporated in the quotas which have been given on an interim basis for this year and which give a distinct preferential advantage to Irish fishermen fishing in the waters off our coast. The enshrining of that principle is a very big step forward in the future planning of the industry. We have achieved that. There is acceptance of that principle. How to implement it in its most effective way is the challenge facing us in the immediate future.

As part development towards working out a common Community fisheries policy we will have before us next week at the Council of Ministers' meeting in Luxembourg, the first fishing plan ever prepared within a Community framework. This was prepared by the Commission following discussions between the Irish and the Dutch Governments. This fishing plan relates to the herring stock fishing off the west coast of Ireland from Belmullet to Clare in which we, this year, have an allocation of 10,000 tons and the Dutch have an allocation of 4,000 tons. We have secured agreement between ourselves and the Dutch on excluding boats in excess of 84 feet registered length. The Commission will be recommending this agreement to the Council of Ministers. We have secured a box running from Belmullet to County Clare, roughly 20 miles from base line, where, effectively, practically all of the Irish fleet will be included with the exception of three boats, and the whole of the Dutch fleet will be excluded. So, on the basis of a conservation measure, carefully worked out and, hopefully, properly policed and monitored, assuming agreement is reached next week, we will from 1 July be operating the first comprehensive fishing plan in Community waters.

That is being done by a Government who have got down to the business of trying to work out a practical arrangement. The unilateral nonsense on which the previous Government had embarked before the election, purely for election optics, was proved entirely nugatory and ineffective within a matter of days of this Government being elected when the European Court ruled that that unilateral nonsense had to stop. We are in a Community and have to work out arrangements in a patient and detailed way with our Community partners. We have enough intelligence, if we apply ourselves to that problem, to work out arrangements that can be fruitful. The first such arrangement will, hopefully, be in operation from 1 July, involving, I agree, only one species of fish, and one country. It was, therefore, comparatively easy to get it off the ground, but negotiations will be more difficult with regard to other countries, particularly in the white fish area where a number of species of fish are involved.

The plan operating from 1 July will be fully monitored in that we will know the number of Dutch fishing boats coming in, the registration number of each such boat, the skipper, tonnage and so on. The entitlement will enable 15 boats to come in and fish for five days with the overall limitation of 45 boats involved in the operation for specific periods, tonnage of fish caught and so on. Therefore, there can be very close monitoring of the situation. There will be more details available for publication if we get agreement on the matter next week.

That is the sort of practical work on which the Community—admittedly in a very slow way—are now engaged with a view to working out interim arrangements which, if successful, can eventually be incorporated in some final Community policy. The British, pending their general election, are holding up matters at present, but in the meantime we can take practical steps forward and gain advantages for Ireland on an interim basis. One thing which would be absolutely futile and very damaging to the conservation of fish stocks would be a free-forall. There must be some arrangement. To allow the situation to drift without having some arrangement or some management would be very foolish from our point of view, because our whole emphasis must be on the conservation of fish stocks by reason of our advantageous position adjacent to fishing grounds in the north Atlantic. Our main priority and thrust in regard to our own self-interest as a nation must be in the area of conserving stocks. There is not much point in talking about a fishing policy if there are no fish. It is as elementary as that.

What I have been saying is not related to the Bill itself but comment on the matter, naturally, occupied a considerable amount of time among Senators who went off the Bill and referred to the question of the negotiations and so on. I have referred to only one aspect of the negotiations with regard to fishing plans; there are a number of other aspects to which I could refer.

There is a motion on the Order Paper which perhaps will allow another and fuller debate on all aspects of the fishing industry. This measure before the House is related to one practical problem which is to bring the level of penalty for illegal fishing by foreign trawlers—and in some cases by our own fishermen—up to realistic levels. The matter has been made much more imperative by reason of a recent High Court ruling which was not available until early April. I do not want to go into the pros and cons of that, but it would have been very foolish for me or the Attorney General to have embarked on the preparation of a Bill without having in precise terms exactly what the High Court judge decided. This Bill and this area of legislation abound in constitutional and international law mine-fields, if I may use the phrase. That is quite obvious from the whole history of sea offences, not just in Ireland but throughout the world.

By reason of our involvement within the EEC, our involvement in Community waters up to 200 miles off our coast, the involvement of both eastern European and other third countries in certain fishing rights within Community waters, and by reason of our own Constitution, this whole area and the prosecution of offences in this area is fraught with highly sophisticated difficult and technical matters. I assure the House that that was the only reason behind the delay here. I acted at all stages, in the course of the consideration of this measure, with the full advice of the Attorney General who with his staff had to pay tremendous attention to the area I have just mentioned. We are not just dealing with our legal system and our own Constitution, but with the European court and the whole international law system in relation to third countries. Any measure of this kind introducing very substantial penalties against our Community partners, our fishermen and third country fishermen had to be looked at in very considerable detail prior to its introduction. We hope that the Bill will stand up, but I assure the House that the reason for the delay in bringing in this Bill was the imperative necessity to bring in a Bill that not only would pass both Houses of the Oireachtas, but would stand up in our courts, in European courts, or in international courts.

We have had enough experience of how wrong and how futile our national actions can be in this respect. For instance the unilateral measure brought in by the last Coalition Government before the last election did not stand up at all in the European Court, and had no chance from the word go of standing up in the European Court. Within three or four days of becoming Minister for Fisheries I had to go to a meeting of the Council of Ministers of the European Economic Community to find Ireland a laughing stock because of the totally futile unilateral act to which there was not a shred of legal entitlement, and that had absolutely no chance of standing up before the European Court. Our legal measures, especially when they deal with our European relationships, must be such that they will stand up in the courts not alone here but in the courts of the world. That is the reason for the delay, and Deputy Deasy was gracious enough in the Dáil when introducing his Private Members' Bill to acknowledge that he knew that his Bill did not have the back-up as it were of the advice of the Attorney General's office, the draftsmen's office, the whole back-up of legal advice that is necessary in a very difficult and sophisticated area of prosecutions such as are envisaged under this Bill.

In introducing this measure I referred to the various offences, penalties and improvements in the Bill. Broadly speaking, the Bill can be comprehended by looking at the three tables in section 2 which show that the Government are seeking to approach this matter in a three-tiered way—summary conviction with fines of up to £500 and forfeiture in the case of unlawfully caught fish or unlawful gear. Senator Cooney raised a point about unlawfully caught fish. They are under-sized fish or certain species of fish which may not be caught in a particular area. There is a further tier of offence on indictment, with fines of £10,000 and forfeiture of any gear. That is for illegal entry into the exclusive fishery zones of the State. It also applies to illegal fishing methods which can affect our fishermen as well as foreign fishermen.

The important deterrent is in Table III which relates to illegal fishing by foreign fishing vessels within our exclusive limits. That carries a fine of £100,000 and forfeiture of all gear. There are obviously a whole range of offences in this area. There can be a situation where a boat is illegally within our waters but is not fishing illegally. That, obviously, would not be as serious an offence as where a boat is actually caught in the act of illegally fishing. A range of offences are written into the Bill so as to give a number of options to the State in prosecuting an offender depending on the degree of malfeasance involved.

Apart from the range of offences and penalties, the provision of the 48 hours' detention of the boat, so as to enable fishery officers or the Garda authorities to fully examine the boat, the nets, the fish and generally inquire into the matter while the boat is at port, is a very practical and necessary innovation. Various Senators including Senator Cooney referred to the importance of this aspect in actually carrying out the prosecution. This will facilitate prosecutions enormously. Another important aspect is the deterrent aspect of the confiscation of a vessel on the second or subsequent indictable offence.

There are other matters which we can consider on Committee and Report Stages. Senator Cooney and others placed emphasis on the importance of prevention rather than detection. Prevention is very important, and the range of offences and serious penalties envisaged here will act as a substantial deterrent. The deterrent aspect that arises from the series of penalties envisaged here is the real prevention. By reason of the High Court decision the situation at the moment is derisory as far as the deterrent aspect is concerned; a £100 fine and no forfeiture is so obviously derisory that this Bill is essential.

Senator Cooney raised a query about section 9. That really replaces section 35 of the Sea Fisheries Act of 1962. What is involved is that it gives me power to introduce national conservation and management regulations within our 200 miles without international agreement. I was more confined in the introduction of such arrangements until now by reason of having to seek international agreement. That does not really obtain now because as far as the 200 miles is concerned, they are now all part of Community waters, and there is no need to be hamstrung with any international agreement with third countries or anything of that kind.

Senator Cooney and other Senators raised the question of the importance of fish processing, the importance of making arrangements to ensure that we expand fish processing where the employment opportunities exist, and the importance of making arrangements to ensure that we get the volume of landings, if necessary from foreign trawlers, for the development of processing activities. Discussions are going on in Castletownbere on that at present with a view to getting a strong Spanish interest involved. I hope to have some conclusion to the discussions very shortly.

I emphasise that I would only envisage such foreign landings provided they were linked to processing and nothing else. There is no question of allowing foreign landings to come on the Irish fresh fish market. We can consider such developments in the context of fish processing from landings from re-export. That is a matter for business arrangement between my Department, An Bord lascaigh Mhara, and the Industrial Development Authority in consultation with the various interests in the countries concerned. This matter does not really come within the scope of the negotiations for an EEC fisheries policy. Deputy Cooney was inclined to relate the two, which are really separate. One is commercial and the other is diplomatic.

Senator McGowan spoke about the deterrent aspect and the importance of building up our fishing fleet. I agree that if we have an efficient and expanding Irish fishing fleet within our waters, that it is the best deterrent of all as far as foreign fishing boats coming within our waters are concerned. In regard to foreign fishing boats, we do not now have the menace of the eastern European fleets coming within our 200-mile zones since the declaration of the 200-mile zone.

Our main problem is with the Spanish fleet. Reference was made here by Senator Conroy to the Spanish fishing fleet and its tremendous potential and the fact that they are at present fishing in Community waters without a full licensing system in operation as regards their position. There is also a nebulous situation that arises because of the London Agreement in 1963 which gives the Spaniards certain historic rights between six and 12 miles off our coasts. That whole situation vis-à-vis Spain is at the moment under practical and urgent discussion and there are negotiations between ourselves and the Spanish Government and between the Spanish Government and other member countries and between the Spanish Government and the Commission. The discussions all form part of Spain's application to become a member of the European Economic Community. I can assure the House that, apart from Ireland, the Commission is very concerned.

What we are seeking to do is to introduce a licencing system and through a licencing system to have dramatic reduction in the number of Spanish boats fishing in Community waters. We are also seeking to work out some fishing plan arrangement with the Spanish Government that will effectively exclude Spanish boats off our coast for a substantial distance and will also reduce the Spanish fishing effort within our waters up to 200 miles. That is the most important, pressing job at present because there is no doubt that up to now there has been a lack of co-ordination or organisation in regard to controlling the activities of the Spanish fleet within Community waters. That whole area is now being brought under control and the House can take it that the Community's attitude is that it must be brought under control before the Spanish entry into the European Economic Community.

Several Senators, including Senator Conroy, talked about the importance of aircraft in relation to surveillance, patrolling and subsequent apprehension. We have now made arrangements for the purchase of a second spotter plane which will be fitted with automatic photographic equipment so that automatic photograph reconnaissance can take place all the time—the trawler will be photographed and its distance off the coast will be electronically imprinted as well as the name and registration number of the trawler. That information will be available as supplementary evidence in court. The aircraft cannot arrest the boats. That has to be done by another boat but the aircraft can help in the detection sense and can also add supplementary evidence by way of photographs for court proceedings.

Senator McGlinchey mentioned the placement of protection vessels and spotter planes in the north-west. I agree that we need more protection and patrolling equipment in terms of vessels and planes. That is why I place considerable importance on the allocation of £30 million to us by the Community for this purpose. I hope next week to get the first instalment of this at the meeting of the Council of Ministers so as to ensure that we can proceed straight away towards the construction of another protection vessel. We have one under construction at the moment but we want another. The target for about 1981-1982 is to have five or six protection vessels along with a spotter plane fleet of about three spotter planes.

I have covered most of the points mentioned. Senator Harte and Senator Markey were very strong on development as well as protection. Protection is important, but it is negative; it is conserving and protecting. The development aspect is the more important aspect, but first things come first and we cannot have development unless we have the fish.

This Bill is being introduced to ensure that we can adopt a regime of fishery protection with the court and detection backup to ensure that we will deter people from coming in on fishing waters and so that we can then proceed with development on that sound basis. We can then participate with our Community partners and in international arrangements with third countries if necessary to ensure that our waters are developed for the good of the Irish fishermen and the country as a whole, and to ensure the development of processing facilities ashore, so as to give the required employment and to build up a real industry.

There is no question that if we finally get a deal under the European fisheries policy, the industry can then proceed to plan. At present it is very difficult in the hiatus situation that we are in, to have proper planning in the industry, whether at national level or within the industry itself, on the processing side or the catching side. Only when we have a final definitive policy under which we know where we stand as a nation for the years ahead in regard to our stake in the 200 miles off our coast, our stake in these Community waters, can we plan the investment required and secure the employment so necessary to build up a healthy industry. We can do it if we get this settlement and I am hopeful that it will be forthcoming after the British election.

I hope we will see the formulation of such an agreement early next year. However, it is a test of the political will of the Community because the matter has been dragging on for far too long and is only leading to uncertainty in the industry. Very little can be done in the way of planning until one knows definitively what the resources are, what the availability of the resources is to Irish fishermen and what sort of processing is necessary on shore to make use of that resource and to maximise the advantages to our fishermen and to the employees in the processing side. That is the approach as far as the future is concerned. I am certain that our basic advantage is our proximity to badly depleted fishing grounds that can be rehabilitated.

We are like a big static ship near the North Atlantic fishing grounds and that basic advantage will draw investment into Ireland's fishery resources from mainland Europe. It will bring prosperity to Ireland's fishing industry because we cannot lose the basic comparative advantage we have. Our task must be to maximise the resources by conservation methods, even if they are sometimes unpopular. We must have a definite policy agreed upon by our EEC partners within which framework we can work to maximise the natural advantage we have by reason of our proximity to the world's best fishing grounds.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 21 June 1978.

The Bill was handed out today as we came in and Senators were paired. To facilitate amendments, will the normal practice be followed that the Bill be sent out to Senators who were not here today?

Yes, it will go in the post.

The Seanad adjourned at 3.25 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 21 June 1978.

Top
Share