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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 22 Jul 1982

Vol. 98 No. 12

Social Welfare (No. 2) Bill, 1982: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

In introducing to the Seanad this Bill and asking for favourable consideration of its contents I am conscious of the fact that the Bill has already given rise to a good deal of comment. I am, therefore, glad of this opportunity to outline the basic reasoning behind the measures which the Bill contains.

The purpose of the Bill is to amend the legislation disqualifying persons from receiving unemployment benefit or assistance while involved in a trade dispute. The Bill provides that this disqualification will not apply where it is decided that the person involved has been deprived of his employment by the unreasonable action of his employer.

I hope in the course of my speech to allay certain fears which have been expressed about the intent of the Bill and the possible effects of the measures provided for in the Bill. The purpose of the Bill is a limited one. It does not fundamentally change the present situation with regard to the non-payment of unemployment benefit or assistance to persons involved in a trade dispute. The general principle that unemployment resulting directly from a trade dispute in which the claimant is involved should not give him title to unemployment benefit has been in existence from the introduction of unemployment insurance in 1911. It is a feature of unemployment insurance schemes elsewhere and in my opinion is essential to preserve the neutrality of the social insurance fund in trade dispute situations. I am not altering this basic provision and indeed nobody has suggested to me that I should do so. What I am addressing in the Bill is a very particular and, I believe, unusual type of situation which could occur in the context of a trade dispute and in which the automatic disqualification of the employee for unemployment benefit could be regarded as unjust.

The type of situation I have in mind arises where the behaviour of the employer in a trade dispute is such that the employee is effectively prevented from remaining in or resuming his employment. This could happen for example where an employer by unilateral and arbitrary action and without the normal process of consultation seeks to impose an unwarranted worsening of terms or conditions of employment on his work force, or where an employer lays off workers without proper consultations or without utilising the normal industrial relations machinery which is availed of by employers generally. In these types of situation employees may find themselves unwillingly caught up in a dispute with no real effort being made to employ normal industrial relations procedures. The employer may have his own reasons for the way in which he handles the situation but what we are trying to resolve by means of the provisions of this Bill is whether the employee is being unfairly treated and whether his automatic disqualification from receiving unemployment payments in these circumstances is unduly harsh and inequitable.

I know from the official records that the previous Government had received representations on this matter and had started the process of consideration and consultation. On taking office following the change of Government, I also received representations. I considered the issues raised with me in great detail and I was satisfied that there was a genuine problem which needed to be resolved. The result is the Bill which is now before you. Following consultation with them, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions have expressed support for the measures contained in the Bill. The Federated Union of Employers consider that the legislation is unnecessary and that the matters at issue can be resolved within the framework of the existing machinery. There are, however, good reasons why this is not possible and I will outline these later. In general however what has emerged is that the automatic disqualification for receiving unemployment payments may be inequitable in certain types of situation to which I have referred. The possibility of such situations arising has been highlighted in the context of a number of industrial disputes that took place earlier this year. I make no judgments in relation to these disputes and I would not attempt to do so. I have no doubt it is better to deal with the problem now than to sweep it under the carpet once particular disputes have been settled and hope that it will not raise its head again.

The existing decisions and appeals machinery of the Department of Social Welfare simply decide whether or not a trade dispute exists in a particular situation. Once it is decided that a trade dispute exists then the persons involved are disqualified from receiving benefit. The deciding officer or appeals officer makes no judgment on the nature of a dispute — whether, for example, what is involved is a walk-out or a lock-out. It is no part of his function to pass judgment on the merits or demerits of industrial disputes, nor is he equipped to do so. It has been suggested by the FUE that deciding officers or appeals officers could deal with the problem by simply taking account of decisions arrived at by the Labour Court. This, however, is to misunderstand the whole purpose of what is being attempted. The function of the Labour Court is to solve disputes by putting forward solutions that it considers appropriate and acceptable. The allocation of responsibility for the dispute is not of fundamental importance in the deliberations of the Labour Court but rather is it a question of solving the particular dispute. These considerations would be of no assistance in attempting to solve the particular difficulties with which we are confronted.

I, therefore, decided that the functions of deciding officers and appeals officers should remain as they are and that when problems arise they should be tackled separately by an independent body with sufficient competence in the industrial relations field to enable it to adjudicate. Provision is made accordingly in the Bill for a Social Welfare Tribunal which will be independent of the present social welfare decisions and appeals machinery. These provisions would continue to be used and the deciding officer and appeals officer would as heretofore decide, in cases where a worker loses his employment, whether or not a trade dispute existed. Depending on the decision benefit would be allowed or disallowed.

If the decision were to disallow benefit then it would be open to the workers to apply to have their cases referred to the tribunal for adjudication if they felt that they had been unfairly treated. The tibunal would consider the various elements present in the case and would adjudicate on whether or not the workers lost their employment in circumstances that the tribunal considered to be within the provisions of the Bill and whether or not unemployment benefit should in consequence be paid. This decision of the tribunal would be binding on all parties, subject to an appeal to the High Court on a point of law.

In the procedures proposed there would be no intention of adjudicating on the merits or demerits of the fundamental industrial relations problem at issue. This is an area for which there already exists independent and impartial machinery. Rather would it be a question of investigating the manner in which workers had been deprived of their employment and all the circumstances surrounding this. The tribunal would be representative of the interests of employers and employees and would have the expertise necessary to enable it to examine the various elements in a dispute and make an authorative adjudication as to whether the workers involved have been unreasonably deprived of their employment with particular reference to the question as to whether or not normal industrial relations practices had been observed.

The Bill does not tie the tribunal's hands with regard to the matters which it should consider in arriving at its adjudication but it does set out the main considerations which will be relevant to the tribunal's adjudication. These considerations relate mainly to the conduct of the employer since the question at issue is whether or not he has acted reasonably. In this context the view has been put that the Bill makes special provision in favour of the employee without at the same time giving a balancing facility to the employer. There are a number of points which I would like to make in relation to this. First of all, I am endeavouring in this Bill to deal with an injustice which is only applicable to employees since they are the ones who are deprived of benefit in dispute situations there is no question of employers being deprived of benefit. Secondly there is no question of trying to shift the balance in industrial relations by giving an unfair advantage to employees in dispute situations. Rather this provision should be looked on as an attempt to redress an imbalance which is inherent in the present situation and which can arise in the limited type of situation to which I have earlier referred. In this regard I see the provisions of the Bill as contributing to an improvement in industrial relations rather than the opposite.

It has been argued that there is a danger that the provisions in the Bill will be used or abused for purposes other than those intended — presumably what is in mind is that employees would use the tribunal as a means of obtaining an unfavourable decision against their employer in a dispute and thus strengthening their own bargaining position. Of course any arrangement, no matter what the safeguards, can be open to abuse, as indeed are other areas of the social welfare code. I think, however, that the likelihood of abuse of the kind referred to is remote.

The tribunal in arriving at its adjudication will be alive to the possibility of abuse and I am sure we can all rely on the objectivity and good sense of the tribunal to ensure that no major problems will arise. Indeed the point has likewise been made that the existing trade disputes disqualification is capable of being abused when an employer might force a dispute on his employees knowing that in the event of a dispute they will not be entitled to unemployment payments. Any system is open to abuse but in establishing the independent Social Welfare Tribunal I am doing my best to ensure that adjudications are fair and take account of the positions of all the parties involved.

I hope that what I have said will have made clear the limited nature of the provision being made in this Bill and the necessity for making this provision at this time. The cases which will fall to be dealt with by the new tribunal should be few in number because I agree with the view put forward by the FUE that the number of employers who do not utilise existing industrial relations machinery are few and exceptional. I have pleasure, therefore, in recommending this Bill to Seanad Éireann.

This side of the House is extremely concerned about the proposals in this Bill, although I am glad to say that since amendments were accepted in the Dáil it is somewhat better than in its original form when it was put before Dáil Éireann. We feel the implications therein will be a retrograde step for industrial relations and for the existing machinery which is there to settle disputes. We are concerned that the provisions in the Bill will both encourage and prolong strikes. This is a very real fear that emanates from it. It will not in the long-term be in the best interests of the employee or the employer or of the country as a whole. This important Bill was rushed through Dáil Éireann because of certain commitments to The Workers Party. That is a very high price for any Government to have to pay for support. It is an extremely complex Bill with very far-reaching effects on the existing industrial relations in our country and for that reason it should have been given the utmost airing and time in Dáil Éireann to be discussed and to be discussed at party level. There was very little notice of the Bill and, in fairness, the various parties in the Dáil did not have time to discuss it among themselves fully. For such important legislation this is very disturbing.

There is a very real danger that this tribunal will be abused, no matter what the Minister has said in his address to us and the cost to the State could be disastrous. By its very nature this Bill will encourage strikers to press very quickly for an adjudication from this tribunal. We already have ample opportunity for independent and impartial investigation of disputes and, although this Bill was drafted specifically to cover two cases which come to mind, the existing machinery should have been sufficient to sort out the problems in these areas given the commitment on both sides, of management and the employees. The establishment of this tribunal could result in no real effort being made to settle disputes through negotiation and conciliation until the tribunal had referred and strikers found themselves entitled to social welfare.

The Bill is being introduced at an extremely crucial stage in our economic development. We are really only reaching the heart of the terrible recession we are going through at the moment. Employers in Ireland have many headaches at the moment between inflation, interest rates and our inability to compete in the world market. Any legislation which is enacted to aggravate these problems further is to be abhorred. There is no compensation whatsoever for the financial chaos that a strike causes the employer. In this Bill this tribunal is set up literally to put the employer on trial. Very little redress is available to the employer. We are deeply concerned on this side of the House about the many abuses of our social welfare system which are mentioned time and time again in debates on Bill after Bill in this House. There is a disincentive to work because the majority of people are better off on social welfare — we all know this. People are working a three-day week and getting unemployment for the other three days. We all know of cases where, through the very nature of their financial position at the moment, this has to be, otherwise it is a complete shut-down, but there are abuses on both the employer's and employee's sides. Employees unreasonably refuse job offers. This needs very close monitoring and I hope it will, as the Minister promised earlier today, be watched very closely indeed. I am very concerned about the Bill and I know that in the Dáil the Minister gave certain commitments about reviewing the situation in six months time. I hope he will give us an assurance in this House today that we will get the opportunity to discuss the progress, findings and workings of this tribunal in six months time.

I am certainly extremely disappointed that the Minister did not see fit to accept the amendment whereby the chairman would be a member of the legal profession because I feel this would have been the fairest decision. We are not too clear on exactly what happened in the Dáil and maybe the Minister would enlarge upon this.

I am very nervous about the consequences of this bill and I sincerely hope that the Minister will keep a very close eye on it to see that it is not abused in the coming six months.

Unlike the previous speaker, I would like to assure the Minister that my party welcome this legislation. It has come quickly on the stocks but it has not come quickly enough as far as my party are concerned. We highlighted originally the anomalies that we saw in the Social Welfare Acts when the Consolidation Bill came through. I am on record in this House as having suggested to the Minister some months ago that this anomaly was there and he would have to set it right in the interests of justice in industrial relations. As a party, we feel that this Bill will certainly not lead to a deterioration in industrial relations but on the other hand will lead to an improvement in them. There are certain situations in this country, and the Minister has outlined in his speech two cases in recent months, where this anomaly has occurred. The Department of Social Welfare interpreted both of those as trade disputes whereas the employees were innocent of the disputes, so to speak. There can be situations of a lock out by the employers without consultation with their employees and there can be employees who through no fault of their own are inconvenienced and are left with nothing to live on. Were it not for the fact that a commitment was given to ensure that a payment from some source or other was made available to the workers in Clover Meats in Waterford, no settlement could have been arrived at in that tragic dispute which dragged on because of this anomaly in the Social Welfare Act which precluded people from a just receipt of their social welfare, because they contended — and it was proved afterwards — that it was not their situation that caused a trade dispute.

On behalf of my party I welcome the legislation. In order to be effective, the tribunal will need to give decisions very quickly in areas of dispute. Otherwise there could still be hardships caused. Apart from any problem of the kind we are talking of, there are often delays on the part of the Department of Social Welfare. I know of one case in which the Department took 12 months in deciding the eligibility of a widow for a pension.

This was because of the delay in getting information from other sources. I hope that this tribunal will give decisions quickly so that the hardship that is caused by a trade dispute, whether it is a lock out or otherwise will be avoided. I would like to think the community welfare officer would be empowered to make a payment to people to tide them over a period and that would be refunded as is done in the normal social welfare situation. While a decision is awaited at times we have to go to the community welfare officer to take people off the bread line and hold them at some minimal standard of living until their cause has been decided.

I would hope that this tribunal will not be bogged down by a large number of cases being referred to it. I hope it will have very little action at all but it is useful for employees to know that there is another structure whereby they can have their case fairly adjudicated on and which will not interfere with the Department of Social Welfare's interpretation of what is a trade dispute. This legislation will lead to a betterment of labour relations. I consider the FUE's reservations to be unjustified. I welcome the Minister's speech today in this House. He has set down fairly the pros and cons of why he feels this legislation is necessary and certainly I commend it to the House for support for all Stages today.

From time to time moneys collected by employers in respect of social welfare are not sent to the Department of Social Welfare. Some years ago Social Welfare officers used to call in on employees to see if their stamps were up to date but recently I have read of firms owing two and three years' money in this respect and, ultimately, not being able to meet their commitments. The unfortunate employees did not qualify for any benefit as a result. There is an onus on the Department of Social Welfare or the Department of Finance or some Department to ensure that PRSI contributions are made when they should be made.

Seemingly, there are some people blessed by the Department with goodness while others have to keep their payments up to date. If employers are remiss in making the payments a serious problem may arise of workers are out of employment in that they may not be paid benefit until the Department of Social Welfare are satisfied that the employers have not sufficient assets to enable them to return the moneys. This is something that I have been very annoyed about for some years.

It would have been churlish of me to have departed after the previous business and not stay to compliment the Minister on this piece of legislation because I contributed substantially to his delay. The Bill is a very good one. The Minister answered a number of the arguments as well as, if not better than I could have done myself. That is a compliment. I support the Bill wholeheartedly and enthusiastically and I can only regret that yet again the employers' voice seems to be taking up what can only be described as a reactionary position instead of attempting to create some sort of a consensus in Irish industrial relations. I congratulate the Minister on the speedy introduction of the Bill. I hope it goes through quickly and that it remedies what is a serious anomaly. Now that he has gone on to thinking about tribunals in the whole area of social welfare, perhaps once and for all he can be the Minister to do something about the appallingly antiquated social welfare appeals system which urgently needs fundamental revision in the interests of natural justice.

I welcome the Minister to the House and compliment him on his speech here. There are just a few points I should like to refer to.

As I see it, social welfare is absolutely necessary but it is necessary as a last resort. It should be viewed in that light and in my view it is not always regarded as the only alternative left. As was stated earlier there are instances when it is more encouraging and more rewarding for people to be in receipt of social welfare than to be working. That whole system is wrong in essence. It is wrong for everybody from a worker's point of view, mentally, physically and every other way, it is very bad that he is forced into a position of having no work to do and of having to rely on social welfare. Every effort must be made to bring about a situation in which it is not attractive for persons to be relying on social welfare payments.

I would share the view expressed already that inherent in this Bill is some danger of strikes being prolonged for longer than would be necessary. We must bear in mind that in the recent past we have seen several industries, large and small, go out of business. This is happening almost on a daily basis. There are several hundreds of industries, large and small, queuing up to get out of business or being forced out of business and I do not think anything should be done that might tilt the balance to put those businesses out of action if they can be kept in operation. From everybody's point of view — workers and business people — retaining business is far better than just having payments made to persons, because in the long term if social welfare is a sort of alternative, the economy will not survive.

I want to make it very clear that our party recognise the importance of an adequate level of social welfare, and indeed in the budget which was being introduced last January, by our then Minister for Finance, Deputy Bruton, it was proposed to have a 25 per cent adjustment in social welfare. That was an indication of how important we regard social welfare but I would hastily add that social welfare must be scrutinised far more fully and only genuine cases must be regarded as eligible for social welfare payments.

People presently suffering hardship due to bureaucracy are left without payment longer than necessary. Payment in these cases must be speeded up. These genuine cases of hardship must be identified quickly and receive the payments to which they are entitled. There should not have to be a waiting system whereby they receive payments from other sources as an interim measure. If people are entitled to social welfare, there should be no delay in their getting it.

When work is available it must be made attractive. One of the reasons for the present bad state of our economy is the industrial disputes which over a period of time have weakened the whole base of the economy.

I conclude by again emphasising that social welfare is an absolutely essential part of our system, but work must be made more attractive for all our people who are capable of working, so that they will work rather than rely on social welfare. In this way we will have a better society and, most important, our young people will not become accustomed to a social welfare situation in which their fathers and mothers have never had the opportunity of working. There is no good to be gained for our young people from that kind of atmosphere. We should all in the future make certain that work is available, but in the meantime fully support social welfare measures that are necessary and essential to keep our people going so that nobody is on the breadline.

I would like to comment on Senator Hourigan's last remark that work must be made available for our young people. The big issue that will confront us over the next 20 years is that if we equate work with employment we will never have satisfaction in that respect. If we are to have a society in which we espouse a super-technology — and I cannot see how we can push the waves back — more and more automation will lead to less and less employment in the traditional sense and more and more time available to our community. This raises two questions — will we be able to share out the available employment in the traditional sense and will we be able to create the conditions in which our youngsters can do creative work, in the new sense of work that they create for themselves?

If we are to have increasingly more unemployment rather than less it is essential to underpin the basic standard of living of everyone resident in Ireland. It may well be that in the next decade or so we will not think of unemployment benefit as something exceptional, but expecting the State to provide a basic means of achieving ordinary living standards for everyone and, on top of that, to give them space in which to do creative work and invite their participation in new, imaginative means of dealing with age old problems in a totally changed context.

I do not despair of the present unemployment situation provided we use our imagination and do not deprive the unemployed of opportunity for creative expression and participation. In that context I welcome, both in the interim and in the long-term, the thinking behind this Bill. To be more specific, anyone who has had much contact with the unemployed who want to work and who through no fault of their own are unable even temporarily to get work and who have not the space to achieve this self-expression will feel a great sympathy for what the Minister is trying to achieve here, which is to provide them with a basic standard of living until such time, whether temporary or in the long-term, as we can readjust, and give them better opportunity and more hope.

I would like to thank the Senators for their contributions, which varied considerably in their content, and for their views in relation to the Bill. Senator Bolger is still confusing this situation with the general industrial relations position. Senator Bolger mentioned people going on strike more frequently, or being encouraged to strike and not wanting to go back to work. This limited, specific measure only applies to people who want to go back, but who are locked out and cannot get unemployment benefit. That is all. All that has been said to the contrary in relation to this Bill is nonsense. I am talking now about what is being said outside, not inside the Seanad. A great deal of emotionalism has developed outside this House over this Bill. Even the FUE have said specifically in their document circulated to all Deputies and Senators that they hold no brief for workers, trade unions, or employers who do not utilise the machinery of the Labour Court and that, in relation to these cases which the tribunal would deal with, they are few and exceptional cases. They know exactly what we are talking about. There is no question about that. Why have all these smokescreens? We all talk about honesty, justice and rationality. Let us talk honestly here about the specific matter.

ICTU considered the matter at great length, which was one cause of the delay in getting the Bill into the House plus the fact that the House was rising for the summer recess and the consultation process was quite lengthy, with a good deal of time and thought going into it. They are very much involved, they do not want to encourage strikes and act very responsibly in relation to the whole operation of the economy and the whole industrial relations procedure. If they did not function in such a responsible way, we would have very many problems that would not be resolved for a long time. ICTU completely recognised what we were trying to do, identified it and said specifically that they were in favour of it, without question. They had a suggestion that the definition "a legal person" should be broadened, but I will come to that in a moment.

The FUE said again in their document:

We consider that the objective of the proposed legislation would be secured if the Social Welfare Deciding Officer or Appeals Officer was enabled to take full account of the decisions and views of the Labour Court in arriving at a decision in any case which might come before them.

The deciding officer is not entitled to do this. Again, that is nonsense in relation to the reality of the situation. Senator Bolger also raised that point of the deciding officer making broader decisions. The deciding officer should be empowered to look at the other aspects in a specified case like this. The problem in the two cases that are involved was that the deciding officer had no powers. Nobody initially foresaw this kind of development.

Senator Bolger also emphasised the reality of the present recession, which tied in with Senator Robb's remarks. It is only in the reality of this present recession that these incidents are occurring.

That is the very climate in which situations will arise which were not experienced previously and we must cater for them in the present circumstances. If it could have been covered merely by enabling the deciding officer to use a little more discretion when specific cases could be covered, that would be fair enough. But the deciding officers and social welfare procedures must be operated within the legislation. Indeed, it must be said that they operate with great conscience and integrity in their interpretation, ultimately of course subject to the whole legal process. The Federated Union of Employers emphasised that other changes in our social welfare procedures rate as a higher priority. They were not saying anything particularly about this change, which is limited to so few. They talked about other changes and then went into the question of PRSI rebates, tax rebates, their abuses in the areas we have heard of — to which Senator B. Ryan referred several times in the course of his remarks today — and to circumstances in which employees can unreasonably refuse to accept job offers.

I want Senators to be quite clear that it is a very narrow area about which we are talking here, a very restricted one in which considerable hardship has arisen. There is no question about that. For example, if one is locked out of work and receives no money. Here we are saying that anybody in those circumstances genuinely suffering hardship should be covered and we do not have the power to do it in present circumstances. Then hardship must arise for those people because all they can then receive is supplementary welfare, and one can only receive that for one's wife and children. If one happens to be unmarried, one can get nothing. After that one is back to the very low levels of welfare available for one's wife and children in any event. I do not believe that this will really place an employer under stress.

Senator Bolger raised this as well — the question of abuses generally — the three-day week, the working and drawing of benefit. There is a review taking place at present and this will form part of the autumn programme to tackle these problems. Everybody talks about the three-day week. It must be remembered that again one is talking about a period of depression. The three-day week has been included in legislation for many years. One must ask why was it not a problem previously. In answering that we come back to the point raised by Senator Bolger — because of the depressed circumstances now obtaining. That is why it has become a problem. One might ask how is that. The answer is that at the end of 1979, going into 1980, it became clear that certain businesses would go to the wall if they were not given some type of support. In that period the three-day week was very important to them. Of course it was hoped that at the end of that period things would have improved and that there would be fewer people in that situation. At present out of 1.2 million employees there are about 9,000 on a three-day week. Therefore, in terms of abuse in relation to the overall total — reverting again to the point Senator B. Ryan was making — it constitutes a very small fraction. It is an anomaly in the system and it is costing the taxpayer money. At present the three-day week is based on a six-day overall week — you get three days when you are working and three days when you are off. Also present payments are based on one-sixth. If we were to change to a five-day week we would then have to face the possibility of paying one-fifth, in which case more would have to be paid making the total cost to the taxpayer higher.

These may appear to be just technical considerations. But people who voice opinions publicly about such matters should take the trouble of going into the situation in depth. I am not here talking about Senators. There has been a great deal of opinion expressed outside and I have met some deputations. I found that such deputations did not really have much understanding of the workings of the system. I found that they had taken up something more in the way of a slogan carried by the media and made into a bigger monster than it is. Nevertheless that matter is being investigated in the context of this review taking place. Obviously the system will have to be changed to meet the circumstances obtaining. That matter will have to be considered by the review body at present studying the situation.

I said earlier that this problem arose in the difficult period following on the large oil price increase when things did not get any better. In fact they got worse and we were faced with the fact nationwide that more people needed to avail of the benefits of the system. I know also that at the end of that period some workers did not want to return to work because they were doing so well on the three-day-plus basis. That problem must be tackled. I get somewhat irked at times — in this I suppose I am a little like Senator B. Ryan — because I see the large numbers of people needing help. Therefore this problem must be approached in a constructive way, endeavouring to avoid emotionalism.

On the question of the chairman and the legal profession, I do not mind whether it be a chairman with a legal background or one with an industrial relations background. We did not want to be limited to a narrow selection which can be difficult because of the extent of the work of High Court and District Court judges. Obviously we want somebody with an industrial relations background, which narrows it down to a smaller number. Therefore the person chosen for a particular period could be somebody with a legal and industrial relations background. That is a matter which will have to be considered in the establishment of the board. For example barristers would be quite capable in the legal and industrial relations areas, so they would be quite suitable also whereas the amendment proposed in the Dáil would have restricted us to a very limited area.

On the question of the review, it was proposed that the board be established and operate for 12 months after which time a committee would be set up to review its operations. Senator Ferris welcomed the measure and understood its specific nature. The question of taking quick decisions is one of considerable importance here. Senator Ferris raised that point also. It must be remembered that the community welfare officer intervenes in the meantime and would in any circumstances. However, a community welfare officer is very limited in what he or she can do.

Senator Reynolds was concerned about employers collecting money and not passing it on, which certainly has occurred and there are many such instances. The Senator need not be concerned about the workers in those circumstances, except that initially there may be some delay in getting benefit. The Department of Social Welfare give credit to the worker if it can be seen that the worker has paid the contribution. The Department are quite reasonable and flexible in that regard and have discretion in that area. If the Senator knows of a particular case and if he will let me have the details, I will certainly have it pursued. But that is the principle on which it operates — if the employer collects the contributions and does not pass them on then they are given as credits. The system operates on that basis. Of course since 1979 it is the Revenue Commissioners who collect PRSI contributions and they would do all in their power to get all of that money in. Anybody who has ever had the Revenue Commissioners chase them would accept that they would do their best in that direction.

They are not good company.

I should like to thank Senator B. Ryan for coming back to make some comment on the Bill. Obviously he has been under pressure at times here himself. I was to launch something for the psychiatrically ill, which I have had to leave aside in the meantime because of the nature of business in both Houses.

Senator Hourigan raised the question of social welfare being the last resort. I think Senator Robb answered that and I do not need to go into it any further. We shall face new situations in the future which we shall have to scrutinise in a new way. Part of the autumn review will be related to the question of people having the option to work at the place where they are receiving unemployment benefit, endeavouring to integrate this as effectively as possible.

On the subject of delays in the payment of social welfare benefits, there is a point I should like to mention in that regard, that is, that ten per cent to 12 per cent of applications received still quote no RSI number, quote a wrong number or give no name. That entails delay in the Department. I might also appeal to Senators when making inquiries on behalf of people to ensure that the RSI number is quoted. From the time we changed to this new computer technology and worked on numbers it has become very difficulty to find individual applicants' details without the relevant numbers. This autumn I think we should have another advertising campaign in an effort to encourage people to quote their precise numbers and not quote numbers off the top of their heads. In fact there was a case recently of a person complaining three times through a friend of mine. In the end the officials in the Department threw up their hands in horror because they could find nothing at all relating to the case in question. They went back to the applicant and it was discovered on each occasion that the person had been quoting the number from memory. That was where the whole delay occurred. I accept there can be other reasons for delays and we have to deal with those also.

Senators Robb's point is a very interesting one because it is a very broad one and time and thought should be given to it — that is, the concept of work in the future. If you carry on with the new technologies and the development of equipment and machinery which will do things much more easily for you, then what can you do with yourself and the rest of the population? Time and thought need to be given to involving people creatively and to ensure that they have something creative to do. This applies particularly at the moment to our young people who are coming out of school with great skills and creative ability and who need to be supported in that area. It will be one of the main tasks of the Government to try to tackle that problem. Certainly, Senator Robb introduced some interesting concepts to the debate.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
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