Senator Séamus de Brún spoke the last day and I joined with him and Senator Andy O'Brien in welcoming the Bill. Senator de Brún is hankering after times that will never come again. He said he deplored the present habit of students to protest and revolt as soon as they were, in his words, "privileged to have a third level education". No sooner did that happen than they started complaining about the circumstances in which they were going to college. Senator de Brún may not have heard of it, but students no longer regard education as a privilege, they demand it as a right. For too long education was the privilege of very few. It is not yet the privilege of half enough people. If the prices of meals are too high, or if fees are put up out of the range of grants, then students are perfectly entitled to protest.
I share Senator de Brún's welcome for the Bill because we have here a new kind of institute, a new, modern, streamlined, method of training primary teachers. The position of students in Thomond College is an enviable one. It is an extremely well-equipped college and we could say about those students "Aoibhinn beatha an scoláire". The National University had some contact with Thomond College. It was not a very happy experience. As the Minister said the last day, it was no fault of the NUI but it underlines the fact that the best body to handle and validate the degrees of these institutions is the NCEA and not the NUI.
Limerick is lucky in the context of Thomond, Mary Immaculate and the National Institute for Higher Education. When one considers the agitation that went on 15 years ago when there were cries for Limerick's right to a university, the Government were very well advised then to resist such clamour because it was in the best interests of the people of Limerick that they were not given a poor relation, imitation university and that they were given the realisation of the best concepts of modern third level education. I welcome the Bill. I am sorry that the infant days of Thomond were marred by an unfortunate dispute. It is enough to say, perhaps, that there were not proper communications established. That was a cause of a lot of the trouble. I hope nothing of that kind will recur.
I regret I cannot give the Bill an unqualified welcome. After all, it may be the last occasion on which I will be able to congratulate the Minister. If that sounds ambiguous, I mean it to be. In the first place I may not be able to congratulate him if he is here to bring in the Universities Bill, and more and more my misgivings grow on that score. There is also the possibility, as rumour has it, that we may not see him wearing his educational cap and gown for long more and that he will shortly be in partibus infidelium which I recommend to him as a nice, free translation of Iveagh House.
I express the same unease to which I gave voice during the debate on the National Institute, Limerick, Bill and the National Institute, Dublin, Bill. I am sorry to be repetitious, but it is a very serious matter. The more I listen to people and the more I sound out opinions, the greater my sense of unease. Not only does the letter of these Bills threaten undue Departmental interference, but there are responsible people in the institutes concerned who believe that this interference will be translated into practice. Perhaps if we have grounds for misgivings about the draft of Bills in general, there are probably even more grounds for misgivings about Thomond in particular, because Thomond is about teacher training. It is not primarily about research, it is not primarily about post-graduate skills, and so Thomond does not have the larger brief that the national institutes have, and is more likely to suffer from ministerial interference, if we accept that there is such.
Is the Minister's Department already playing a tougher role in Thomond than elsewhere? Would he be concerned if he thought that this were so? Would he do something about it? Paradoxically, would he interfere in these early and crucial years to stop interference? There is specifically a fear that with the recurrent phrases "with the permission of the Minister", "subject to such conditions as the Minister may prescribe", and so on, every name put up for appointment and every name put up for membership of the governing body will be gone into with a fine comb.
Oddly enough, I do not express the same specific misgivings about the governing body on this occasion. I am delighted to see that, in respect of section 5, the composition of the governing body as I make it out in my crude calculations tots up to seven people appointed under ministerial influence out of 23, a welcome and starting contrast to the position in the case of the two national institutes. I welcome that. I am not complaining about it, but naturally I am curious as to why this should be so in the case of the Thomond Bill and not in the case of the other two Bills.
On the question of the composition of the governing body, it seems very curious that there is only the slightest and most nominal representation from the universities. Why bother having one member representing the universities? It would be more logical, perhaps, to have none at all. Why specifically are there members from AnCO and not, say, from the National College of Art and Design or an Comhairle Oiliúna Talmhaíochta, because there has been a real input into Thomond from rural science? I know this because two of my own colleagues in UCC have been active in building up a four year BSc programme. My quarrel is not with the method of selection of the governing body as such, but rather with its composition.