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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 1 May 1985

Vol. 108 No. 1

Combat Poverty Agency Bill, 1985: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

I will start my brief contribution on Second Stage by stating that I am aware that there would be no Member of this House who would not be fully behind any Bill or indeed any move to deal with this terrible problem of poverty. This Bill is largely an extension of one introduced by my party and therefore I have no hesitation in welcoming the Bill. To deal with the problem of poverty and to get maximum benefit from any Bill it is necessary to ask very many questions and to find proper answers to them. There are some questions that it is absolutely imperative and essential to ask and to answer before a satisfactory Bill can be implemented.

First of all, we have to ask ourselves what is poverty? What is the extent of poverty? What causes poverty and what steps can be taken to solve the problem? Qualified experts are necessary to help us in this area. On the last occasion in this House some Members felt it might be inappropriate and wrong to spend too much finance in this area and that the finance should go directly to solving the problem. We must have the help of sociologists and social scientists. This is an important piece of social engineering and for that reason everybody would agree that it is most important to have the services of social engineers. They will isolate the problem and suggest what can and should be done. Then the solution will be a political one to be implemented by the politicians and by the Government.

Some well-intentioned and sympathetic people say that we know all about poverty, we know who is poor and we know what should be done. In a general sense this may be true but to get maximum benefit from the Bill and from any legislative move we should have the services of those experts. I am aware that much research has been done by private individuals, by groups and by experts in this field. I would like to pay tribute to them and to their hard work. In the implementation of any policy the results of their research and their work will be used.

Social surveys and research can be carried out in various ways. One of these is participant observation in which the person carrying out the survey will become involved with those among whom the survey is carried out. Interviews may be carried out in two ways, structured or unstructured. The structured interviews would set certain questions and the unstructured ones would give more scope. They would set questions but perhaps lead people into expressing views of their own on those issues or on related issues. There is also the system of questionnaires which is the cheapest and the most straightforward. People are given specific questions and they give their answers and then on the basis of those answers the survey is completed. We have some considerable information already available from Government reports and other sources and these will be taken in to account as well.

I believe the success of the survey depends on the quality and validity of the data collected. The surveys will measure rather than explain the problem. Methodology is very important. There are those who believe that social science is not what might be termed an exact science. There are some sociologists who feel that logic methods and procedures of natural sciences are applicable to the study of mankind. This I believe is regarded as positivism. On the other hand, there is the other side to it, phenomenology, which feels it is not an exact science, that man does not respond to situations and to effects in the same way as inanimate things and so this would have to be taken into consideration.

When we get down to examining poverty itself it can be expressed in three ways — in absolute terms, in relative terms and in subjective poverty terms. In absolute poverty, from the 19th century, when serious studies of poverty began, researchers have tried to establish a fixed datum line against which to measure poverty. Below that line, poverty would begin and above it it would end. This involves judgment of basic human needs, resources for health and physical efficiency. This is also know as subsistence poverty. It involves pricing basic necessities such as food, clothing and shelter. Some concepts would include basic cultural needs which, to some extent, would reflect the value of the researcher. They would also include education, leisure, recreation and finally security in old age.

In this country we had a tradition where people provided for security in old age by having very large families. There are many problems with this method of determining poverty. For example, as regards food, how do we know the exact amount of food that is required by any particular individual? Do we make allowances, for example, for situations where a person would buy a parcel of potatoes and maybe half of them would be unusable? Do we take for granted that people are good cooks, that there is no wastage? There are many other issues to be taken into consideration as well as shelter. On a different level, is colour television essential? Is radio essential?

Then we have relative poverty. Because of the difficulty, many researchers do not employ the absolute poverty concept but they work to standards related to the particular time and place and this is known as relative poverty. It is measured in terms of what is considered an acceptable reasonable standard in the community and so will vary with time and is constantly changing. There are problems in this regard as well because there is a difficulty in deciding on proper standards of norm for large numbers, ethnic groups, different classes, different age groups, religion etc.

Would it be regarded as necessary in this respect that people should have access to those standards? Would that be regarded in relative terms? As far as I am concerned, I think so. The concept of relative poverty makes it difficult to compare the past with the present and to compare different areas, for example, the Third World. To overcome this there are two standards suggested: the national relational, which is relative poverty and world relational, which is absolute. Finally, we come to subjective poverty where individuals and groups may feel they are poor. Some individuals may feel they are poor while other might not necessarily think so. This is important in one sense because people generally behave in response to the conditions in which they find themselves. My own definition of poverty is resources which would not enable a person to develop to full potential throughout life and so he or she would be inhibited in this sense and for this reason would be a second-class citizen.

When we come to examine the extent of poverty it very much depends on the concept of poverty that is adopted. I have no doubt that the surveys which have been carried out — in particular that carried out by Sister Stanislaus which refers to over one million poor people — are correct. I believe that there is no reason to question them. Then we come to the causes of poverty. Some people refer to the vicious circle. They say that poverty breeds poverty from one generation to another and that people are trapped in this situation. They feel there is no escape from it. There are people who have not got sufficient food and are therefore unable to work or to study properly. They are unable to get out of this situation.

There is also the culture of poverty. Poverty has common characteristics, similar problems and similar responses in different societies. These develop into a sort of culture. Culture is regarded as the learned, shared and socially transmitted behaviour of a social group. The result of this is marginality as has already been stated in this debate, helplessness, dependence, inferiority, resignation, tatalism and living for the present, or present-time orientation. It is stated that culture has a life of its own and that if the circumstances were to disappear the culture of poverty could continue. The culture theory sees the poor as different from the remainder of society with a distinctive sub-culture. It sees this sub-culture as maintaining the poor in unchanging circumstances.

The situation in America in the sixties, when war was declared on poverty, has already been mentioned in this debate. The welfare state in the United Kingdom has been referred to. Poverty has persisted and grown in both those places. I believe this is because in the USA there was no shift of wealth, which is necessary in order to solve the problem of poverty. I believe that social engineers and those engaged in this area must erect canals and viaducts out of this morass and not be simply creating a labyrinthine series of ways within it. In the UK, the benefits were not sufficient and so the poor generally remained poor.

I have said before in this House that poverty is not simply an individual condition. It is a social problem; a class phenomenon of the working class. A massive redistribution of resources away from the wealthier classes is needed in order to solve the problem. What is needed is something of the situation created by the "Wild Colonial Boy" mentality, without the gun to rob the rich and serve the poor. Perhaps not in that sense, but a redistribution is needed, away from the wealthy classes to the poor if the situation is to be solved. In reading through books on sociology it is interesting to see the references to all the different classes, the upper class, the middle class, the working class, the lower class and the down-and-outs. In one sense this does not appear to be correct. Nevertheless, I accept that we must have some divisions of this kind. We have the shame of poverty where people feel they are responsible for their positions. This is not true. I would like to know if inequality can be abolished. I am sure there will be difficulty in this regard. Is poverty endemic? We have the new poor being created. Like sand in a sealed vessel a certain number will go to the bottom no matter what is done. I feel that poverty undermines society.

In this Bill, section 9 is most important. It deals with finances. It will be necessary to measure the results of this legislation periodically. It should be an integral part of social policy and social engineering to do away with the dole concept in this country. People do not want to get something for nothing. They are prepared to work; they want to work; they want productive employment. I have made the plea on many occasions in this House and elsewhere that we should strive to arrive at a situation where work of a productive nature — in housing, roads and many different areas including the provision of fuel — could be undertaken. People should have job satisfaction. The position has been described in this House on many occasions of people queuing for the dole in the rain. When they get this dole it is a mere pittance. I do not think that progress can be made in this situation until we have abolished that and arrived at a situation where we have full employment. I think it is possible to arrive at a situation where we have full employment.

I am well aware that what I have to say on this subject in this House has no great significance. We all feel when we get into public life that we can do something at local authority level or at Seanad level. The reality then is rather disappointing when we are in a situation where very little can be done.

My own experience of poverty may not be appropriate but nevertheless I would draw on it in some sense in this situation. Patrick Kavanagh has said that poverty is largely in the mind and I believe that is true to a large extent. Looking back on it at my stage in life, I look back at youth — torn clothes going to school and to Mass, wearing mother's clothes at secondary school; no fuel, no light; hiding on the rent collector when he called, sick and delirium after sickness; no food. I remember a few months old baby sister dying simply and solely because of poverty: nursed in a suitcase; no heat in the house. The memory is still with me of a little baby snuggling to get some warmth where there was none; waked on a table with a little candle, the coffin a cigarette box hammered together, unpainted, carried through fields of fat cattle; a small group digging a small grave and comback with a spade, passing by windows where they pulled back the curtains to peep out unable to come out and then a broken-hearted mother crying.

Those memories never leave anybody who experienced these realities. I remember my father at the beginning of the last World War, a farm labourer working at 13 shillings per week. He had to walk seven or eight miles to work and the same home. For that he had breakfast, dinner and tea and a big issue was made of the breakfast for a family of six.

We were brought up to accept poverty in our environment and our religion, without question. If I were starting life all over again and know what I know now, it would be different. We had that concept of "the poor you have always with you". There is no poverty now like there was then. I honestly feel that. That is not to say that we do not have poverty: we have poverty on a massive scale.

Looking back on it, there is no shame or pride in the way I was brought up. Many others were brought up in similar circumstances and, I believe, worse but on looking back it was the concept of the drowning rat: charity kept its head from sinking when it might have been more charitable to push it down under the water because the effects of poverty are irreversible. When that happens to some people they try to make sure that it will not happen to their children if humanly possible and for that reason among others, I hope that this Bill will be successful. I feel that education should be provided not simply with a view to helping the poor to analyse their problem and lift themselves, as somebody has said, by their own shoe strings — not for that reason but eduction should be provided to get them through life and to lead full lives and to get employment for them.

Perhaps in some cases poverty has been caused by a lack of commonsense or gumption, or savvy, whatever it may be called. I do not think that this is simply confined to the poor; I have found a lack of commonsense in well-educated people and brilliant people. I think that commonsense is something that, as a nation, we do not have in large quantities. The poor, of course, have muscle. Poverty in religion may be all right. Some people have a romantic notion of poverty. They look on it as frugality or discipline of some kind. It is nothing of the sort: it is really a case of pushing people to be second or third or fourth-class citizens. In my time that was acceptable. I do not think it is acceptable now. It is only right that it should not be acceptable now. That is probably the result of educating people. As some Members have said here before it may be partly the result of being educated also by the media, by television for example, by seeing the way other people live, the opulence and the fullness that they have. Why should a certain section of the population be denied some kind of reasonable income? They see this on television.

It is not simply a transfer of resources that is needed. People should be taught responsibility at school. If money is got too easily it is not appreciated. We need to be educated and to become mature. I see this in the situation at discos where I feel that the young people have a wrong sense of values. We have too much drink and we have too much money spent on drink. In schools much can be done, and much can be done by example from people who have resources and who are in a position to give a lead. In my young days to go for "home help" was a last resort. Many people would die in shame before they would do it. Now we have a situation where people have almost to become professional beggars in some instances to get what they deserve and what they are entitled to. That is wrong and something should be done about that.

In dealing with poverty I think that women's role has been a very difficult one, far more difficult than that of men. In a situation like this it is appropriate that we should think of the travelling people and the position they are in. Not enough is being done when you have young children, babies, brought up under a canvas tent in winter time. It certainly does not fit in with the concept of a Christian country, what our behaviour should be and our consideration and care of people in those circumstances. We should also pay tribute to so many different bodies and groups like the Samaritans, the St. Vincent de Paul Society and all those who have helped out in that area.

I will conclude by once again stating that I fully support any Bill or any move that will do anything to help in the area of poverty. We will be able to deal more fully with the Bill when it comes to Committee Stage and we shall have some amendments at that stage.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Bhille seo agus tá súil agam go mbeidh na baill ag obair go dian agus nach mbeidh siad ag caint lá i ndiaidh lae nó b'fhéidir, níos measa fós, bliain i ndiaidh bliana gan aon rud tairbheach á dhéanamh. Tá sé práinneach go ndéanfadh siad obair a thabharfaidh seans do na daoine atá sa chruachás seo agus ní chreidim, caithfidh mé a adhmháil, go mbeidh seans ann go deo go dtí go gcuirfhimid deireadh ar fad leis an mbochtanas ach is féidir feabhas a chur ar an scéal gan dabht ar bith.

I do not intend either to define poverty or deal with some of its causes. Those who are caught in the poverty trap are not interested in why they are in it or indeed as to what poverty really is. They are suffering it and they know what its effects are. I would like to refer to two aspects that perhaps the incoming committee might deal with. Many of the people who are in financial difficulties at the moment have lost jobs and are unemployed and that is a major factor. They do not want to be unemployed and it is not their fault but at least there is some hope that if work becomes available they will be able to take it. I have sympathy for two other types of people: first, those who are on medical certificates. It is becoming more and more of a problem that those who are on medical certificates are waiting a day or two or longer for payment. From their point of view the cheque that they should get on a Friday is the very same as the payment that any of us get for doing the work we do. I would like to ask the committee dealing with poverty to tackle this problem and see how it can be overcome. I know that there is a certain amount of checking to be done and a certain amount of red tape concerning forms, but people are being victimised as a result of this. I have the utmost sympathy for people who are waiting for a cheque on a Friday and do not get it. They then hope it will come on Monday or Tuesday and if it does not and they look into the matter they are told that the certificate did not arrive.

It seems to be a system that lends itself to having things go wrong. It is not possible to have certificates going in on time and at the same time having cheques coming out on time. I would ask the Minister and the committee to have a look at that aspect and see if the problems can be ironed out. The second aspect which is causing many problems for those who are unfit to work concerns the medical referees. This is something I have spoken about before in public and I was astounded at the response which I got. Medical referees are sent throughout the country to assess people's ability to work. I have had cases where people had been in hospitals under specialists and surgeons and when they were released they had to go before a medical referee. I do not think it is possible for any medical referee — I do not care what qualifications he has in medicine — to sit down behind a table and decide that a person is fit to work. I have had the situation where a person who only survived for a few months afterwards with a serious illness was declared fit for work. I fault the medical referees in that they take on too much. If they had sense, they should be able to see from the medical reports that people are not capable of working. I blame the system that decides that in this day and age of medicine any man can sit down, look at a person, and perhaps examine him or perhaps not and decide that that person is fit for work.

This is causing untold hardship to people because they are cut off and cannot get any money. They know they are not fit for work and they feel aggrieved. This is something which must be dealt with quickly. Again, I hope the Minister of State here and the agency will look into this. We may have poverty and we may be paying out money that should be a help to those who need it but if it is not going to arrive on time and if this is going to cause frustration — some people seem to be always in difficulty with payments — then there is something wrong with the system. The system is supposed to prevent people from fooling the Department but in an effort to prevent one person from "codding" the system it ends up with nine people being victimised. I would certainly like to see this changed.

The other part of poverty is something that is nearly part and parcel of our life: it is the way we are. A lot of poverty can arise from the abuse of one partner by another and alcohol often plays a leading role in this. I had an experience some time ago in a pub when a person became very abusive over the local charges and what it would cost him. Actually, about two other Saturday nights would have supplied him with all the money he needed to pay the water charges had he stayed at home. It is doubtful if all the money that is spent on drink should be spent on drink by people who have the responsibility of a family but that is part of what we are. Without going into any more detail on all the causes and side effects of it, I would like to see the two points I have made considered in helping to combat what is a problem, the payment of social welfare benefits. Benefits should come on time and they should come with the least amount of formality and red tape.

I, too, warmly welcome this Bill and I hope it will have a speedy and well-supported passage through both Houses. I would like to thank my colleague, Senator McGonagle, for enabling me to participate at this stage because I have certain time constraints. For that reason also, I do not propose to speak at any great length on this Stage of the Bill although it is an important Bill which will give rise to very detailed consideration on Committee Stage.

I welcome the Bill in particular because it is an important step in creating the conditions for a new direction in our social policy. Clearly — and a number of Senators have already stated this — establishing an agency will not of itself abolish or indeed significantly diminish the level of poverty in our society but it is important because it will create a framework for positive action and for the kind of structural change which is necessary. We still under-estimate the extent of the radical structural change that will be necessary if we are serious about our commitment to combat — meaning to reduce and hopefully, perhaps, even eliminate — poverty in our society.

In the speech introducing the Bill, the Minister of State traced very fully the background over more than a decade and the development of a consciousness, a perception and an awareness in particular by those who had either taken the trouble to inform themselves or were working with disadvantaged groups, of what would be necessary. The Minister referred to the developments both at national level and also at EC level in which Ireland played a very significant part. In that regard I would like to pay a personal tribute to Deputy Frank Cluskey when he was a Minister of State for Social Welfare. There is no doubt that he, the Government of the time and his Department, played a significant role in ensuring that the Community adopted a combat poverty programme. He piloted programmes in that regard and supported initiatives at national level. These were instrumental in giving the necessary support to those who were working on the ground here in Ireland and perhaps led to the developments which have brought about this legislative proposal to establish a national agency.

Looking at this 12 years or so of development of consciousness and growing expertise and a growing realisation of what needed to be done in the area, I would focus on one landmark, namely, the final report of the National Committee on Pilot Schemes to Combat Poverty which reported on experiences which had been drawn from all the developments from 1971 to 1977, and then the various projects and pilot programmes in the programme for action from 1977 to 1980.

I want to refer, first of all, to a brief but sobering paragraph in the preface to this final report. The report notes the statistics which again have been referred to by a number of Senators. We have approximately 25 per cent of our population living in poverty. It is characterised as being relative poverty in that it is poverty as judged in comparison to average income — and various other indicators — in our society. That is a very high percentage. The report also refers to other inequities in our society. It refers to the fact that the top 20 per cent of households received 43.4 per cent of the national income whereas at the bottom 20 per cent of households received just 4.5 per cent of the national income. Then I come, as I say, to the sobering paragraph which we should have before us in considering this Bill and in considering our approach. It is as follows:

Poverty does not come about by accident. Rather our system is planned in such a way that poverty is an integral part of it, emerging from social, economic and educational policy which favour the non-poor. The whole structure of our society is underpinned by a philosophy which is totally inimical to the poor.

That, if we think about it, is a very sobering statement. It also highlights what I was referring to earlier. If we are going to tackle poverty then we had better know what we are about because we are going to find that we will need radically to alter and structurally change many of the policies and methods by which we distribute national income in our society. We must have a debate which ensures that we have a perception and realisation of that.

One of the dangers of a Bill entitled as this one is, the Combat Poverty Agency Bill is that is tends to lead to a perception that we are going to establish an agency to deal with poverty, that it is out there somewhere, that it is going to do things and that is going to help people, rather than realising that an agency in itself can do nothing, or very little, or can merely be an optical illusion unless — and again this is reflected in the report — the policies of the Government of the day are addressing the same issues and are running in tandem with the agency and are completely supportive of it. Its policies must redirect it to realise the aims and objectives which are behind the establishment of the agency. We need to look closely at the lessons that were learned in the seventies in gradually improving our understanding of the incidence of poverty and of the extent to which our own policies, our own Government policies and our own State policies, create and perpetuate the incidence of poverty in our society. I would like to refer to these briefly and consider them before turning to the text of the Bill.

In chapter 10 of the report the committee draw on the implications and then make their recommendations arising out of the work of the programme. At page 239 they summarise the experiences arising out of the work of the programme and under a heading "Poverty — the Reality" the report stated as follows:

What comes through from the reports and studies may be summarised as follows; the difficulties disadvantaged people face in trying to be part of and have a say in events that shape and affect their lives; their helplessness or frustration in the face of official structures, vis, of Church, State, etc.; their poor `self image'; their dependence on others to achieve their rights, e.g. politicians, social workers, clergy, teachers, etc.; the obstacles created by the complexities of services and structures in areas such as education, housing, the legal system, planning, etc.; the inadequacies of income maintenance services to provide a decent life for those worst off.

That is a summary of the general areas which are the reality of poverty. We would need to address ourselves to those. We would need to be aware that if we are establishing a national agency it must have adequate powers, resources, teeth and functions to address all of these areas. I am not convinced as yet that it has those powers fully. The Bill is well framed and to a very considerable degree I am impressed with the format and approach but I am not fully satisfied that it goes far enough.

First of all, if one takes the difficulties that disadvantaged people face in trying to be part of and have a say in events that shape and affect their lives, the helplessness that they feel, are we prepared, in fact to contemplate very real changes in decision making, a greater devolving of power and a greater openness in our society? In other words, will we have less centralisation, less secrecy, less non-responsiveness of decision makers? As Senator Browne said, we need far less delay in taking decisions affecting people with no explanation of why the delay was taking place. Indeed, that was a matter that was noted in the recently published report of the Ombudsman. His report noted the significant factor of delay in our social welfare services which particularly affect those who are most in need, the long delays when a matter is appealed and the absence of any explanation for it. He noted the absence of any power of participation of that kind. Secondly, there is this poor self image. This is worsened by the worsening conditions in geographically located areas. Unemployment is getting dramatically worse in certain areas so that now in some areas around Dublin there is over 50 per cent of the working population unemployed. There we have a potentially very poor collective self-image as well as a very poor individual self-image in different families. They have very poor prospects and because a person coming from such a geographical location is already feeling vulnerable and deprived by that factor this is a very important element.

Another matter summarised there is this concept of the dependence of those who could be characterised as living in poverty on others such as politicians, social workers, clergy, or teachers. Is it not the truth that we do not want to admit that politicians perpetuate that dependency and that we live off that dependency? We must admit that there are very few who want to change that. Politicians service their constituencies to perpetuate a dependency, to try to get across the message to constituents that they are there to serve them by getting everything from a grant. We say, "I will get on to the Department. I will see so-and-so, rely on me," and then we send a letter saying, "I am glad to know you have got your"— whatever it may be housing allocation, grant —"I was glad to be of assistance to you."

Politicians perpetuate that dependency as part of a political support system. Are we prepared to see a very different basis operating there? I might be interested to hear clearer commitment in relation to that. I think that at the moment if anything we see it perhaps more clearly, running up to the local elections. There is this extraordinary desire to perpetuate the dependency by claiming responsibility, or seeking to claim responsibility, for various entitlements of people as being somehow in the gift of coming to the person more quickly or more surely because of the intervention of a politician with a Department. I think that this is something that we would have to tackle if we are genuinely anxious to change the terms of reference.

I come now to the other factor which I think is relevant when discussing poverty and discussing the establishment of a national agency in relation to it and that is the implications that are drawn from the realities that I have been outlining. Here again I think the report summarises these well and I would like to put this on the record, from page 241 of the report where it stated:

The positive implications of the work may be summarised as follows: given support by way of personnel, small financial aid, information training and co-operation, disadvantaged people can: (a) do things for themselves and their communities; (b) they can participate effectively; (c) they can come to terms with the complexities of official services and structures; (d) they can provide new insights into accepted practices.

The interesting thing about all of those positive aspects is they are very much based on the self-help, self-reliance, devolving of power, and the creation of structures which allow participation. That is very different from the present political culture, the present norm, the present situation in which we as politicians operate. I think we would have to be prepared to support very substantial changes, cultural and structural, in that area.

Then the report goes on to deal with the negative implications:

The negative implications which have emerged are:

participation by disadvantaged people does not happen overnight; challenges to traditional leadership and practices are not always welcome; bringing about change cannot totally be the responsibility of the poor.

These in a sense are obvious but perhaps they are better stated clearly at this stage. This will be something that will have to be worked at in a structured and very concerted and committed way. That is why I particularly welcome this Bill because I think it is a necessary component in effecting change.

I turn now to the reference in this final report to the recommendation that a national agency such as this should be established. It is dealt with on page 267 of the report and the first point that is made, which I have already made but will re-emphasise by quoting it, is where the committee say:

Furthermore, the establishment of a national agency cannot replace the need for a central government social policy or for departments to review their existing policies and programmes to meet the needs of the poor.

As I read the Bill, that is not something that is required by the legislation. There is no requirement, either on central Government in relation to their social policy or on Departments, to review their own operations. There is plenty of scope for the agency to call for this perhaps in the future and to prepare reports to do research in the area, but there is not legal obligation or any proposal in the legislation requiring this kind of response from the Government. I think that may be an omission, which would be regrettable. It may be something that can be introduced by way of amendment to the legislation.

I would like to refer to the part of the report which recommends the establishment of a national agency:

What is, therefore, proposed is the establishment of an agency capable of operating at national, regional and local levels, which would develop and expand the work of the pilot schemes. Its responsibilities would include: (a) the refinement and promotion of new ways of dealing with the problem of poverty along the lines pioneered by the Committee; (b) the development of a national forum which would enable poor people to speak on their own behalf; (c) recommending to Government agencies and Departments particular actions in the fight against poverty and working with them in their implementation; (d) co-ordination and dissemination of relevant information to deprived groups regarding their rights and entitlements on a range of issues; this would require the provisions of resources including library facilities and equipment; (e) provision of specialist resources, advice and assistance to such groups and others engaged in self-help activities including priming grants and training; (f) promotion of issues research both to help deprived groups tackle the problems facing them and contribute to evaluation of policy at national level; (g) provision of specialist services and in-service training for community workers; (h) publication of a journal or magazine for the promotion of awareness on poverty and related issues; (i) acting as a focus and liaison for various community and social work interests and other groups, Government Departments, and relevant statutory and voluntary institutions.

It would be the intention that the agency would be innovative in its aims, structures and methods of operation. The agency would also have a recognised policy-shaping role in regard to advice on social economic policy arising out of its action and research findings.

I submit that a number of those objectives are catered for in the Bill but there are also significant omissions. The particular omissions that concern me are that it is not clear that the committee would have among their functions the promotion of projects on the ground which would continue and expand the work which had been developed in the pilot projects and which would engender this local community self-help, community self-reliance and individual self-reliance of the individuals and groups affected. It is not clear that there would be the commitment to developing the kind of national forum which would enable poor people to speak on their own behalf. This is something that we need. We need to give a voice in our society to those who come within the category of being below the poverty line or disadvantaged. At the moment they are the voiceless. They are those who are spoken about by others but do not have the direct experience of having a forum in which to communicate and speak on their own behalf. There are a number of other areas where, for example, the provision of specialist resources and assistance to these groups could be used for that purpose but it is not clear in the legislation.

If I might turn to the Bill against that background and look at the scope of its provisions, I would like to make a number of comments and raise a number of questions on the text of the Bill. These are matters which obviously we can come back to on Committee Stage. First of all, we look at the Long Title of the Bill. I just question why it is framed as being "An Act to provide for the establishment of a body (to be known as the Combat Poverty Agency) to advise the Minister for Social Welfare on all aspects of economic and social planning..." Would it strengthen the scope of the agency if it were to advise the Government? Granted it could have a special relationship with the Minister and obviously the Bill is intended to have a special relationship with the Minister for Social Welfare. If we are talking about an agency that is really going to affect the social and economic planning of the Government, then should it not have direct access to the Government of a more significant nature, rather than simply access to the Minister and then to rely upon a particular Minister at any point in time to promote further within Cabinet, or at Cabinet level whatever recommendations may have come from the agency? That would be my first question as to whether, if the agency is genuinely to be an instrument for the kind of social change which appears to be envisaged, it should relate directly to the Government.

In relation to section 2 on the establishment day, I think it would be important that the Minister should make it clear what timescale he has in mind for the establishment day. I see the necessity for the Bill actually to refer to an establishment day because that is the day the agency itself will come into operation as a body corporate. Equally, I think it is extremely important that there would be no delay in that. I do not see any reason why there should be a delay. There is an interim board at the moment and apart from some administrative machinery being put into operation there should not be any delay on it, and it is very important that the agency get underway rapidly, because section 5(2) of the Bill requires the agency to draw up a strategic plan and requires that the first plan be for the period ending 31 December 1987.

Working backwards from that, the agency should be in a position, at worst, to have the first strategic plan from the end of December 1985, to the end of December 1987, which is a two year period. In order to have a strategic plan for that period the agency should be established not later than next October, preferably even earlier than that — perhaps in June or July. If we are to stick to the timescale that the Bill seems to envisage then the agency would have to be established. I would welcome if the Minister would clarify that.

I now come to section 4 which is a very important section relating to the functions of the agency. It is couched in two parts. It warrants some further explanation from the Minister in replying to the debate. Section 4(1)(a) sets out the general functions of the agency. I will come back to what these functions are in a moment. I just want to get the structure of it at this stage. They are not amendable or changeable by the Minister. I welcome that. They are in the Bill — the Act when passed — and they are not subject to being modified.

We then come to subsection (2). We have further functions set out without prejudice or generality. Particular functions are set out. There is a provision in subsection (3) whereby the Minister may, with the consent of the Minister for Finance by regulations, amend subsection (2) of this section, so as to modify or withdraw any functions to which that subsection relates or to confer such additional functions on the agency as the Minister thinks proper. I am a little concerned at establishing an independent agency in this area and giving it powers and functions, and then saying that the Minister can wipe out all of the functions if he so wishes or, indeed, in fairness add to these functions. Why is this felt to be desirable? Why should the Minister want to take unto himself this kind of power? That is a provision that would need to be explained.

Similarly, if the intention is that the agency would be innovative and that it would be able to achieve the kind of modus operandi that is clear from the final report of the committee then it seems to me to be unnecessarily restrictive to have a provision such as subsection (5) which says:

The agency shall, in the performance of its functions, comply with such directions as may from time to time be given to it by the Minister.

Again, why does the Minister need the heavy hand for giving directions to the agency on how to achieve its functions? If we are establishing an agency with commitment to its aims and objectives, have we not faith in the approach of the agency? It may, by being innovative, be a thorn in the side of a Government of any particular time. I would have thought that if an agency of this kind is not a thorn in the side it is probably not doing its job. If it is not being quite a dynamic motor for change, and therefore to some extent an embarrassment to any bureaucracy or establishment at any point in time, then it is probably not doing its job properly. I am concerned that the Minister is looking in that subsection for a power to direct the agency in relation to its performance and functions. That is something that we will have to debate further and see what the Minister says in his reply about it.

I referred to the requirement for strategic plans and review when I was looking at the timescale for the first plan. That is a very good idea. It is desirable that the agency should be encouraged and, indeed, required under the Bill to plan in that way. That will improve the performance.

I do not have any strong comment on the composition of the agency except that it is relevant to question the standard exclusion of Members of the Oireachtas. Perhaps it is particularly relevant because the members of the agency will not be paid, apart from an allowance for attendance at meetings of the agency. Therefore, I presume that members of the agency will not be full time in any sense, but that they will be people who will have a particular commitment. The global exclusion of Members of both Houses does not seem to me to make any sense in that context. It is a standard for all agencies that we establish. It has been questioned in this House before. I would like to see it questioned seriously in relation to this particular agency for the reasons that I have given.

I come to section 9. I would agree with Senator Fitzsimons that section 9 is very fundamental as to how this agency is going to operate because it relates to the purse strings and to the funding. It would be important to get full information from the Minister in his reply to the Second Stage debate on the manner of the funding which will be provided. It will be provided in such amount or amounts as the Minister may fix with the consent of the Minister for Finance. The Minister himself is already under that constraint, which is a normal constraint for Ministers. Whatever the size of the funding, it will be with the consent of the Minister for Finance. The level of funding will, to a significant degree, determine the capacity of the agency to make a substantial impact. We have had other statutory bodies — take, for example, the Employment Equality Agency — which have not been adequately funded to discharge the tasks which were placed upon them by the legislation. There has been argument for years on this. It is most important that we ensure that this particular agency, which has such a significant and important role for our evolving social policy, should have adequate funding.

There are other matters that are more appropriate to Committee Stage. I am very pleased that there is express provision for disclosure of interest in proposed contracts. This should become a standard measure for statutory bodies of this kind. I note that there is provision that the regulations made by the Minister must be laid before the House and can be annulled by motion in the normal way. I still think that the Minister has at this stage sought to exert too much control over an agency which, by its very nature, must have the capacity to be innovative and flexible enough to decide on how it will discharge its functions in the best manner. It deserves the confidence of both Houses in doing that without the heavy bureaucratic hand being laid on it at this stage.

I very much welcome the establishment of the agency and I hope that it will be achieved within a very short time and enabled to carry out the tasks set to it in the legislation.

I was speaking here on the national plan some months ago and I emphasised how significant the National Development Corporation idea was then and still is. We are now discussing an agency to carry out basic research into the causes and effects of poverty, and to deal with some measures to reduce, if not eliminate, the poverty figures. To get the thing into proper perspective, we have to look at and examine motivation. Here are two instruments. The average person looking at them would consider that there is no relationship and that they are different. They are not different. They have been determined out of the social and economic thinking manifested by the existence of the kind of problems associated with unemployment, plus the fact that other people and other groups suffer from material loss by being near the poverty line or below it.

These are two instruments, and the question of unacceptability of unemployment and the poverty arising from it was the pressure which must have been in the minds of the people who thought up the idea of the urgency and who thought up the idea of the National Development Corporation. There is a direct co-relation in the thinking that produced two instruments. Many people do not think that they are related but they are. They are related because the basic thinking is the same. They are endeavours to tackle the unemployment problem and produce, as Senator Fitzsimons has said, full employment. He said also that he thinks this is possible. It is possible provided that society accepts the fundamental changes which will be necessary to bring about full employment. Up to now I see no indication, outside the two instruments, of a fundamental change in the kind of thinking that our society has involved itself in since independence. The telephone kiosks were painted green but we copied the capitalistic thing from Britain and we are now trying to break out of the capitalistic thing because the Combat Poverty Agency will carry out extensive research and study into the poverty problem. They will make recommendations to the Minister or to the Government, if that is the way it has to be done, to deal with the problem of poverty arising from unemployment in the main so that the wellbeing of widows, orphans, old people and the sick can be looked after by material and financial measures.

Unemployment is different because by reason of unemployment the nation loses the creativity, the intellect and the drive by way of loss of application to work of the best in the nation. Even if men were to get money for nothing at full industrial wages levels I as a socialist would not be satisfied, because men and work are natural to one another. Along with the poverty which arises from unemployment there is the denial of the opportunity to create or to use one's intellect not only in the interests of oneself and family but in the interest of the nation and the State.

The Combat Poverty Agency will carry out their research and will make recommendations, and I hope they will not remain a research body but will in some way be seen to be active. It can be argued against me that the National Corporation will be an active body showing that the Government are determined to intervene where intervention is necessary. The National Development Corporation therefore can be a very useful instrument working alongside the Combat Poverty Agency.

I should like to contratulate Fine Gael and my Labour colleagues for producing the idea of State activity and intervention through the National Development Corporation in that they will be actively involved in investment as a means to an end of providing gainful employment for the unemployed. But if fundamental rethink is necessary I wonder who will be responsible for the re-thinking. I said also that economic pressures produce this thinking. The Marxists call that economic determinism, and there is truth in economic determinism. The motivation to be pure is that we cannot accept poverty but the pressure is economic. There is truth in the idea that economics determine the way in which we move to produce a given situation or to cure given circumstances in which we find ourselves. Here are two instruments and as a socialist I applaud the Coalition Government.

These are socialist measures. Many things are done that satisfy social justice and are done by people who are not socialists. Nevertheless they feel compelled to navigate along that road. It is not that the socialists know all the answers. All we want is social justice so we are colleagues and fellow travellers of those who share that aspiration. We produce instruments from time to time that are motivated by economic pressures and the big pressure is that the unemployment problem in Ireland is not acceptable. Poverty is not acceptable. The people who have produced these two instruments are to be commended and I congratulate them without reservation. They are two of the most significant pieces of legislation to be brought forward in this country. They are progressive and have been devised as a result of intelligent thinking.

I note with approval the significant role to be undertaken by means of community development. It is at community level that the effects of poverty on those sections of our people so affected are to be seen. It is proposed in that context that the agency will promote local action programmes either on their own or in conjunction with local authorities, health boards or other organisations. In the category of other organisations I would name trade union branches and local trade union councils, because the latter named bodies would be only too willing to participate in local action under the auspices of the agency, especially since it is envisaged that the agency will act as a resource centre for community development in relation to poverty.

The question of community development in the field of examining the causes and effects of poverty is very important. I point out the importance of grasping the real meaning of the phrase "no one shall be in need". This expression was used by the Labour Government when they were returned to office in Britain after the war. Everyone's mind is tuned to the idea that this simply meant handing out dole. It meant more than that. It meant that there is an extension beyond the narrow limit of material needs or of being a recipient of a subsistence allowance or income. Because of living in poverty, people suffer the loss of the feeling of identity, a diminution of dignity and a feeling of being shunned by society. That has a very bad psychological effect on any man, woman or family. The impoverishment of life under these circumstances is inevitable and requires corrective action. I hope that the combat poverty agency will pay attention to that particular area for examination.

If the agency are to succeed in this area, they will need to give attention to the diminution of dignity, to the awful effects of poverty and to the problem of being shunned by society. Therefore, I am greatly pleased to read that the objectives of the agency, as set out in the explanatory memorandum are "to assist and encourage poor people to involve themselves as much as possible to achieve their rights and have a say in decision making". That becomes very important to the human being involved, more important perhaps than the material needs to be satisfied, at least equally important.

There are two specific requirements towards resolving the effects of poverty. One is the material assistance I have referred to and which involves the redistribution of wealth. The problem is caused by maldistribution or imbalanced distribution in the machinery of production and exchange. That is what causes poverty and unemployment. The machinery is not working properly and there is imbalance in redistribution.

No one denies that a capitalist society — and our society is fairly capitalistic — can produce. It can produce. It has produced. The big fault is that sometimes it over produces. Over production is rampant in Europe. They produce too much of this and too little of that. There is efficiency in production and anarchy in distribution. A capitalistic society cannot distribute equitably. No matter how efficiently it seems to work in the production arena, its redistribution machinery simply does not work, so there is unemployment and its consequence, which is poverty.

The second requirement is the need for personal development, the psychological effect of poverty. I mean personal development in the sense of active participation in the life of the community. When one becomes impoverished, one is shunned. Perhaps the second requirement is more important than the first. It could involve education or re-education, retraining and possibly in some cases a form of rehabilitation.

Our society has committed itself to what is proposed in this Bill and to the setting up of a national development corporation. These two instruments represent an effort to clear the unemployment problem. One cannot eliminate poverty unless there is full employment. One cannot reduce poverty and eliminate it if one fails to produce full employment. Therefore, that is what this combat poverty agency is about. That is what the National Development Corporation are about. They are about State intervention because they are being prepared by way of economic pressure or economic determination. Those affected by poverty have to be brought into the mainstream of community life and all the associated activities.

I am concerned that the agency might simply remain a research body and not an active body but I trust that will not happen. I am satisfied that as long as the National Development Corporation are in being, they will be an instrument to actively promote and implement any recommendations that are made by the agency. I congratulate the Coalition Government on these two instruments.

I shall be very brief. I agree largely with the remarks of Senator McGonagle and I do not propose to go back over ground that has already been covered by the previous speakers other than to participate in the general welcome for the setting up of this new agency. I welcome the title of the Bill. The opening word "combat" seems to indicate immediately that there is a forward thrust intended, that we are talking about a positive agency, an aggressive agency that will begin to tackle this indictment of and very sad reflection on the society of which we are all participants and component members.

The memorandum to the Bill, as Senator McGonagle has said, sets out quite clearly, the purposes of the Bill. They are set out under four headings; (a), (b), (c) and (d). An adjustment was possibly called for in relation to the actual functions in that function (c) as listed on the memorandum might have been listed as (a) and that is the examination of the nature, causes and extent of poverty in the state and for that purpose the promotion, commission and interpretation of research. Senator McGonagle rightly fired something of a warning shot when he said that he hoped his apprehensions about the agency becoming a research and advisory agency simply and solely would not be well founded and that the agency would take onto themselves the positive action which is part and parcel of their remit.

It is important to establish the root causes of this indictment which is so indicative of the malaise that is prevalent in modern society. It is very important that we face up to reality, that we appraise, evaluate, look at but above all else translate into positive action the decisions, recommendations and advice that comes from the agency. The purpose of the agency is to advise and assist but above all else to act.

When one considers that within the past few days the St. Vincent de Paul Society produced a report for the Minister for Social Welfare about poverty, identifying some of the causes of poverty and so on and identifying that today the average family spend something in the region of 60 per cent of their income on food alone, it sets in perspective the very onerous task that is thrust on the shoulders of the people who are to man this agency. There is underlying poverty and there is obvious poverty. If this agency undertake the work they will be expected to undertake, I have no doubt but that some of the statistics that will emerge therefrom will serve to waken many of us out of our complacency. When one considers that people are expected today to rear a family of nine on unemployment assistance amounting to something over £120 per week and that 60 per cent of that money will be spent on food, with clothing, fuel, rent and other expenses having to be met also, one can appreciate the stress, the strain and the pressures so many people have to cope with.

While I welcome the recent budget increase of 6 per cent in social welfare benefits, an increase which is greater than the anticipated level of inflation during the coming year, I must acknowledge that the level of social welfare benefits is ridiculously low. People cannot live on these amounts. They merely exist at subsistence levels.

I would like also to stress that one of the tasks of this agency should be to eliminate some of the anomalies which are so prevalent in our general social welfare code. In a situation where a family are living on £120 per week unemployment assistance and where the breadwinner is genuinely unemployed, having relentlessly sought work to no avail, and where the family can prove that because of some compelling circumstances — and in most circumstances people cannot exist with any degree of comfort on that weekly allowance — community welfare officers should be empowered to augment, supplement and top up the level of unemployment assistance. At present this is not happening. On several occasions I have approached community welfare officers in my health board area bringing to their attention a particular pressing problem where a person on unemployment assistance simply was not able to subsist or exist but the standard reply I get from community welfare officers — and I have great respect for the discretionary manner in which they generally discharge their functions — is that for as long as the person is qualifying for unemployment assistance from the Department of Social Welfare, that money cannot be topped up.

This is something that should be tackled. The very nature of the word "supplementary" implies that it is there to augment incomes and to alleviate hardship. I acknowledge that the welfare officers do marvellous work in relation to providing interim payments while the applicant is waiting for his or her entitlement to come through from the Department of Social Welfare but the vast majority of people, and I am not talking about people on smallholders assistance, living on unemployment assistance today cannot survive on the level of payment I have outlined.

The previous speaker referred to the fact that we have also an anomaly where we find medical referees assessing people for disability benefit and where the referee sets out to disprove, to disclaim, or to refuse to accept the work of acknowledged proven specialists in the particular area of malaise, injury or disease with which the applicant is afflicted. I do not think that the word of an eminent orthopaedic surgeon or specialist should be discarded cursorily, as seems to happen in relation to establishing people's genuine injury, illness, disease or other disability.

Like previous speakers, I welcome the family income supplement. Here we have an example of what I am calling for in relation to the application of the supplementary welfare allowance. The kernel of the success of the agency is outlined at the bottom of the explanatory memorandum. It explains that the statutory authorities and the local organisations are welded together to provide an integrated response to the needs of the poor. If we can achieve that and eliminate the overlapping, if we can get purposeful decisive action, if we can get money — a key component to the success of this agency — we will be well on the way to the achievement of the objectives of the agency.

I do not believe that money is the answer to all cases. There is a crying need for an advisory service, to advise families who are trying to exist on very limited resources, as to the best method of deploying these resources. I am talking about the area of home economics, of dieting and dietary requirements, budgetary provisions and household budgeting. I would see this as being one of the very useful functions which will be realised and fulfilled by the agency.

I agree with Senator McGonagle that until such time as we eliminate the real scourge which afflicts our society today, and which is responsible for so much poverty, we will not have broken the back of the problem. I refer to the scourge of unemployment. Again I appeal to all agencies, all Departments and all Ministers to purposefully set about exploiting the indigenous resources we have and which we are not utilising. Last year we imported foodstuffs to the value of about £800 million, all of which could have been produced in this country and which could have reduced our balance of payments as well as giving very useful employment in the production, the marketing and the processing sectors. One appreciates fully the resources we have but which are under-utilised. It is that situation that has brought about the need for this legislation.

On inspecting the explanatory memorandum of the Combat Poverty Agency Bill I made a few notes. Section 2(a) is to advise and make recommendations to the Minister on all aspects of economic and social planning in the State. The first question I would ask is, on what criteria will that advice be obtained? Whose advice will be sought? It is important in our changing society that we seek the advice not only of experts but of the people generally.

The next section is about the initiation of measures aimed at over-crowding poverty in the State and the evaluation of such measures. I should like the Minister to consider this as a challenge, not to see it as a means of rationalising resources to get better economic use out of them but rather trying to create a politic and a community interest which will liberate the resourcefulness of the people. For far too long in Ireland, both North and South, we have been very concerned with limited resources and not concerned enough about the limitless talents of our people and of how to mobilise these talents and to trust the people to mobilise their own resources.

Then we turn to the examination of the nature, causes and extent of poverty in this State and for that purpose, the promotion, commission and interpretation of research. When we consider the nature of the poverty, I do not think that it is too much of a cliche to emphasise yet again that poverty and powerlessness in Ireland go hand in hand, particularly at a time when Ireland seems to have done what it took England much longer to do, depopulated its countryside and stuck many of the people into Dublin. There is a great sense of futility, there is a great feeling, even among those who are invited to participate, that their participation means nothing because they do not have the power to make it effective. The promotion of greater public understanding of the nature, causes and extent of poverty requires not just knowledge. There is a tendency when one reads this to feel that we are going to do a lot of research and to find out a lot of facts. It requires a heightened awareness of what is going on. That again means contact with the people where the poverty exists and a facility provided for a whole new generation to become much more aware of the various strands and facets of the society in which they live so that they, from a point of awareness, can mobilise the resources to do something about poverty.

The point I am making is that I do not believe we will succeed any more than we succeeded in the Litter Bill if it is thought that by legislation and by the setting up of an agency to determine what the woes of the people of Ireland are we will then tell them what is best for them, give them the medicine and everything will be fine. We have got to do something much more fundamental, that is to engage the people in a dialogue about their own condition and to challenge vested interest where vested interest is not prepared to engage the people so that we can show a new sense of trust in each other and out of that trust, even if a considerable portion of it may be misplaced, will evolve our own solutions to our own very unique problems. I want to give one short quotation from The Irish Times of Thursday, 18 April. It is headed: “Redeeming Ireland's Bartered Pride” and it is the second of two articles by Professor Joe Lee. I quote:

We need a shift in our whole mental axis, but not one that sacrifices our residual scraps of identity for nothing better than servility to subsidise squatters, instead of fostering the self-reliance that requires an education of intellect, imagination and character. When the foundations are fragile, the frantic effort devoted to keeping up the paint work is doomed to futility, however lucrative it may be for the decorators of the day.

I think there is something to be learned from that rather salutary statement.

If we look around us and look at the problem of poverty the one thing that Ireland has perhaps more than most Western European countries is a very over centralised and over governed society. We talk about our levels of deprivation. I have not heard many of the speeches on this Bill, but I feel certain that much has been made of deprivation in regard to housing, community life, living, lack of opportunity amongst youngsters and so on.

From that we find that a whole argument and debate goes on about justifying all manner of deviation in our society on the basis of this social deprivation. What are we going to do about it? First of all, we have to acknowledge that we are living at this moment in an era of a greater rate of change than man has ever been confronted with before. At the same time we seem to have a more rigid system than ever before, more centrally controlled. We should be seeking a much more flexible political system particularly at local community level to try to respond to the ongoing difficulties as and when they arise. If people are subjected to either a rate of change or a depth of change which is beyond their adaptive mechanism to respond to positively then they will respond to it negatively. We all know what that means in terms of violence and apathy.

Not so long ago both in this part of Ireland and in the other part of Ireland imperial order reigned supreme. There was a sort of unwritten imperial code. As long as one held onto that code then society did not seem to be in any risk of fragmenting. In today's world the imperial code is fragmenting. It does not have to be the English form of it. The whole institutional framework of imperialism has fragmented in recent years. We have yet to put something in its place. What we have to put in its place is a new society based on trust. I do not believe we can get trust unless we reduce the scale of our enterprise rather than increasing it. It is in an emphasis more on diminishing size and relating to a more healthy scale of enterprise rather than perpetuating centralism and institutionalism that we will find the answers to the sort of problems that are posed by this Bill and the need for it. This bring me to the need to have a radical change in our political outlook so that we can allow the people to help with the institutions to create a response to their own need and to have that need supported and subsidised where it is most needed.

Let us take the business of change. In an unresourceful person or a fragmented community if change is imposed from outside it is inevitable that that community and the people in it will react rather than respond, will feel threatened rather than challenged. If we are going to change that so that they feel challenged, so that they will respond, then I think we have got to give them back what they have lost, trust, accountability to themselves, responsibility for themselves and the power to make their decisions effective where they live. It is no good talking about this unless we are concerned with the economics of it. The economics of it will require a shift of economic power as well as political power from the central institutions of the State to local communities so that the people, where they live, can decide on their own priorities.

The danger of this is that one can move from one extreme to another and end up with petty village type feudalism again. That is not what I am suggesting. I am suggesting a need to create a new dynamic between the central institutions of the State and the citizen in community. We need to shift from those prosperous and privileged communities economic power to the deprived communities and to try to encourage those deprived communities to set up the political structures in them, to try to determine how they will use the social space that we are going to share with them, how they will undertake creative work to give people creative things to do and how they will begin to feel that the society they live in is inviting them to participate and is giving them the power to make that participation effective.

One has only to look at a few of the figures to see how over centralised we have become. In 1926, Dublin city and county contained 17 per cent of the population, in 1985, 30 per cent of the population. I understand that the European capitals on the whole, apart from Greece, contain less than 20 per cent of the population. France has grappled with this problem. I mention France in particular because in the late seventies it was seen as perhaps the most over centralised country in Europe with all the power located in Paris. There has been a struggle to decentralise France. It has not come to its full fruition, but there certainly have been moves to create a more constructive type of society in which the ordinary citizen feels that he has again a role to play. I would, therefore, suggest that in combating poverty and in setting up this agency to combat poverty the agency should go out to seek from the people the suggestions which will bring about their own salvation, because we will have to seek some very fundamental salvation of our plight. As we all know, we have moved into the high tech era. There is no way, much as we might like it, that we can develop alternative technology to compete with high technology. High technology is here to stay. High technology must mean either fewer and fewer hours in employment, or if we continue to employ people fully for reasonably long hours then they must be pushed into service industries because to employ them industrially would be to invite ecological destruction. On the other hand, if we push them all into service industries are we not actually increasing the controls on our lives, which again is part of a vicious circle and we are back to where we started.

We should be encouraging less and less time in employment but a greater sharing of the available employment, perhaps the pursuit of a new human right, the right of access to an equitable share of available employment in the community, the right of access for the community to available employment in the region and the right of access of the region to an equitable share of available employment for the nation. In that sense you would not only be bringing a decentralisation of employment opportunity but you would also be emphasising the need to share that opportunity, and right of access does not imply any form of compulsion. It implies the right to have it but to be sure that that right can be exercised and to ensure that the employment that there is is, in fact, shared. It also requires us to look at how do we determine what people will be employed to do and how do we determine or who decides what we are to produce. On the other side of the coin, as I have said, how do the people use their talents constructively?

I, therefore, conclude with a few suggestions, ones that I made in this House over a year ago. We should address ourselves to the need for a new style of politic in order to bring about this redistribution of power so that central institutions in the State, and this is what I hope this advisory body can address itself to, will be seen as serving need determined by the people in community rather than dictating to them what that need should be.

First of all I feel that every home in the island should be part of a tenants' association and that these tenants' associations should put forward an elected representative to serve on a local community council. When we come to talk about the district council or the county council we should start to address ourselves to the need perhaps not only to have direct representation from the people but also indirect representation from the council immediately below the one that we are talking about so that you would end up in Northern Ireland with a district council which would be elected by the people but would also have representatives from the community councils. The attempt would be to try to break out at local level of a party political control or at least give the party politicians at local level the challenge of a more independently minded representation. Let us take the tax system. Is it not high time we addressed ourselves, if we are really interested in giving the people back the right to participate as Irishmen in Ireland and to determine what direction their endeavours will take them, the economic power to decide their own priorities? There would be a great danger, and this would be pure communism, if all the taxes were collected locally and the local people acted almost with complete autonomy. We are not talking about that. What I am suggesting is that we should collect our taxes in such a way that it is quite clear that a small percentage goes to the centre of the State, a slightly larger percentage to the regional government in the State and the largest proportion of all is held in local communities.

May I just take three figures which I mentioned before? If all the four million people in Ireland were to pay 10 per cent of their total tax to the centre, 20 per cent to the regional assembly and 40 per cent to the local district council then the 40 per cent would be available for decision making locally on local priorities. There is still 30 per cent left over. This could be used on a sliding scale to shift economic resources from the privileged communities to the deprived communities and with the emphasis on the right of the people where they live to determine priorities for themselves and yet to do it in such a way that it would be within the overall strategy, regional or national, of the society in which they live. I am not suggesting that you give back complete power to people in local communities, because there are tremendous dangers in that. I am suggesting that we should look more seriously at the balance between the centre, the citizen and the community and that at the moment it seems to be much too much loaded in the central direction; and when we talk about decentralisation all too often the state centre, in this case Dublin, is talking about giving to the natives as little as possible to keep them happy in order to hold on to as much as possible and to continue to manipulate power as before.

What I am talking about is autonomy and the interbalance between autonomy which gives the people back the right to determine for themselves what they are going to do with their talents and resources and how they relate with those talents and resources to the rest of the State to which they belong in a much more politically dynamic manner than is done at present.

In order to provide the information — I emphasise here again something I have overemphasised by repetition, is the need for a statutorily well serviced citizens' advice bureau in every community in the country, properly equipped with audio video cassette service and, as we move into the high tech era, presumably with proper computer terminals so that you can find out at a moment's notice your entitlement, whatever you need to find out about the State apparatus and how you can mobilise the resources of the State within the context of the law to meet the particular demands in the local community. This becomes more and more important among deprived communities and the poverty bound people in those communities. They must have access to the State machinery, they must have access to the knowledge of what their entitlements are and they must also have the power, as I emphasised earlier, to do something to break out of the situation. It cannot be broken merely by prescription from the centre. Prescription has its place, but the final solution must be in trusting the people and giving them the power to exercise a trust in a fully mature way.

With regard to our institutions at present there are many institutions in Ireland, particularly State, semi-State institutions and big corporations, that are controlled by capital located elsewhere, where the ordinary people round about that particular enterprise or organisation and the people working in it feel powerless to determine or to make decisions which are meaningful in the course of their everyday life. I am convinced that for those enterprises in Ireland where the organisation is a semi-State or State organisation or where capital is located outside of the community in which that enterprise is situated we must set up a tripartite co-operative principle, and that tripartite co-operative principle will require representation from those who work in the organisation at annual general meetings, representation in the case of a State service of the community which is served or in the instance of some corporation which has a plant in a part of Ireland, the right of the local citizens to express an opinion with regard to matters of pollution, employment and so forth.

That is the second leg. The third leg is of course, the institution leg. In my own situation in a hospital you have got to relate to the institutions which have brought the development of the service to the point at which it now is. So you have to relate to the royal colleges, the general medical councils, the general nursing council, the trade union movement and so on. Those three legs of a tripartite co-operative system will become more and more essential in a high technology era facing the challenge of a high technology economy in an over-centralised society.

We should encourage everywhere the development of community guilds, guilds dealing with health, with matters of work in employment, the environment, education, where we engage the voluntary and the statutory bodies and oblige them to meet annually, bi-annually or quarterly in each community throughout the country to discuss openly the problems which face the people who are involved in the whole business of promoting health, developing education and so on, so that we become aware of what is available, we become aware of how it interrelates and we open up our society to have a much more productive and constructive debate than we have had heretofore. The community guild is a matter of selecting the health agencies, the educational agencies, the agencies involved in employment and the problems of ecology. The community forum, on the other hand, is something that should be held in the local hall, again, quarterly, bi-annually or annually or whatever is thought fit, but there should be a statutory obligation to have a minimum number of times to meet to discuss matters of fundamental importance. Are our talents being mobilised, are they being liberated, are they being developed? Have we got the facilities in our community to allow these talents to develop? We could have a session on power, how is it distributed? We could have a session on resources, how are they used and how are they owned, but we have got to spark the enthusiasm of the people so that they feel they are living in a country that cares and because it cares it invites them to participate with the institutions of the State to evolve a new approach, a new sense of direction and to charge the people with a new spirit.

It is a challenge to vested interests, and vested interest does not like being challenged, but we will never attack poverty in the sense that this Bill is attempting to attack it if we believe that it can be attacked by prescription through a combat poverty agency being set up to find out the facts and saying what the solutions are. The solutions must be found by the people, and this must be the catalyst whereby the people find their solutions. This must not be a prescription.

Finally, something I would love to see happen in Ireland is the development of national social service. Every child who leaves school before he gets any third level education of any sort, be that third level education at the work bench or in the university library, should be obliged to become more aware as a citizen of the country he lives in by a period of national social service where, if he is privileged, he meets poverty head on, where, if he comes from a deprived community, he has the opportunity to go out and see how other people live, where ideas and feelings can at long last be interchanged across all the ridiculous boundaries that we have and we begin to see ourselves as an organic community working for the common good. The common good is something that we will feel more and more instinctively the more we know about the rest of the commonality.

If I see power at the centre of things I can see a reversible equation going towards the citizen in the community in this direction, and a reversible equation going in that direction towards the central institutions of the State. The central institutions of the State seem to be charged at present with imperialism and centralism, and this centralism and these imperial attitudes are sustained by the interests of class, capital, church, and State institutionalism. You can rest assured that you will see in many parts of Ireland where people claim to be good community people that once the interests particularly of class and capital are challenged community goes out through the window and those two interests seem to come in. I do not believe we will be able to cope with our poverty and deprivation and all the social malaise we have at the moment unless we are concerned with the citizen's awareness, the responsibility he has for himself and for those around him, his accountability to others in the community in which he lives and the need to educate in the form of development rather than refinement. Our whole education process today is the business of refining talent, alienating people from the whole when it could so easily be about developing the person and relating him to the whole, to be more conscious of the whole, to know more about it and to try to take on board some of those items which I have mentioned.

I, therefore, welcome this Bill. I hope the combat poverty agency, when it is set up, will see its functions as a catalyst, to catalyse the people to do something for themselves and in the process to realise that the more deprived the people the less opportunity they will have to do anything for themselves. This means a shift of economic power so that power, economic and political, will go hand in hand with participation and that the institutions will struggle with the people in the community to create the answer to these problems.

I would like to think Senators for their very wide-ranging and constructive comments on the subject matter of the Bill. There is no basic disagreement amongst Senators on the fact that poverty exists on a wide scale in this country and affects a very large number of people. The increasing level of unemployment in recent years has brought more people into poverty and at the same time has made it more difficult to redistribute resources in sufficient quantity to deal adequately with the various manifestations of poverty, whether financial poverty or otherwise, in our society.

A number of Senators drew attention to the link between poverty and other social problems including crime, drugs and a general alienation of some sections of the population from society as a whole. The Members of the House are keenly aware of this aspect of the problem and I do not have to emphasise the seriousness of it.

Indeed I think it is fair to say that the present Government and earlier Governments have for some time been acutely conscious of the need to improve the conditions of the poorer sections of the community and a considerable amount has been done in this respect. In the publication Poverty and Income Maintenance Policies in Ireland 1973-80, which updated the data in the Joyce and McCashin study from which Senator Michael Higgins quoted extensively, John D. Roche concludes that the extent of poverty in 1980 was substantially lower than in 1973 and estimates that the total population poor was reduced by 27 per cent or more. In this regard income maintenance policies have had considerable success. However, the incidence of poverty has altered in the meantime because of the growing numbers of unemployed.

Senator Brendan Ryan laid great stress on the need to give the unemployed an adequate income. I think we all agree about this, and the present Government have given concrete recognition to the importance of maintaining the income of the unemployed not only by keeping their payments in line with inflation but also by giving special increases to the long term unemployed. This extra assistance should go some way to easing the additional problems of people who have been on a low income for a considerable time.

Senator Ryan also mentioned the large numbers of low paid who can also be classified as poor. The Government have already taken steps to ease the burden in this area through the family income supplement which came into payment last September. Although the number of applications has not been as high as expected there are some 5,500 families now receiving an additional weekly supplement which at least brings their total disposable income over what it would be on unemployment of disability benefit.

The problem of financial poverty is dealt with mainly through the social welfare system, which is primarily an income maintenance service. Senators Fallon and O'Brien made the point that, of course, financial poverty was not the only problem. Many people on reasonable incomes are unable to provide adequately for themselves and their families, and I have no doubt that were we able to substantially increase unemployment payments the problem would still not be solved. The reasons for this situation arise to a great extent from environmental and educational conditions. These are some of the fundamental problems which I would expect the new agency to explore. There are some basic conditions in society which cannot be solved by increased cash resources alone.

It is important to examine the efficacy of many of the existing policies and programmes and their impact on poverty. It is equally important, where programmes are found to be ineffective, to search for alternative approaches. This will be the main task of the new agency. There is no doubt that to deal adequately with the problem of poverty in the long term, major changes will be needed in economic and social policies. The Government have recognised this fact in their programme, which refers specifically to the drawing up and implementing of an anti-poverty plan within the context of national economic and social planning concentrating on a more just distribution of wealth, income and power. The new agency will have a central role to play in this context and, as Senator Michael D. Higgins pointed out, this aspect of the agency's role is listed as the first general function of the agency in section 4 (1) of the Bill.

The agency is also intended to be an action agency and not just an agency which promotes research and gives advice. Senator Fallon expressed some doubts about the need for further research in relation to poverty. I agree that a considerable amount of study has been done and I would expect the agency to have regard to it in drawing up its first strategic plan. The agency may also need further information on specific areas, and it would be advisable to obtain this in order to ensure that its planning is as effective as possible.

In this connection I might refer to what was said by Senator Fitzsimons concerning the need to make use of the expertise available — sociologists, social scientists etc. — who can assist through their research in identifying the problems which need to be addressed.

The new research, however, should be linked to practical action. We need practical solutions and approaches to making policies on social welfare, health, housing, education and other areas more effective in tackling the problems. The agency will be responsible for testing new methods of dealing with poverty, and it will have to closely monitor the progress and results of the projects it will promote for this purpose. If these methods are successful they can then be applied on a wider scale. The existing agencies will be responsible generally for putting the new methods into effect. The new input of the Combat Poverty Agency will be done when a project has been tested and evaluated, but care will have to be taken that the evaluation has been thoroughly done.

One of the benefits of research is that it helps to increase the level of general awareness of the existence of poverty, and the promotion of greater public understanding of the nature, causes and extent of poverty in the State is one of the general functions of the new agency as set out in section 4 of the Bill. While people are aware in a general way of the various manifestations of poverty in our society, it is obvious from a number of surveys which have been carried out in recent years, and to which Senator Higgins and others referred, that attitudes to poverty and to poor people often show a high degree of prejudice and misinformation. There is clearly a need for more information and education in this area, and I would hope that the agency will pay particular attention to this aspect of its work.

Many Senators, during the course of their contributions, referred to certain items of detail. These will be dealt with in more detail on the various sections of the Bill. I should like, however, to refer briefly to some of them now.

Senator Fitzsimons spoke in some detail about the question of how poverty is to be defined and the causes of poverty in our midst. Many books have been written on this subject, and it will be one of the tasks of the agency to examine this question from the Irish perspective. We are also, of course, looking to the agency to put forward constructive proposals for action to combat poverty. A number of the detailed aspects of this raised by Senators can, as I have stated, be dealt with more appropriately in the context of the debate, particularly on section 4 of the Bill, which outlines the functions of the agency.

Senator Robinson quoted extensively from the final report of the National Committee on Pilot Schemes to Combat Poverty, 1974-80 which analyses the characteristics of poverty and stresses the need to consider radical solutions to the problem of poverty.

It is agreed that the establishment of the agency will not in itself solve the problem of poverty, but the Government commitment in this area is set out in Building on Reality. The new agency will have a central role in advising on the drawing up of the anti-poverty plan referred to in that document and the Bill enables it to do so. It is agreed, however, that it will be for the Government to adopt the necessary policies based on that advice.

Senator Robinson also questioned the provision referred to in the Long Title under which the agency will advise the Minister. She stated that she would prefer if the agency had direct access to the Government as a whole, as Government policy is involved in action to combat poverty. It had been intended from the outset, as set out in the Programme for Government, that the agency would be the responsibility of the Minister for Social Welfare. It is appropriate, therefore, that the agency should deal directly in all aspects of its activities — its financing, strategic planning, and so on — with the same Minister. The agency will have the right to publish its report, so that its views on poverty will be generally available and not only to the Minister.

Senator Robinson also questioned section 4(3) of the Bill which enables the Minister to amend the functions of the agency by regulations. She was worried that the Minister might use the power to restrict the agency as she pointed out, the power extended only to the amendment of the subsidiary functions of the agency and not to the four basic functions contained in section 4 (1). The purpose of section 4 (3) is to enable the Minister to amend the functions without having to amend the legislation. It is envisaged that the power given in section 4 (3) would only be used if the Minister wished to expand the functions of the agency rather than to restrict those functions in any way.

Senator Robinson also referred to section 4(5) of the Bill which provides that the agency must comply with any directions given to it by the Minister. She felt that this would unduly restrict the agency in the performance of its functions. This is a standard provision when agencies of this kind are being set up; there must be ministerial responsibility for the agency and the Minister is the one who must report to the Government on the agency and ensure that the agency fulfils its functions adequately. He is responsible for the funds allocated by Government to the agency.

Senator Robinson also referred to section 9 which concerns the funding of the agency and expressed concern for the adequate financing of the agency. I would like to point out that under subsection (2) it will be a matter for the agency, in the first instance, to submit its estimates. This is obligatory. It will then be for the Minister to settle the grants to be paid. The consent of the Minister for Finance will be required because he has overall responsibility for the allocation of public funds. This is a standard provision with regard to agencies of this nature. It is not intended that the agency should be hamstrung by lack of funds in so far as resources allow.

Some Senators referred to the inadequate level of social welfare payments and to the other defects of the system such as delays in payment. The Government see the need for a complete review of the whole social welfare system, and one of their first actions was to set up the Commission on Social Welfare to take a new look at the whole system. This is the first time since the social welfare code was set up in 1982 that this has been done. The Commission report is due out later this year, and I look forward to recommendations which may give us a more effective and more equitable system for the society of the present day.

Senator Robb mentioned the need to foster the development of local community structures to combat poverty. The Bill provides that the new agency would act as a resource sector for community development to combat poverty. This will be a very important part of its work. I fully agree with Senator Robb that we must enable people, encourage and facilitate them, to identify their problems and to come together to solve the problems in a community context.

The House has shown its concern over the problem of poverty in our society and has not challenged the need for an integrated approach. The agency which is proposed in this Bill represents the correct basic structure for a new anti-poverty campaign, and I hope to have the support of the House for the Bill.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

When is it proposed to take the Committee Stage of this Bill?

I am not in a position to say at this point; presumably the Leader of the House can deal with that at a later stage.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

This date should be fixed — the Leader of the House is coming now.

I regret that I was not in the House. The Minister of State showed no signs of peroration which would warn me to hurry in. I would suggest that we order the Committee Stage for next Wednesday, although it may not necessarily be taken then.

Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday 8 May 1985.
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