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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 9 Jul 1985

Vol. 108 No. 14

Social Welfare (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 1984: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill provides for equal treatment for men and women in the social welfare system. This is required in accordance with the terms of an EC directive adopted by the Council of Ministers in 1978.

The main area of discrimination in the social welfare code concerns the entitlement of married women. This Bill is a reforming measure which will remove fundamental inequalities in the code affecting married women. The changes will have a major impact both on the thrust of the social welfare code and on the operations of my Department on which they will place substantial new demands.

The implementation of equal treatment in our social welfare system raises complex issues and so that Senators will have a full picture I should like initially to outline in detail the background to the Bill.

The directive — the number, for the record, is 79/7/EEC — on equal treatment was adopted by the Council of Ministers on 19 December 1978. It applies to certain schemes only and these are statutory schemes providing protection against sickness, invalidity, old age, unemployment and accidents at work and occupational diseases. It does not apply to survivors' benefits nor to family benefits and, naturally, the implementation of equal treatment does not preclude provisions relating to the protection of women on grounds of maternity.

Social assistance, in so far as it is intended to supplement or replace similar social insurance schemes, is also embraced by the directive. In accordance with the directive all sexual discrimination in the schemes referred to whether this is direct, or indirect by reference to marital or family status, must be removed and the Bill provides accordingly.

There are four distinct areas of such discrimination all of which have been part of the social welfare code for some considerable time now. First, certain married women receive lower rates of benefit than men and other women in the schemes of disability benefit, unemployment benefit, invalidity pension and occupational injuries benefits. The married women so affected are those deemed by the social welfare system to be dependants of their husbands which, in effect is any married woman living with her husband. Her personal entitlement to flat-rate disability or unemployment benefit is £34.70, whereas the standard rate for most other beneficiaries is £39.50 per week. These are the new rates applying from this month which I will be using throughout this speech.

Secondly, the maximum duration of entitlement of a married woman to unemployment benefit is 312 days which is 52 weeks of benefit. For most other categories it is 390 days, a difference of 13 weeks. In relation to unemployment assistance, married women are effectively debarred under existing legislation from applying for assistance. For a married woman to qualify, either her husband must be dependent on her — and under existing legislation this means that he must be wholly or mainly maintained by her and incapable of self-support by reason of mental of physical infirmity — or she must not be a dependant of his. In this regard, the present definition of dependency provides that all married women are dependent on their husbands as long as they are living with them. In practice, therefore, the vast majority of married women cannot apply for unemployment assistance.

The final and most complex element of discrimination relates to the payment of increases in respect of adult dependants. Differences exist in the conditions under which increases are paid to men and women in respect of adult and child dependants and these differences are heavily biased in favour of men. As I mentioned, a married woman is almost always regarded as her husband's dependant and accordingly he qualifies for an increase of benefit in respect of her regardless of her employment status. A married woman on the other hand can qualify for an increase for her husband only if he is invalided. Neither of these definitions reflect dependency in a way which conforms to present day realities and they must be revised.

The other aspect of dependency concerns the payment of increases for dependent children. Married women can qualify only rarely for these as the children are deemed by the legislation to be normally resident with the father. The expression "normally resident", which Senators will see in the Bill and elsewhere in social welfare legislation, is a mechanism to determine who should receive increases in respect of dependent children. Where children are living with both parents the existing legislation deems them to be "normally resident" with the father rather than the mother. To comply with the requirements of the directive this situation must be changed.

These four areas describe the scope of the problem which must be tackled and the Bill now before the House does this in, I submit, a balanced and equitable manner. I will return to the provisions of the Bill and the manner in which equality is to be implemented later.

Before that, however, Senators might wish to consider in a general way what exactly is meant by this concept of equality which we are attempting to introduce into the social welfare code. First, I would point out that the present directive is the third in a series concerned with equal treatment for men and women in the social affairs area. The first of these, in 1975, was concerned with the application of the principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women. The next, in 1976 dealt with matters relating to access to employment, vocational training and promotion, and working conditions. These two directives in essence dealt with inequalities existing between the sexes in the labour force. Finally, we are only concerned, in this third directive, with matters relating to social security schemes provided by the State. Senators may, for instance, feel that women are still not treated equally in the labour market notably, though not exclusively, as regards levels of pay. Such discriminations inevitably spill over into other areas. Whilst they are a cause of concern to everyone and should be put right we cannot address or redress all these inequities in our present Social Welfare Bill.

We are obliged by the directive to provide equality of treatment in matters of social security. The principle of equality in the directive could be described as a neutral concept. It must be applied unconditionally to all. Within the broad area of application defined in the directive we cannot apply it on a selective basis seeking to have equality here and there but not in schemes or parts of schemes where it does not suit us. We must remove the fundamental inequalities which exist against married women and give them the same entitlements as others. However, it would be wrong to go to the other extreme and implement equality by applying to them out-dated rules and definitions which now have the effect of favouring men. What we have to do is to get rid of concepts and rules in the social welfare code which are inconsistent with the changed role of women in society, and define a new set of principles which will be both relevant to current and future needs — so far as we can foresee them — and which at the same time will be neutral in their application as between men and women.

The implementation of equal treatment thus provides us with the opportunity, not to say the obligation, to review and, where necessary, to replace some concepts and rules which we have maintained in the social welfare system through the years though the social situation they were intended to reflect has changed so radically.

We are faced with a number of serious discriminatory factors in our system which we must eliminate. But let me say here that the fact that person A is entitled to a benefit — of any sort — to which person B is not, does not necessarily imply discrimination against B. Even where it does, it does not follow that the only or the best way to remove the discrimination is that B should automatically receive the same entitlement as A has got up to now. A's entitlement may in fact be legally well founded but totally unjustified in the light of current facts and another solution may be called for. The resolution of inequalities can, therefore, be approached in a number of ways. For example, where the discrimination relates to differences in the rates of payments, equal treatment could be affected by bringing all payments up to the highest level. An alternative would be to equalise entitlements at the lowest level. There are any number of possibilities in between. The main point is that in implementing an equal treatment principle the main aim must be a balanced overall result which reflects today's social and economic relationships and does not perpetuate those of another era.

In fact, the discrimination we are faced with in the social welfare code, which is clearly contrary to the EC directive, cannot be dealt with by applying in a simple, straightforward way on a universal basis to both sexes the rules or conditions now applied to one sex only. While the elements of the discrimination in the code as it stands can be individually distinguished they are all related back to the principle, which is embedded deeply in the code, that in principle married women are financially dependent on their spouses. That is what has to be tackled first and all the other elements of reform will then fall into place fairly readily in a logical structure.

The underlying concept in the social welfare code always has been that the husband was the breadwinner and head of household and the person to whom the full benefits of the social security system should be available. Consequently, the husband is also deemed by the existing social welfare legislation to be the person to whom increases in respect of dependants should be paid. Any married woman living with her husband has up to now been regarded as his dependant and any children are also regarded as his dependants. Only where the husband is incapable of self-support through mental of physical infirmity can the wife at present claim him as her dependant. As a consequence, the husband almost always qualifies for increases in respect of his wife and children even where the wife is in employment or receiving benefit in her own right. In such circumstances the needs of a married woman have not been seen, up to now, as being the same as those of a married man. This has led to the inferior personal entitlements such as lower personal rates of benefits which I have described.

This approach may have been legitimate at a time when it was most exceptional for a married woman to take up employment outside the home but this is no longer the case. In present circumstances it results in many thousands of married men being paid adult dependant allowances in respect of wives even when the wives are either in employment or receiving a social welfare payment in their own right on the basis of an insurance record built up when in employment. If equal treatment were applied without rethinking the concept of dependency, simply by giving married women exactly the same rights as married men now have it would lead to ludicrous results.

If that were done it would result, for example, in the case of a married couple where both are absent from work due to illness in a situation in which each would be given a separate entitlement to disability benefit with increases for each other and for any child dependants. Even more ludicrously, it would enable a wife claiming disability benefit, for instance, to get an adult dependant increase in respect of her husband — and child dependant increases to boot — even though he was in employment earning a large salary sufficient to support the whole family in comfort on his own.

Simply to extend to women the present conditions which men enjoy would mean that a wasteful and inequitable payment of adult and child dependant increases, even in respect of spouses at work in well-paid employment, which occurs at present would be expanded enormously and would indeed reach gigantic proportions. For example, it would mean that a family where both husband and wife had been at work but now had separate entitlements to social insurance benefits would receive twice as much in weekly payments as a family where only one spouse had a recent employment record. Equal treatment on those lines would cost about £100 million to implement. But cost aside, no Minister for Social Welfare could justify the allocation of very scarce resources to such inherently biased and inequitable an approach.

I am grateful that the review of the dependency concept which has taken place in the context of implementing the EC directive has highlighted the need to redefine dependency in economic terms rather than basing it on sex or marital status. That is precisely what one of the key sections of the Bill, section 3, sets out to do.

This is a major step forward in defining the implications of equality but it has tended to be overshadowed by the arguments about some consequences of the new economic definition of dependency. The new economic conditions of dependency defined in the Bill, which will apply uniformly to men and women, are based on the principle that one spouse will be regarded as dependent on the other spouse only if he or she is being wholly or mainly maintained by that spouse. Under the provisions of the Bill, the existing presumption that any married woman living with her husband is automatically a dependant will disappear and any person, male or female, who is in employment or in receipt of a social welfare benefit in his or her own right will, in general, not be deemed their spouse's dependant for the purposes of qualifying for increases of benefit.

There are necessary exceptions to this general principle in certain cases to which I will return later. A great deal of illinformed comment was made about this proposal when it was first announced and, in outlining for Senators the effects of the Bill, I will show just how wide of the mark this reaction was. For the moment, however, I would like to complete the outline of the Bill's provisions.

The effect of this revision of the dependency conditions will be that there will be no a priori presumption about whether either married women or married men are dependent on their spouses. All married persons, qua married persons, will have the same status within the social welfare code. Several changes in entitlement follow from this.

Section 2 of the Bill, with the Second Schedule, provides that married women will have the same personal rates of disability benefit, unemployment benefit and invalidity pension as other persons, while section 7 provides for the payment of the corresponding higher rates of occupational injuries benefits. In this case equality is being applied by a levelling up process because it can be so done without creating any new forms of discrimination.

Secondly, the discrimination in the matter of the duration of the payment of unemployment benefit is being removed under the provisions of section 6 of the Bill. For the same reasons as in section 2, a levelling up approach is also being adopted here. This section also contains the usual transitional measure in such cases where the period of the payment of a benefit is being extended. It provides that anyone whose benefit expired before the section comes into effect and who would still have been entitled to benefit if the provision had always existed, shall be so entitled to the end of the now extended period.

Thirdly, married women will be entitled to apply for unemployment assistance. The condition debarring them at present is contained in section 136 (3) (d) of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1981 and reference 4 in the First Schedule to the Bill provides for the abolition of this provision. After the passage of the Bill, therefore, married women who are unemployed, available for and genuinely seeking employment will be eligible to apply for unemployment assistance on the same basis as other unemployed persons in similar circumstances. Unemployment assistance is a means-tested scheme and, in common with the other assistance schemes, in assessing means the income of the spouse is taken into account. There would be no reason to depart from this principle in the case of the extension of the scheme to married women and the means test will continue to apply. Section 13 contains the necessary changes to enable the existing test to be applied in the context of the new situation where either spouse will be entitled to apply. Where both spouses have entitlement the means will be aggregated and split between them and section 12 (2) contains the necessary provisions in this regard.

Section 12 also provides a mechanism to ensure that the unemployment assistance scheme is not used simply as a means of topping-up family income. This provision was the subject of a great deal of discussion when the Bill was debated in the Lower House and I would like to outline for Senators what exactly is involved in the provision. Subsection (1) deals with the situation where both spouses apply for unemployment assistance. It provides that each will receive half the rate appropriate to their family size. Subsection (4) refers to the situation where one spouse is on benefit and the other is on unemployment assistance. In this case the amount of unemployment assistance will be such that added to the other spouse's personal benefit entitlement, their overall entitlement will equal the appropriate married benefit rate.

During the debate in the Lower House, fears were expressed by some Deputies that this provision would remove any financial incentive for married women to apply for unemployment assistance in their own right. This is simply not so. When this Bill is enacted married women, for a start, will have the same right as all other unemployed people to apply for unemployment assistance. Even where their husbands are also drawing unemployment assistance they will have, for the first time, a direct personal right to half the family entitlement. There is, therefore, a positive incentive for them to sign on where they are seeking employment.

Some Deputies also wondered whether the provision could be discriminatory either within the terms of the directive or on other legal grounds. It was suggested that the fact that a married couple would not receive the same amount of assistance as two unmarried people could be discriminatory on marital grounds within the terms of the directive and that it could be unconstitutional in the light of the judgment in the Murphy income tax case.

The personal rate of unemployment assistance, at £32.75 a week, is higher than the adult dependant's increase paid with benefits generally. The effect of this section is that the total entitlement of married couples who are both claiming unemployment assistance will be no greater than the appropriate rate for a husband and wife — and children as the case may be — where only one spouse is claiming assistance and the other is an adult dependant within the terms of the Bill. Each of two unmarried people living together could, on the other hand, be entitled to a personal rate of unemployment assistance giving them a higher household income than the married couple. The same situation could arise where one of a couple had a benefit claim and the other an unemployment assistance claim.

But that does not constitute a form of discrimination within the terms of the directive. The directive outlaws all discrimination on grounds of sex, whether the discrimination is direct, or whether it is indirect by reference to distinctions made on grounds of marital or family status. Section 12 of the Bill contains no discrimination on the basis of sex either directly, or indirectly by reference to marital status. An inequality of entitlements may arise as between married and cohabiting couples, but that is not an inequality which will be reflected in a sex-based bias. I have had this and the constitutionality question examined thoroughly and the legal advice available to me indicates that the subsections are sound on all legal grounds.

There remains the issue of two unmarried people receiving more by way of social welfare payments than a married couple. This is a very complex issue. It has wide-ranging social and other implications. It cannot be tackled in this Bill to ensure equality between the sexes in accordance with the terms of the EC directive. All that subsections 12 (1) and (4) propose to do is to provide that families are compensated at the appropriate rate in respect of the contingency of unemployment and that the unemployment assistance scheme will not be used to over-compensate some families.

The other change of significance in the Bill concerns the proposed new arrangements for dealing with increases in respect of child dependants. The removal of the presumption of dependency and the treatment of married women in the labour market as in principle financially independent in exactly the same way as married men, automatically provides a basis for recognising within the social welfare payments system their role in contributing to the support of their children. At present only the husband can, in general, qualify for child dependant increases. In future where one spouse only is in the labour force, be it husband or wife, that person, when claiming a social welfare payment, will qualify for the full increases in respect of children. Where both spouses are in the labour force clearly the full increases could not be paid to either spouse when claiming benefit. To do so would be to ignore the contribution which the other spouse makes to maintaining the household. The Bill provides that in such circumstances each spouse will have an entitlement to 50 per cent of the appropriate increases when claiming benefit. The relevant sections of the Bill in this regard are section 4, in relation to benefits generally, section 11 in relation to unemployment assistance and section 14 in relation to old age pensions.

Provision is being made in section 5 for the payment of increases for children with maternity allowance. I would like to emphasise to Senators that this is not required by the terms of the directive. The additional provision is being made because prior to receiving maternity allowance a woman may have been in receipt of disability benefit and entitled to increases in respect of her children. On becoming entitled to maternity allowance, therefore, it is appropriate that the level of her entitlements should remain the same and the new arrangement, provided for in section 5, will achieve this. Where the husband is in employment or in receipt of benefit the payment of the child dependant increases with maternity benefit will be at half the standard rate in line with the principle described earlier. The inclusion of this extra provision demonstrates that the Government's primary concern in implementing the directive is to achieve a balanced overall package which ensures that equality is achieved in a real and coherent rather than in a piecemeal sense.

These then are the main provisions to provide for equality of treatment. The Bill contains a number of other changes which are of a technical nature to permit the implementation of equality on the basis outlined.

I should like now to discuss the effects which these equality measures will have. As I mentioned earlier, these examples are based on the rates due to take effect this month and which are provided for in the Second Schedule to the Bill. Over 46,000 married women on social welfare will benefit from the provisions of the Bill. For a start they will be entitled to higher rates of benefit. The vast majority would be on disability or unemployment benefit. They will, quite apart from the effect of the other proposals entitling them to increases for dependants, each receive an increase of £4.80 per week at current rates of benefit. Married women on unemployment benefit will have the duration of their benefit entitlement extended by 13 weeks. Furthermore, all married women will be eligible to apply for unemployment assistance subject to their being capable of, available for and genuinely seeking employment in the same way as other applicants and to their satisfying the means test.

The most complex area in regard to equality of treatment is that relating to increases in respect of dependants and much of the debate on the equality of treatment proposals — to the extent of overshadowing the other major reforms contained in the Bill — has been concerned with the proposed new dependency conditions. Demands have been made that all benefits must be levelled upwards and that no one should suffer a reduction in entitlements. I have explained why the present conditions which apply to men cannot automatically be applied to women. To do so would imply that in order to achieve equality all married men should automatically be regarded as dependants of their wives claiming benefit, irrespective of employment or economic status. Equal treatment on these lines could not be defended on rational grounds and would require a massive injection of financial resources. Equal treatment, therefore, must involve a revision of the present dependency conditions. What the Bill does is not alone to define dependency in a non-discriminatory way but in a way which also reflects the concept in a socially and economically realistic manner. Only spouses who are wholly or mainly maintained by their partners will be deemed to be dependants and this will be deemed not to be the position where a spouse is employed, self-employed or entitled to benefit in his or her own right. However, where the employment is part time work of an insignificant nature or of inconsiderable extent — and this is defined under existing regulations — the spouse will continue to be regarded as a dependant and the full dependant increases payable.

Married women will benefit substantially from this change. In the case where only the wife works and her husband is a dependant — in a reversal of the traditional roles — she will now be entitled to the full adult and child dependant increases as long as her husband is not on benefit — at present she can qualify only if her husband is an invalid. This would give married women with three children in such circumstances a gain of £54.20 a week compared with the present provisions, in addition to the higher personal rates to which she would now be entitled.

In families where both spouses are economically active there will be offsetting gains and reductions. A married woman with three children, for example, whose husband is employed or on benefit, would, when on benefit, gain about £14.30 per week in addition to the increase of £4.80 in her personal rate of benefit. Reductions in the entitlements of some husbands will occur but such reductions are inevitable because the present adult dependency arrangement is not defensible. As I stated earlier, it gives a husband an increase for his wife not alone where she is in employment but even where she is entitled to benefit in her own right. In effect, the social welfare system is at present paying on the double for the same person. This must stop. There is no objective reason why such families should receive more from the social welfare system than families in which only one spouse is claiming benefit and the other spouse is not economically active.

There are at present over 170,000 payments being made per week by way of increases of benefit in respect of adult dependants. Almost all of these would be payable to married men in respect of their wives. In the vast majority of these cases, however, that is where only the husband works, there will be no change whatsoever in his entitlements and he will continue to be entitled to full increases in respect of his dependants.

The information at the disposal of my Department indicates that only in about 20,000 cases of married men in receipt of benefit with wives in employment or also on benefit would entitlements have been affected and steps will be taken to alleviate the effects of the revision in many of these cases.

Of this figure of 20,000, in about 12,000 cases the wife is in employment. In a small proportion of these cases the earnings of the wife would be low and the reduction in the benefit entitlement of the husband would represent a substantial loss of income to the household. From the beginning, these cases were a cause of particular consideration and when the Bill was drafted the necessary powers were included to enable alleviation to be provided in such cases. The new definition of adult dependant in section 3 enables the Minister for Social Welfare, by regulation, to specify other persons to be adult dependants. This provision will be used to ensure that where the earnings of a spouse are below a specified figure she — or he, for it will be applied equally to both sexes — will continue to be a dependant and full increase for dependants will be payable. This will be a permanent feature of the new dependency arrangements.

The introduction of an earnings floor has operational consequences in that it would further complicate the payments delivery system. Its effect on the overall level of service which the Department can give to the public is therefore a crucial issue at a time when staffing restrictions and a massive increase in the claims load are already combining to put the system under enormous pressure. For this reason the rule must be simple and straightforward so that it will be easy for claimants to understand and will not increase significantly the amount of time needed to process applications and make payments, which would disimprove the service to clients.

Ideally, an earnings rule might be graduated so that benefit is reduced as earnings increase. This will simply not be possible in operational terms in the near future and accordingly the earnings rule will initially consist of a single cut-off point of about £50. The possibility of introducing some element of graduation at a later date will be kept under review in the light of staffing and other constraints. The introduction of this rule will mean that in about 3,000 of the 12,000 cases where the wife of a beneficiary is in employment no reduction in benefit entitlement will occur. Of the remaining 9,000 cases the wife will have earnings in excess of £100 per week in over half of these.

The situation where both spouses are separately in receipt of social welfare payments was also a matter of concern. About 8,000 such cases are affected by the new provisions. After equal treatment each spouse will have the full personal rate of benefit and between them they will have the full increases for children. It must be accepted that the social welfare system is providing fully for the family within the system and the level of benefits provided. However, the net reduction of about £20 in household income compared with their present entitlement could represent a substantial loss and equal treatment will be phased in in these cases by an arrangement which will repay some part of the loss.

Section 20 contains a general power enabling temporary and transitional arrangements to be made on a limited basis and this will be used to make a special payment of £10 in these cases for one year or the duration of the claim, whichever is the shortest. No permanent arrangements could be considered under this heading as any steps that are taken are themselves in conflict with the principle of equal treatment. All 8,000 cases will benefit from this arrangement.

To summarise, of the total number of 20,000 cases affected by the revision of the dependency conditions steps will be taken to alleviate fully or partially the adverse effects of the revision in over half of them. Debate on the alleviating measures should not obscure the main purpose of the Bill which is the removal of fundamental inequalities in the present system. The Bill in its entirety is a positive and logically sound response to the provision of equal rights in the social welfare code for married women who pay the same social insurance contributions as other employees. They will, by virtue of the provisions of this Bill, now have the same benefit entitlements.

I am satisfied that in this measure we are providing for equality of treatment in an equitable and practical way. Forty six thousand married women will gain substantially. Of the 170,000 married men in the system 150,000 are not affected at all and only about 20,000 stand to lose to the extent I have mentioned at this stage. Alleviating measures will be provided in about 11,000 of those cases which will wholly or partly eliminate such losses. That is a fair balance.

During the debate in the Dáil some Deputies sought to get highly selective mileage out of the reductions which would occur in the entitlements of some married men without offering any alternative set of principles on which a realistic concept of dependency could be constructed while avoiding this effect. As I explained above, loss of benefits as a result of this Bill will occur in a small number of cases only and it will occur, unavoidably, because any revision of the concept of dependency which has existed in our code made necessary by equal treatment must result in some reduction in entitlements. Those who would seek otherwise should at least make some attempt to define the concept of dependency they wish to substitute for what the Government propose and say clearly what would be its financial and other implications.

Previous Ministers for Social Welfare faced with the problems arising from equal treatment came to the same conclusions as are provided in the Bill. When the equal treatment directive was adopted by the Council of Ministers in 1978 the then Minister for Social Welfare, who is now the Leader of the Opposition, had a statement inserted in the Council minutes to the effect that the Irish delegation, in accepting the adoption of the directive, considered that nothing in the directive prevented arrangements being made to control dependency payments so as to avoid paying increases of benefit in respect of a spouse when that spouse is already receiving benefit or is in employment, or to control payments of increases for children.

Quite clearly the then Minister envisaged that a revision of the concept of dependency involving controls on the payment of increases for a spouse in employment or on benefit in his or her own right would be required. His policy in regard to equal treatment was exactly in line with the proposals I have now outlined. This is, I consider, the only realistic approach to implementing equal treatment and now that Senators have had an opportunity of reflecting on the issues involved I feel that they will conclude likewise.

Before leaving the question of the changes being made in the social welfare system by the Bill let me assure Senators that my Department will be extensively advertising the changes when the legislation has been enacted so that the public will know clearly their rights under the new provisions.

Before ending, I should like to mention two further matters. The first is very much related to the fundamentals of the equal treatment debate. It has been raised by many commentators though it is not a matter which needs to be provided for in the Bill. This concerns the application by my Department of the statutory condition which requires applicants for unemployment benefit and assistance to show that they are available for work. I want to put on record that this condition is a fundamental principle of all unemployment insurance and assistance schemes and is recognised as such in social security conditions drawn up by the International Labour Office.

In the legislation this condition is phrased in a non-discriminatory fashion and does not need to be amended in the Bill now before the House. I propose to deal with the issue in some detail here today, however, because it has given rise to proposals in the Lower House to amend the Bill and because I believe the discussion has tended to get out of perspective at times.

The need for an "availability for work" condition in unemployment payment schemes is evident. The purpose of the unemployment payment schemes is to provide income maintenance for persons who are involuntarily unemployed and who are available for and genuinely seeking employment. In determining availability for work it is necessary to establish whether persons claiming payments genuinely wish to and are seeking to obtain work, whether commitments of a domestic or other nature exist which might limit the person's freedom to accept, or might prevent acceptance of, full time employment which would normally be suitable, and whether restrictions are being imposed by the person on the kind, place or hours of employment acceptable to them, any of which would unreasonably diminish the prospects of obtaining work. The determination of availability for work is made by deciding officers and appeals officers, in the exercise of their statutory functions, through the interpretation and application of any or all of these broad criteria in relation to the facts and evidence available in each particular case.

In determining claims to unemployment benefit or assistance, deciding officers must satisfy themselves, in the light of those broad criteria, that the claimant concerned is available for work. To so satisfy themselves they must try to ascertain all of the facts of the case. In the first instance, that is done by issuing claimants with a claim supplement form which contains a list of questions related to their overall availability for work. In the light of the response and any other information available to the deciding officer, the claim will be allowed if there appears to be no doubt. If, however, there is any element of doubt about a claimant's availability the deciding officers are obliged to query the position by asking the claimant any questions which they feel may be relevant to the case. Information may, therefore, be sought about what efforts the claimant has made to obtain employment since becoming unemployed, whether he or she has registered for work with the National Manpower Service, what type of work the claimant is seeking, whether there are any factors which would prevent the claimant from taking up work if it were offered and so on.

In the Lower House, a number of Deputies said that questions about child minding arrangements were a form of administrative discrimination against women applicants. Obviously many married men and women with young children are able to make child minding arrangements which allow both spouses to take up employment. Does that mean that child care responsibilities or domestic responsibilities generally never place restrictions on a married person's availability for work? Those responsibilities can and do affect the availability for work of one or other spouse in certain circumstances. In such cases it is fair and reasonable that a deciding officer should be in a position to know whether applicants' child care responsibilities adversely affect their availability for work.

Child care responsibilities are, however, just one of the factors a deciding officer might have to take into account in determining whether a claimant is available for employment or not. In fact it should seldom be the determining factor; the main factor is the efforts the person concerned has made to resume employment.

Questions relating to child care arrangements are designed to try to establish whether the claimant is really available for and seeking employment and therefore entitled to unemployment benefit. A deciding officer or appeals officer is concerned with a claimant's circumstances only in so far as he needs to be satisfied that the claimant is free and willing to take up employment. It is not the case that claims are rejected merely because the claimant has a young child. In fact a small survey carried out in an employment exchange here in Dublin confirms that the vast majority of married women who claim unemployment benefit receive it, that the vast majority of married women in receipt of unemployment benefit have children and that they have a very wide range of child minding arrangements.

Those who would argue that this type of questioning should not occur often imply that the mere fact of persons presenting themselves at an employment exchange and indicating that they are available for employment should be accepted without further inquiry. To those I would say that this is simply not realistic. The vast majority of people presenting themselves for unemployment payments are, I am convinced, genuine cases of people who through no fault of their own are in that situation. On the other hand, and Senators should be in no doubt about it, there are those who will seek to exploit the social welfare system if given the opportunity to do so. To dispense with the controls that now exist would I feel leave the schemes open to abuse.

I am satisfied that the controls that are now in place are not excessive. In order to ensure that they are applied without any hint of administrative discrimination against women applicants the Minister has stated clearly both in the Lower House and to groups who made representations to him that he will be taking the necessary steps to ensure that in the future all conditions relating to entitlement to unemployment benefit, and all inquiries made in connection with these conditions, are applied impartially as to sex.

New guidelines will be prepared for the staff administering the unemployment payment schemes explaining clearly the requirements of the EC directive that no discrimination either in laws or administrative provisions is permissible and that in applying availability for work criteria there must be no discriminations on the basis of sex, directly or by reference to marital status, in questions asked or conclusions drawn. In general, the guidelines will specify that questioning about child care arrangements should only arise when it is directly relevant to the claimant's availability. In many cases there will be no need to question the statement which must be answered by claimants on the relevant form. Men and women will be treated equally in this regard. For instance, where one spouse is in employment and the other is claiming unemployment benefit or assistance, the claimant, whether a man or a woman, may be asked about child care arrangements if it is clear that the question is relevant to their availability for work.

Staff will be asked to exercise special care and consideration in asking any questions in this regard and monitoring arrangements will be put in place to ensure that direct or indirect discrimination does not occur. This is, I think, as far as we could go. In the Dáil amendments were tabled by Deputies seeking to have discriminatory questions made an offence under the Acts and to have some part of the provisions of the directive inserted into the Social Welfare Acts. Apart from the fact that the tabled amendments suffered from a lack of necessary definition, on the basis of the legal advice available to me there are more fundamental legal objections to such provisions.

When this Bill is enacted the legal provision for equal treatment in social welfare matters will consist of the directive as well as the Act. The directive itself will be formally part of Irish law. Under article 5 of the directive we are obliged to abolish all discriminatory practices, not alone in the statute law but also administrative provisions which conflict with the principle of equal treatment. Under article 6 machinery must exist to enable persons who consider themselves wronged by the failure to apply the principle of equal treatment to pursue their claims by judicial process. I am advised that the existing mechanisms comply with the directive in this regard.

The position under the law will be, therefore, that any persons who feel that they are not getting equal treatment in accordance with the directive have a legal basis for pursuing the complaint. To try to reinforce the existing legal basis by quoting or paraphrasing parts of the directive would be unnecessary and would only complicate the matter by adding a new and ill-defined statement of rights to the clear statement already contained in the directive.

I think there is no argument about the need to end any discriminatory practices that may exist. All that might be at issue would be how best to do this. I am satisfied that the approach I have outlined in some considerable detail is fair and reasonable and is an adequate basis both in legal and practical terms for ensuring that the system will not be discriminatory either at statutory or administrative level.

Finally, I should like to deal with the operative date of the provisions. The deadline contained in the directive for implementation of its terms is 22 December 1984. High Court actions have been initiated by two married women, and plenary summons issued on behalf of over 100 others, seeking to have the provisions of the directive deemed directly applicable and equal treatment in accordance with its provisions implemented from 22 December last. The President of the High Court has submitted a reference to the European Court in Luxembourg for a preliminary decision and we must await the outcome of this case before we know where we stand in the matter. In passing, I might add that arising from the provisions of the directive a case is already before the European Court concerning the implementation of the directive in the Netherlands. Clearly, therefore, we are not alone in the difficulties we face in introducing the concept of equality of treatment into our social security system.

For the information of Senators I should mention that while a directive is binding on a member state as to the results to be achieved it leaves it open to national authorities the choice of form and methods to be adopted. Senators will realise from the outline I have presented that in implementing equal treatment in the Irish social welfare code we are dealing with a complex issue which could not be proceeded with until the Houses of the Oireachtas had discussed the issues involved and passed the necessary amending legislation.

In this regard also the suggestion has been made in some quarters that some parts of the proposals involving the increased rates of benefit should be made retrospective to December last. The outcome of the High Court cases will obviously have a major bearing on the outcome of this issue. At this point I can only say that we should not or could not look at any parts of the equal treatment proposals in isolation from the point of view of retrospection. The package, as a whole, is a balanced and equitable approach to providing equal treatment, involving the removal of the automatic presumption of dependency of married women and conferring on them in consequence full entitlement to social welfare rights. Retrospection obviously cannot arise in the case of the elements of the package which involve reduced entitlements and I see no case in principle for providing for it on the other elements.

In putting this Bill before the Seanad I have attempted not only to give a clear explanation of the details of the Bill itself but to present an analysis of the many complex issues that lie behind and arise from the application of equal treatment in our social welfare system. I am happy to have the opportunity of addressing Senators on this reforming measure and I strongly recommend the Bill to them. I look forward to hearing their views and will respond to them as fully as I can at the end of the debate.

At the outset, I should like to thank the Minister of State for a very long and detailed statement on this Bill. I agree with him that it is a very complex Bill. Very few people in the fifties and in the sixties would ever have believed that a Bill of this nature would form part of our entire social welfare code. Very few people would have believed that this legislation would ever have been necessary. As the Minister said, in those days it was quite the norm for married women to remain in their homes to care for their families and to look after the homes generally. It was the exception rather than the rule for married women to take up jobs outside the home. In the Ireland of the fifties and the sixties the traditional family saw the father as the only breadwinner. The Minister made the point that the underlying concept in the social welfare code has always been that the husband was the breadwinner, the head of the household and the person to whom the full benefits of the social security system would be available. This role has long been a feature of the Irish way of life.

From time to time people get involved in arguing the merits or otherwise of wives working because here again we have the same situation. Again it is an EC directive. This Bill provides for the very fact that we find ourselves today in the mid-eighties era. The purpose of the Bill is to provide for equality of treatment for men and women in the area of social welfare, as directed under the terms of an EC directive which was adopted in 1978.

As long as married women seek employment and as long as they continue at work outside the home they should be entitled to the same standard of benefit as their male counterparts, particularly in the social welfare area. We have noticed in this House and elsewhere down the years that there have been great anomalies in the social welfare code which have clearly discriminated against women. It is right that legislation should be introduced to end this discrimination. It is clear that this form of discrimination should cease. I certainly would welcome that situation.

The 1978 directive ordered the gradual application of equal treatment for men and women in social security matters. We all accept that we have been extremely slow in implementing the directive. In my view, whether it was implemented in 1979 or any year since then, it should be implemented on a slow, gradual basis over a period of years. I say this deliberately because despite what the Minister says — and there are good points in the Bill — many of the features of the Bill will prove to have a devastating effect, on many families. Equality legislation that this Bill is going to produce will create a huge financial worsening for many families and must be a cause of concern to us all. One could argue that in equality legislation a worsening of the family income should not happen, but it will happen in this case. Thousands of families in receipt of social welfare benefits will find themselves worse off.

I do not wish to sound political but it has been one of the strong points of the Government, which includes the Labour Party, that they have stressed in their Joint Programme for Government that no further damage should be caused to the less well-off sections of our community in a period of recession. I see this in many cases as a blow to the underprivileged and clear damage to the less well-off. This, surely, would be contrary to the beliefs of the Labour Party as they indicated at the commencement of Government.

On looking at the Finance Bill of this year we find that there were very miserly increases in the whole area of social welfare. Many of the increases which we had all hoped would take place from the first day did not commence until July and some will not commence until November. Any increases that were given were damaged by the action of halving the food subsidies last autumn, not to mention — again in the Finance Bill — the imposition of VAT on clothing and footwear. These types of issues have continued to make the less well-off become even poorer and are causing great concern to many people throughout the country.

If there is to be a break in Government — it is not my business whether there is or is not — or if there is to be a break between the Labour Party and the Fine Gael Party then it should be on some worthwhile issue such as jobs, or social welfare, or taxation.

Wishful thinking.

It was quite extraordinary to me when I read over the weekend that a break was possible on a comparatively unimportant Local Radio Bill. However, let us return to this important Bill and say that the redefining — as the Minister has spelled out many times in it — of the concept of adult and child dependencies will cause hardship to many families. I cannot stress this sufficiently. The Minister suggested that all that was said in the other House was not correct or accurate. My understanding and realisation is that a family could lose up to £50 per week as a result of this Bill and that will really cause havoc. Just in case I am way off the mark, I note that the Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Deputy Fennell, is on record as saying: that unfortunately, the new approach, though very desirable and commendable, would result in a loss for some families.

There are cases where both husband and wife are at present separately entitled to social welfare payments. The overall net loss for such families will amount to about £20 per week. A worse situation and one about which she would be even more concerned as Minister with responsibility for Women's Affairs, is where the husband is on benefit and the wife is at present working. For a couple in this situation, with three children, the legislative proposals could result in a reduction of up to £37 a week on a flat rate benefit. Clearly, that situation would be catastrophic for any family. I believe that the living standards and the lives generally of these people will be damaged very severely indeed. Every possible effort must be made to ease the burden on the thousands of families who are going to suffer in this situation. I want to stress — this is the point of the Bill — that every effort must be made to minimise the impact of this dependency condition. I understand that the Minister intends to make — as he said in his address — a transition payment of £10 a week in cases where both spouses are separately drawing benefit. Obviously this will help but when the full impact becomes a reality I wonder if it will be enough. We are talking about people who are on the breadline, who are in the worst possible financial position. Clearly they require all the help they can get from the Government.

The Bill has many good points. The question of married women being admitted to the unemployment assistance scheme, subject to a means test, is clearly one we would welcome. We would hope — the Minister has gone into great detail about this — that the means test will not be over-stringent and that the women's availability for work will be dealt with in a dignified way, as it should be. This, over the years, as the Minister knows only too well, has caused many complaints. It is, indeed, an old chestnut and one which must be dealt with in a very dignified way. Let us hope that it does not continue to be a major problem. The fact that 46,000 women hope to gain extra benefit, at a cost of £17 million, is welcome. Although the weekly increase of £4.80 per week is quite small, nonetheless we would have to say it is a help.

The good points of the Bill are minimal. I hope I am wrong in saying that I believe the difficult parts of the Bill will prove catastrophic for many families. In his speech the Minister said:

Its effect on the overall level of service which the Department can give to the public is therefore a crucial issue at a time when staffing restrictions and a massive increase in the claims load are already combining to put the system under enormous pressure. For this reason the rule must be simple and straightforward so that it will be easy for claimants to understand and will not increase significantly the amount of time needed to process applications and make payments, which would disimprove the service to clients.

I would agree with these sentiments. We all know that for years there have been problems in the Department of Social Welfare. I wonder, as a result of this measure, if more staff should be employed. As a result of the measures, the complex issues involved and the extra workload involved many new staff should be employed.

It is time the whole system of operating the Department of Social Welfare received a major overhaul. It is quite difficult for people to fully understand the system. It has become extremely cumbersome and extremely costly. We have at the moment over 30 different categories of social welfare recipients, receiving over 40 different rates of payment. It is vital to present a simple system so that people will know their rights, and how to apply, in the simplest possible way.

There are many anomalies and inequities in the present system. It has been suggested that the system we have at the moment is damaging to the human dignity of the people who are applying, particularly in the area of appeals. I know that the Minister for Social Welfare is working on new arrangements and a new system and is awaiting a commission report. The quicker it comes the better. I certainly would hope that any new system would remove this attack on human dignity and that the claimants would be allowed to apply with ordinary human dignity. That is something we all hope for; that is something for the future.

The Minister referred to the difficulty in other European countries of implementing this directive. I would appeal to the Minister, even at this very late stage, to consider further action to prevent the extreme hardship that some of the measures will bring to so many families and, in particular, to families on low incomes. As I said at the outset, it is a complex Bill, one that will be debated for a long period here today and tomorrow. It is one that will cause a lot of hardship. It is one that the Government should treat with great care because of the fact that hardship will be created for so many couples living on low incomes. Nonetheless, it is a Bill that had to be introduced. I hope that it will prove as successful as the Minister hopes it will.

I would like at the outset to compliment the Minister on his very informative speech. He has gone to great trouble to make the provisions of the Bill crystal clear and to explain any difficulties of operation that might arise and how they are going to be dealt with in fairness and in justice to everybody.

I welcome the Bill as a very significant step forward in giving equal rights to women. There is still a long way to go in society to ensure that women have equal rights with men. This is definitely an important step forward. It is right that the Government should set the headline by ensuring, under the social welfare code, that rights are extended to women. It is to be hoped that other sectors of society will follow the headline set in this directive from the EC and that this Bill implementing it here will have a beneficial effect in seeing that society moves along on that advanced line.

It is right that people should be aware that as conditions are at present there are some very unfair anomalies. For example, why should women who pay the same PAYE and the same PRSI and work the same hours as men have fewer benefits than men because of their sex and marital status? This Bill brings that sort of condition to an end and it is not before time. Why should a woman who, because of her husband's illness is, in fact, the family breadwinner be denied the same treatment that is given to the father when he is the breadwinner? Provisions like that could only be regarded as highly discriminatory. It is good to see them being removed.

The Bill is a fairly decided advance in ensuring equal rights for women in the social welfare code. It is right that from the very outset it should be accepted as such. It would be wrong to try to cloud up the big advance being made in that way by drawing attention to some small difficulty and to some particular cases where it is possible that a relatively small number of people might be worse off under the terms of the Bill. In fact, almost 50,000 married women will benefit under the Bill. This Bill, I have been told, results from a directive passed by the Ministers of the EC in 1978. There could be cause for complaint at the delay in implementing it. It is now being implemented and we should express satisfaction at that. There are real benefits for wives in the Bill as introduced, such as disability benefit, unemployment benefit, occupational injury benefit and benefit for those in receipt of invalidity pensions. Those on unemployment benefit will gain an extra 88 days. In the other House attention was drawn to the fact that some households would lose by a cutback, but the Minister has gone to great lengths to explain that as far as possible cases of people who will suffer a loss of income from the State under these headings will be dealt with sympathetically. On that ground, the Minister is to be complimented.

It is evident that much thought was put into the preparation of the Bill to ensure that it operated to the advantage of as many people as possible. In every way it is a Bill to be welcomed. We hope that it will be taken as a headline for the further development of society and that soon we will get away from the position of regarding women as second-class citizens in any way.

There is one provision in the Bill to which the Minister drew attention and to which I would like to refer briefly. The Minister said:

There remains the issue of two unmarried people receiving more by way of social welfare payments than a married couple. This is a very complex issue. It has wide ranging social and other implications. It cannot be tackled in this Bill...

I can see that point. I am pleased that the Minister drew attention to the fact that you could have unmarried people receiving more by way of social benefits than a married couple. That would be something of which I could not approve and of which the people of the country would not approve. It would be wrong that the State should give subventions to immorality. I accept the statement of the Minister that it is not something that could be dealt with under this Bill. I express the hope that measures will be taken in the near future to ensure that does not happen.

The Minister went to some pains to explain that it was necessary to have checks on applications for unemployment assistance and unemployment benefit. I agree wholeheartedly with what the Minister said. It would be rather naive to think that these schemes could operate without checks and cross-checks in many cases. We have a number of people who will take advantage in every way possible of any laxity and draw money to which they are not entitled. We all know people on unemployment benefit who are working at the same time. Any measures the Minister can take to cut out abuses like that would be heartily welcome. I, for one, compliment the Minister on his insistence that these precautions must be included to ensure that schemes of this kind related to the benefits of those in hardship or in financial difficulties are not abused.

I extend a sincere welcome to the Bill and I compliment the Minister on the way it was introduced in the House.

I, too, would like to welcome the Bill, particularly as it is a Bill which works towards something which many of us have been looking for for a long time — the end to discrimination as between men and women in the social welfare code. The Bill, as the Minister said in his long and very comprehensive speech, has followed upon the EC directive in 1978. It is, perhaps, a little unfortunate that the Bill could not have been brought in in time for the due date in December 1984 to comply with the directive. I am not saying that this is necessarily the case, but it certainly gives the impression that the Bill is brought in quite quickly now in response to the fact that certain women took High Court actions and that the matter has been referred by the President of the High Court to the European Court to deal with. The Bill is being brought in now, some six months after the end of the period allowed by the directive, but if there had been a little more concentration over the past seven years, since 1978, perhaps, the Bill could have been brought in in time for December and saved the necessity for individual women taking legal proceedings in order to try to establish their rights.

However, I do not want to carp about this because the Bill is very comprehensive and the Minister has brought it in with an extremely full and comprehensive explanatory speech which will be a help to all those who are studying the effects of the Bill when it appears in the reports of the debates of this House.

There are just one or two things that I, like other Senators, would like to comment on. The Minister explains that the fact that we are bringing in equality as between men and women does not mean that we simply have to apply to women exactly what applies to men now. I take this point; it is obviously a logical point and one which from here on out will have to be brought into effect. But it is unfortunate, as has been pointed out by Senator Fallon, that in some ways the application of this principle, the fact that we cannot just extend the same benefits that we have now for men to women means, in effect, that certain families will lose out and lose out quite considerably. I accept that the Minister said that this will be dealt with in a sympathetic manner and, perhaps, there will be some saving allowed in it. But it is a little unfortunate that we could not have a system whereby at least for a period these families, until some other adjustments can be made, should not be so drastically reduced in their benefits and assistance. Obviously, for the families that apply from here on out, one must apply the regulations as set out in the Bill. I would ask the Minister to treat families who are going to be affected at present particularly sensitively and, at any rate, not to apply a sort of immediate cut-off of a large amount of their income because this will make life very difficult for them.

The Minister pointed out that when you are talking about bringing discrimination between men and women to an end you are somewhere between bringing up everything to the level that is now paid to men to the sort of highest factor, as it were, and bringing everything down to the lowest common denominator, but doing so equally. This, again, is a logical way of approaching it. We have to do something that is in between the two extremes. However, it will come as a blow to quite a number of families, I know they are not a very large proportion of families, but that does not actually affect the pain of each individual family involved, that they should lose a considerable amount of what they are getting at the moment.

I would also remark on something which was raised by Senator O'Brien — a matter to which attention was drawn by the Minister — of the position that will obtain that if two unmarried people live together in a stable relationship and if they have children and so on, they may very well be better off than if they are a married couple. This, of course, is not a matter of discrimination as between men and women. I see that, because this is not a discrimination between men and women, it does not exactly form part of this legislation. But we are in a situation where the actual marriage rate of young people has been dropping quite considerably in the last few years. Certainly, if we continue to bring in social legislation which, as it were, discriminated in favour of those who are living together without marriage, we could expect the marriage rate to drop even more rapidly. I am not necessarily approaching it from a moral point of view, certainly from a social point of view, if we are considering a position and if we want a society where the married family is the basic unit of society we have to be very careful that we are not acting even unconstitutionally, perhaps, in allowing a situation to arise in our social welfare code where if you decide to get married, it may distinctly reduce the benefits which you get. It is an active discouragement to those couples who are living together without marriage to take the step of getting married and becoming a legal and constitutional family. I agree with what the Minister says, that this is a very complex issue and it has wide-ranging, and other social implications. Indeed, this is precisely what I have been saying. Just because it has wide-ranging, social and other implications does not mean that it cannot be dealt and that it must not be dealt with.

My third point relates to a matter mentioned towards the end of the Minister's speech — the question of availability for work. The Minister dealt with this at considerable length. In the past it has indeed been a great problem for married women where they applied for benefits and stated that they were available for work. It has been the case in the past that where they have young children, there has been an in-built presumption that they are not available for work. This presumption did not apply to men even though men, too, have young children and men too, especially in today's society, play a considerable part in looking after their young children. One has only to look around the city of Dublin quite often now to see cases where families are relying to quite a large extent on the woman's earnings and the man may be unemployed. Frequently we see men wheeling the pram, out doing the shopping and out taking part in the care of the family and so they should. This is an excellent thing. One can see a very good relationship developing between children and their fathers in this situation. But surely this must mean, as suggested here by the Minister, that if you are going to ask questions about childminding, — I can see that there are situations where questions about childminding may be asked — you must ask them of men as well as of women and the same kind of criteria should apply. Much will depend in setting up this system on the sort of in-built feelings of the deciding officers and the appeals officers. It is all very well to say that these questions must be asked of men as well as of women if they are going to be asked but the questions arise "Do you actually accept what the woman is saying to you? Do you accept what the man is saying to you? Are you asking the questions of the man as a matter of form but of the woman in a much more emphatic way?" This is something that will need to be monitored greatly.

I would like to ask the Minister, if he has the information available, how many and what proportion of the deciding officers and appeals officers are, in fact, women and are married women who would have experience of this kind of situation? If you have a situation where most of the established deciding officers and appeals officers are men who have worked the old system, it may be quite difficult to get them to reorientate themselves to get rid of this somewhat settled form of discrimination which has gone on for many years.

I accept the Minister's bona fides in saying that he is trying to deal with this and that he will be seeking to ensure that questions will be asked of both men and women. He is seeking to put monitoring arrangements in place to deal with that matter. It has been a very distinct area of discrimination in the past and it will need a great deal of monitoring and a great deal of care to ensure that it will not continue in the future. Those are the main items I would like to refer to in the Minister's speech.

I again welcome the introduction of this legislation which brings about something that many of us have been campaigning for for a long time — the introduction of a fully non-discriminatory social welfare code. I hope it will work out in practice as well as is intended by the Minister in bringing in the regulation and that it will fulfil the directives of the EC as they were intended to be fulfilled.

This legislation which follows the 1978 directive from the Council of Ministers is one that the Labour Party have been discussing for some considerable time. I would just like to reassure Senator Fallon in regard to some concerns he expressed in his introductory remarks. It always worries me when somebody from the other benches begins to worry about the face of the Labour Party. Can I assure Senator Fallon that, although his own party were in Government on two occasions since 1978, they did absolutely nothing about the question of equality for women in any area of legislation. It ill behoves him to preach to a Labour Minister in this House or to members of the party about where they are going and what their commitment is, particularly in the area of social welfare. I take it that he understands that above all the socialist parties in Europe, the Irish Labour Party have always been instrumental in ensuring that the recipients of social welfare were always protected and were indeed. I do not suppose Senator Fallon is suggesting for one moment that what up to now were adult dependants of an unemployed man, and earning, in a professional capacity, £10,000, £15,000 or £20,000 a year, that because they are now no longer determined as adult dependants in some way the Labour Party might have lost their souls or worry about the effects this legislation would have on the poorer sections of the community.

If Senator Fallon reads the Bill in toto he will find that it has no effect whatsoever on people in that category. I would like, when the Senator makes a contribution in the House that he would take into account the full implications of the Bill and not worry about the Radio Bill or anything else because that has nothing to do with this legislation. When the fundamental principle of taxation is being dealt with, the Labour Party have certain principles. There is, first of all, the principle of an agreed programme. We also have a principle in relation to the area of legislation that would give the right to certain privileged sections of the community to have access to large amounts of money which the Labour Party feel should be available for people in the social welfare code. I hope the Senator will follow that line through when making remarks, as he did, about the Labour Party, their joint programme and social welfare recipients.

The legislation, first of all, is most welcome. This Government have been responsible for quite a lot of legislation, particularly in regard to this area of discrimination, on sexual grounds, against women. They have held that regard should be had for the person as a person in his or her right, irrespective of marital status. Women should be treated the same as men in any area of legislation, in areas of income, or in areas of social welfare. That is precisely what this legislation is doing. The Minister outlined initially that some 46,000 married women on social welfare will benefit from the provisions of this Bill. That in itself is to be welcomed but in the process of trying to remove areas of discrimination that is not the sole reason for the introduction of the legislation, although it will cost the State an additional £16 million which the Government have included in their Estimates this year to benefit all those married people. That was not the sole reason. The reason there was delay in the introduction of the legislation was to try to deal with certain categories of people who would in this situation, by being treated equally, lose in the overall in the family income. That, of course, for us and, indeed, for our partners in Government, delayed the bringing forward of this legislation.

Section 3 of the Bill confers on the Minister, in consultation with the Minister for Finance, certain rights in determining what an adult dependant is. It will take into account the income of that adult dependant. It will be able to set out, by way of legislation, a category of person over and above which it could no longer be accepted would be in fact an adult dependant of somebody else. In this case we are talking about adult dependants of social welfare recipients. If a person is gainfully employed and earning £5,000 a year or more, no right thinking person would consider that that person is legitimately or legally an adult dependant of the social welfare recipient. That is what this legislation is about.

It is good to know that so many people will benefit and that the amount of money involved is so great, £16 million additional income to people in their own right. They will receive it by way of right which in the past has been denied them by way of discriminatory legislation. There will be income increases of up to £4.80 a week and there will also be an extension of their entitlements over an additional 13 week period. All these things are to be welcomed.

The Minister also stated that of the 170,000 payments that are made for adult dependants almost all are payable to married men in respect of their wives. That is the reality of life and I think it refers to Senator Fallon's previous contribution when maybe 20 or 30 years ago that was not the case. But in the past ten or 12 years or so women have in their own right been going out to work and rightly so. No area of legislation should prohibit them from doing so. They can be employed gainfully and make a major contribution in our economy and also to all sections of our community, economic, social, political and otherwise. It is only right that women should have the opportunity to do that. Instead of discriminating against them on sexual grounds, they should be treated as adult human beings. It ill behoves all of us on this side of the House, those of us who are males, to be talking in a patronising way about women in this regard and the sooner all these areas of legislation which discriminate against women are eliminated from our code the better I would like it. They have proved, for any of us who have worked with them in many capacities, that they are capable of fulfilling and doing their job as well, if not better than, most men.

I would also like to refer to the Minister's statistics which he has available to him and, of course, only a Department have statistics available. These figures indicate that only about 20,000 cases of married men in receipt of benefit, with wives in employment are the kind of people we are now beginning to interfere with. If we take the provisions of section 3, which the Minister talks about, it is quite likely that we will reduce down to about 7,000 or 8,000 the number of people who would actually lose by this legislation. On the basis of social equity, those who will lose in this respect will be in the higher income brackets and in the non-dependent brackets. They would not begrudge the vast majority of people the benefits that will accrue from this measure.

Senator McGuinness made the point that deciding officers who go through the process of deciding people's eligibility for unemployment assistance will now have written into this legislation the views expressed here, that a liberal attitude would now be taken towards the application of married people for unemployment assistance. Heretofore, it was almost impossible because the deciding officer interpreted the social welfare code as indicating that if a married woman had children, that for the purpose of the Act she would not be available for work. In a case of a mother-in-law being available to mind the children for the wife who was anxious to go to work and capable of doing so, I produced evidence of the person trying to get work, having written documents from employers confirming that this married woman who was unemployed had looked for work. It is humiliating to have to bare your soul totally to a deciding officer at that level.

I hope this legislation will remove some of the anomalies and that because married women are now being treated equally with married men in the area of unemployment assistance, deciding officers will now be much more liberal in deciding a case of an unemployed married woman who is genuinely seeking employment, and out of economic necessity would need employment to sustain the family and home, often in conjunction with the husband. We have now reached the stage where two incomes, because of their size, are required to have any level of comfort that people are entitled to in 1985.

I hope that in the implementation of this legislation regard will be had for the lower paid workers in the manual sector, the cleaning service where many women are employed and for far too long have been discriminated against by their employers. I hope that if they now continue to work, and where their husbands are incapable of work due to, say, illness or being disabled in some way or, indeed, that that person would genuinely be out of work, that he would still be deemed to be dependent as he is on a fairly low income under the social welfare code.

That has been the cause of the overall delay in the implementation of this social welfare legislation. We were trying to strike a level in which hardship would not be created for people in that category. I hope that it will mean something in the region of up to £100 a week for a working wife of a social welfare recipient. After that there is no hardship caused. If it is interpreted in that light the general acceptance of the scheme throughout the country would be a favourable one. The overall beneficiaries are much greater than those who will suffer in some way. Nobody wants to legislate in an area where suffering is caused. Suffering in a monetary sense means that someone who is on a fairly high income, and the husband cannot claim for a dependant, is not suffering but it does have an effect on the overall income into the family.

Perhaps that is the reason why the previous Government could not grapple with this. They always find it difficult to legislate in an area where they will make any enemies at all. In this area you are making more friends than enemies. The principle is important. It is something which this Minister and the Government have come to grips with. I hope that when the Bill is enacted new applicants coming into the area will be treated differently from existing applicants with whom the State might have some sort of a legal contract instead of wiping it out overnight for the sake of bringing the Bill in. We should look at this area of possibly allowing to continue for a period people who are now beneficiaries.

I have no doubt that the fact that some people have taken this case to the European Court had absolutely no bearing on the Minister, because we have been discussing this legislation for the last year and a half. It was to overcome these problems that the Minister listened to the parliamentary party process, which is what democracy is all about.

My contribution will be very brief. I would like to make two points that have been more or less developed already. The Minister has told us that the Bill provides for equal treatment for men and women in the social welfare system and that this is required in accordance with the terms of an EC directive by the Council of Ministers in 1978. It seems strange to me, as well as to some other Members, that it took so long to bring in this Bill.

The main area of discrimination in the social welfare code concerns the entitlements of married women. The Minister explained that this Bill is a reforming measure which will remove fundamental inequalities in the code affecting married women. This is something which we all welcome in so far as it will do so. I am particularly anxious to welcome it because I am a member of the Joint Committee on Women's Rights. This is a subject which has come up many times.

We are in a situation where it has been necessary to redefine "dependency". There are four distinct areas of discrimination. Firstly, certain married women receive lower rates of benefit than men and other women because they are regarded under the present legislation as dependants of their husbands. Secondly, the duration of unemployment benefit for married women extends over 52 weeks at present, while other categories qualify for 13 weeks longer. Thirdly, unemployment assistance for married women is debarred to a considerable extent. Fourthly, discrimination regarding payment of increases for dependent relatives is affected.

The other aspects of dependency concerns the increases for dependent children. These are deemed to be normally resident with the father. The first point I should like to make has also been made by Senator Ferris. It is referred to by the Minister. The Minister stated that:

After the passage of the Bill, therefore, married women who are unemployed, available for and genuinely seeking employment will be eligible to apply for unemployment assistance on the same basis as other unemployed persons in similar circumstances.

The Minister went on to state:

Furthermore, all married women will be eligible to apply for unemployment assistance subject to their being capable of, available for and genuinely seeking employment in the same way as other applicants and to their satisfying the means test.

The Minister develops this further:

Information may, therefore, be sought about what efforts the claimant has made to obtain employment since becoming unemployed, whether he or she has registered for work with the National Manpower Service....

There are many people out of work who would qualify for unemployment assistance and who are not anxious to avail of it. This is a point I made before in relation to the two and a half day scheme. This is confined to people who are 12 months in receipt of unemployment assistance. This is unfair. With regard to the question of child minding arrangements — and this has been mentioned in the other House — there is an administrative discrimination against women applicants. I want to state that, under the Housing Acts, local authorities are empowered to provide child minding facilities, play groups, creches, or whatever are necessary. It seems very few of them provide these facilities. In a situation where these child minding facilities are not provided there should be no obligation on married women to prove that they have provided alternative means of looking after their children.

We have a situation which has obtained for quite a considerable time where the local authorities in building housing schemes have the statutory power to provide these facilities and they are not doing so. There is a serious breakdown here and this is something I would have liked to have seen dealt with in the Bill. I would ask the Minister to ensure that in the situation where women are being asked to provide this information the benefit of the doubt would be given in all cases where these facilities have not been provided.

The second point I wanted to make is that it is a fact, as the Minister pointed out, that where two unmarried people are living together their total benefit will be greater than for a married couple. Quite apart from the Constitution that is a serious problem which must be examined. In regard to the whole question of marital breakdown, and at the present time we are considering the report of the Joint Committee that is not a satisfactory situation.

Also, in the second report which we had from the Joint Committee on Women's Rights which dealt with social welfare there are aspects which could have been included in this Bill. I do not intend to deal with them except to point out that a recommendation was made in that report for an improvement in the administrative procedures in the Department of Social Welfare, including the acceleration of the process of computerisation to ensure a more speedy and efficient service to the public. The Minister mentioned the problem in dealing with the large number of people involved.

The last point that I want to make has also been mentioned by the Minister. It is in relation to the earnings rule. He said the rule must be simple and straightforward. This is something that we would all agree with but if some people are going to suffer due to the fact that the cut-off point is around £50 I think in all cases the benefit should be adjusted upwards.

Two points I want to make and emphasise are, first, that local authorities are not performing their statutory duties in relation to new housing schemes where they do not provide child minding facilities. They are empowered to do so; they are not doing so. In relation to existing schemes there is a scheme of grants from the EC whereby this facility could be provided. Also, in relation to marriage breakdown the fact that two single people living together would benefit more than a married couple is something about which I would feel uneasy.

I shall be brief but I could not let the opportunity pass to welcome most wholeheartedly this Bill which at long last has seen the light of day. I am pleased to see that the 1978 EC directive is being translated by the Houses of the Oireachtas into legislation. We all know that very often Governments chose to pay lip service to women's issues and that a recommendation about women or, indeed, any people who are concerned in that recommendation, is only as much use as a stone parachute unless it is translated into legislation. It is with the greatest satisfaction that I welcome this measure and I congratulate the Minister and all concerned in bringing it to both Houses of the Oireachtas.

I thank the Minister for giving such a detailed and most comprehensive speech outlining the background to the Bill. I find his approach extremely informative and absolutely refreshing. Even now all of us will agree that it is somewhat unusual to see such emphasis being paid to equality matters and it is all the more welcome for that. I am also very much reassured to gather from the Minister's speech that the constitutionality of this measure has been thoroughly and closely examined and that it has been found to be soundly based. That is a reassurance all of us who are concerned about this area will be very pleased indeed to have.

The entitlements of married women have been, and to some people still are, a very vexed question. Many people are nostalgic about the family as it was in the fifties and sixties and indeed I thought I saw certain elements of that when Senator Fallon spoke. It is not that he did not feel that the existing situation was a reality but he did seem to hark back in a slightly nostalgic tone to the way things were. We all have to admit that the way things were is not the way things are and not the way things will be. We must have legislation and we must have new shapes, new forms and new structures in our society to reflect what is and what will be. What was is for the history books, albeit pleasant, nostalgic and cosy and secure and something that we as adults have had experience of.

This reforming measure will remove fundamental inequalities in the social welfare code affecting married women and for that it is to be welcomed. In the Minister's speech I find demonstrated the fact that the Government's primary concern in implementing this directive is to get a balanced overall package which ensures that equality is achieved in a real and coherent manner rather than in piecemeal fashion. In charity I would say that it was in endeavouring to do that that this Bill has taken the time it has taken to see light of day. Nevertheless, I feel that most of the possible difficulties attached to it have been addressed and that it is important, necessary and vital that all loopholes should be attended to.

In the Minister's speech, and certainly in the legislation, there is a very firm statement of principle. One of the areas that I was concerned about is the area of a disadvantage or a discrimination which might occur to some less fortunate families who will be caught, as it were, in the intricacies of this measure. I would ask the Minister to look at this once again to see if in some way an upward adjustment can be made, or if he can in any way produce an amelioration of the situation as it affects these people who would stand to have their incomes suddenly and dramatically reduced. Those of us who care about equality and want an end to discrimination would not like to see it achieved at the expense of people who could least afford to cope with a sudden reduction of their incomes.

I also want to draw attention to the area of cohabitation which was touched on in the Minister's speech. While I do appreciate that it is not possible for him in terms of this piece of legislation to deal with this ever-popular activity, nevertheless for everybody who cares about the institution of marriage and about the stability of Irish society I think it is important that we would not be seen to discriminate positively in our legislation in favour of those who would prefer to cohabit rather than those who would prefer to put their relationship on a sound legal footing by way of marriage. I am concerned that this anomaly arises in the context of this legislation. I ask the Minister to state in what way he feels this could be got over because, human nature being what it is and the economic realities being what they are, and in view of the various pressures on the shoulders of young couples, many people will take that way out and ensure that they get a better income and forego the formalities of marriage for that reason. We should not do anything to make that an inviting or attractive prospect for them.

The questions that are to be asked of those looking for social welfare benefit or assistance about the capacity they have to ensure that their children are satisfactorily minded are an interesting element and one to which the Minister drew attention. I am happy that this will be sensitively handled and that those who are asking the questions — appeals officers or deciding officers will have their attention drawn to the delicacy of this area and the way in which they must question both men and women about their responsibilities in relation to their children.

I found Senator McGuinness's point about how many of these appeals officers and deciding officers are married women an interesting one and I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say about that. I found it intriguing to hear Senator Fitzsimons speak about the statutory responsibility which could be taken up by the local authority in the matter of providing créches and child-minding services in local authority homes, and that because this was in the statute people could not be unduly questioned as to how they personally were assuming and adopting that responsibility.

Those are the points I wanted to make in relation to this legislation. I welcome it wholeheartedly. It has been a long time coming but nevertheless it is extremely welcome. The Minister's speech was first-class and I hope it receives the publicity it so richly deserves. I am pleased too to note that sufficient publicity will be given to this legislation so that people will be aware of their new entitlements in this regard. I look forward to the Committee and Report Stages of the Bill.

It must be obvious to everybody when a Labour Senator stands up that the principle of equal treatment under the social welfare code is an automatic choice of his because it has been that way since 1912 when we were trying to do it under British rule. So, it is not a new concept for us. As a trade unionist the same applies. The directive is there since 1978 and there was ample opportunity to bring it in before this, but at least the Minister has grasped the nettle. It is interesting to look back at what might have happened. The unions were concerned with the manner in which the legislation might be introduced. Originally, when it was proposed to equalise the social welfare system it could have resulted in a lot more than the 9,000 cases which will now be at a loss to bring about the equalisation. After discussion between the unions and the Minister a substantial area of agreement was reached and even the problems of the 9,000 have been made less acute. But about 9,000 will suffer a loss as a result of this Bill. The reason for this is that it is not easy in a society where you were not dealing with equality of treatment either in work situations or anywhere else to bring about reform without bringing in some packages.

The Government proposed to introduce equality by a package of measures. Some decisions, for example, to raise certain benefits for married women and allow married women to apply for unemployment assistance, were positive. On the negative side you had the stopping of adult dependant allowances and child dependant allowances for married men on social welfare whose wives are working or receiving welfare benefits themselves. There was a positive and a negative side to it and it had to be done in practice. Again, with the mind of the Minister working to try to bring about equality, great areas of agreement were reached. It is very interesting to realise that originally we could have been looking at a situation where a family with four dependent children, with the husband on long term urban unemployment assistance and his wife earning £80 a week making a total weekly income of £164, stood to lose about £40 a week. Judging by the Second Stage speech of the Minister it seems that this problem has been eased to a great extent. Overall, the problem has been made less acute and it is nothing like the difficulty that it presented in the early stages.

I am not too clear from the Minister's speech about the position of elderly couples with no dependent children. For example, the husband would be on a contributory old age pension earning £60 a week making a total weekly income of £139. Originally he would have stood to lose about £30 a week on the reckoning of the unions at the time. I wonder how far the Minister has gone in alleviating that situation. Has he got over that problem? I am not too clear on that. I am not being dogmatic about it; I am just seeking advice on it.

Looking at equality of treatment everybody believes that there is no problem in introducing it. When you begin to examine the extent of the losses that can come as a result, the problem becomes so great that you have to take some action. The trade unions got in touch with the Joint Committee on Women's Rights. They had several meetings with the Minister and the modification was made. The blow in many cases has been softened. Following the Minister's Second Stage speech I am not clear on that point and I should like to know something about it. The Minister's speech was so comprehensive that it has taken many points out of the area of debate that might have been otherwise raised, and of which I had a note.

The Commission on Social Welfare have been established over a long number of years. I spoke of 9,000 people who would be at a loss of some sort. This commission were set up to meet the growing demands and will have to go back to the early days of the century to see how schemes started and how they developed and evolved. It is not an easy task but, in the course of their work, if it is not too far advanced, they might have a look at whether they can supplement what the Minister has done so that the problems of equality will be less acute and less burdensome on the sectors that will be affected by it.

The commission are vital in the sense that they are so fundamental to the importance of the whole social welfare system. We are hoping that they will provide the blueprints for development in the years ahead. I trust that in the course of reporting they will also recognise the difficulties in a declining financial situation or, as it is commonly known now, an economic crisis, and that they will make some recommendations on redistribution, even in the area of capital taxation, so that the question of social welfare and the taxation base can be dealt with.

I would like to express my thanks and appreciation to those Senators who have contributed this evening in a very constructive way. As some Senators said, my opening speech covered all aspects of the Bill but in view of the points which a number of Senators have raised I will refer briefly to some of them again.

The main issue raised by Senator Fallon and by one other Senator was the question of dividing the Bill into the good parts and the bad parts and accepting all the good things in the Bill and not accepting the bad parts. I doubt if there is any Member in the other House or this House, myself included, who would not like to bring in a Bill giving everything to everybody and making sure that nobody would lose anything because of it, but that is just not possible. As I pointed out, the resources that such a measure would require are far beyond what could be afforded. In fact those in the workforce, taxpayers and PRSI payers could not be expected to fund the kind of scheme that would be required if we were to bring in a Bill to give equality across the board and level all the benefits upwards instead of the way it is being done here.

The provisions of this Bill are not levelling all the benefits downwards. In the vast majority of cases there is an improvement in rates but, unfortunately, I must concede that in a small number of cases there are people who will be adversely affected by the Bill's provisions. As I stated in my opening remarks, the whole question of dependency is a very complex one, particularly in the way that the dependency was operated under our social welfare system where we had a system — and will still have until this Bill is passed — where husbands can draw the dependent relative allowance for their wives even though they could be in good jobs with substantial earnings.

In fact, irrespective of the earnings of a wife, under the present system a husband can draw dependency allowance for her even though the husband's former employment might have paid less wages than the wife's employment. To extend the right to a wife when unemployed to be able to claim for her husband, who could be in a good job with good earnings, and to claim for her children, would just not be on. That, in effect, is what Senator Fallon is looking for, even though he did not say that. There is no way in which an equality law can be brought in that could have any other effect because at the moment the law states that an unemployed husband can claim for his employed wife and all the dependent children. If that situation is allowed to stand, then equality would mean that the unemployed wife can claim for her employed husband and their children. No Senator who has raised this point has been able to reconcile that argument with the necessity to implement the rules on equality in accordance with the directive, because it is not possible to reconcile those two arguments.

If it were possible I am sure the leader of the Senator's party, who was Minister for Social Welfare when this directive was made and was Minister for more than 12 months afterwards, would not have put this directive on the shelf and conveniently forgotten about it. We have to face up to the fact that the inequalities in our social welfare system and the discrimination against women, particularly married women, must be eliminated. Admittedly, there is this price that a small minority of people have to pay. These people have been and still are of major concern to us in Government and that is another reason why the bringing of this legislation before the House was delayed. We sought in every way possible to alleviate any possible hardship that might arise from bringing in this legislation and I believe the Government have gone a long way in alleviating the possible hardships that might arise in this case. We must remember that after the passing of this Bill 46,000 married women will gain substantially from it and of the 170,000 married men in the system, 150,000 are in no way affected. Of the 20,000 that stand to lose to the extent that I explained in my opening statement, the alleviating measures being provided will cover about 11,000 of these cases. For some of these 11,000 these measures will wholly or partially eliminate any losses at all. It is safe to assume that in that 11,000 there are people whose spouses are in very good employment; they are not all in poor employment though some might be.

We are looking at a situation in the social welfare system, even in the cases we are talking about, where there is going to be hardship because there is going to be a loss. These are cases where there is an income coming into the house. One of the spouses in these cases, the wife, is at work. The measures to alleviate the hardship are substantial and, in fact, go a long way to eliminate the hardships concerned. It is misleading to argue that one could bring in a system to do away with inequality and discrimination on sex grounds in the social welfare code and, at the same time, have no losses. As I said in my opening speech, such a scheme, which would mean levelling up all benefits, would cost about £100 million. I do think that could be justified under any heading. Even if for some reason the Government had £100 million extra to spend tomorrow those people would not be the worst off in the social welfare code. There would be other categories who would be in a far less favourable position.

I want to clarify a point Senator McGuinness raised when she said that the Bill was brought forward as a result of the High Court action. This Bill was circulated in Dáil Éireann on 13 December 1984 and the High Court action was not taken until this year. It was taken in February 1985 so that, in that sense, the Bill is not coming in to try to redress some legal action that is afoot. Members of the House have referred to the delay in bringing in this Bill and they are quite correct in that. I submit that the Government have done everything possible to bring it in as quickly as possible.

Senator McGuiness, too, referred to the questioning of married women in relation to their claims for unemployment benefit. I explained why unemployment payments schemes must have conditions relating to an applicant's ability to work and why deciding officers must be permitted to carry out the necessary investigations to satisfy themselves that applicants are genuinely looking for work. I also pointed out that the vast majority of married women claiming unemployment qualified for it and that, in most cases, these women have children. The picture is not at all as bad as some commentators would seem to suggest.

I was glad to hear Senator McGuinness accepting the legitimacy of asking questions about child minding where such questions are relevant to a claimant's availability for work. I do not think that there can be any argument about the need for adequate controls. Neither would there be any argument — certainly not from me — against the application of these controls on a non-discriminatory basis. We are all agreed that if there are discriminatory practices they must be eliminated. I am satisfied that in the provisions of the directive itself and the new guidelines that will be issued, we have the requisite basis for a non-discriminatory system. Senators can be assured that we will be closely monitoring the situation and any measures that might become necessary will be taken.

Senator McGuinness asked how many deciding officers and appeals officers are women. I have not got the information here, but many deciding officers are women and many more, of course, are men who have wives at work and have to make arrangements for child minding. They are familiar with the circumstances in that regard. Deciding officers and appeals officers are selected on merit and ability. There is no marital or sex discrimination in the selection of deciding officers and appeals officers.

Senator Bulbulia referred to the question of cohabitation. I mentioned this fairly extensively in my opening remarks but I also mentioned the fact that it was a problem that could not be dealt with under this Bill. As Senators are aware the Commission of Social Welfare are examining all aspects of our social welfare code. I am sure this matter is receiving attention from them. We can only wait and see what they will come up with. The main point I want to reiterate is that that aspect should not be part of this Bill. It has nothing to do with discrimination between the sexes or the inequalities that exist in social welfare benefit. I should like to thank the House for their reception of this Bill and the speed with which they have allowed this Stage to be dealt with.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Next Stage?

It is proposed to take Committee Stage and remaining Stages tomorrow morning.

Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 10 July 1985.
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