I move:
(1) That it is expedient in order to provide formal structures within the parliamentary framework for the discussion of foreign policy matters that a Joint Committee of both Houses of the Oireachtas (which shall be called the Joint Committee on Foreign Policy) consisting of seven Members of Seanad Éireann and eight Members of Dáil Éireann be appointed to review, examine and report to each House with its recommendations on all aspects of foreign policy of the State including—
(i) the establishment and maintenance of good relations with countries with which Ireland has commercial and diplomatic dealings,
(ii) the special relationship of Ireland with countries in the Developing World,
(iii) the welfare and rights of Irish citizens abroad,
(iv) the international dimensions of the concept of Human Rights,
(v) policy with regard to International trade.
(vi) policy positions adopted on behalf of the State in the United Nations General Assembly and other such International Assemblies,
(vii) Ireland's position with regard to neutrality and nonalignment.
(2) That the Joint Committee shall have power to appoint sub-committees and to refer to such sub-committees any matters comprehended by paragraph (1) of this resolution.
(3) That provision be made for the appointment of substitutes to act for members of the Joint Committee or each sub-committee who are unable to attend particular meetings.
(4) That the Joint Committee and each sub-committee, previous to the commencement of business, shall elect one of its members to be Chairman, who shall have only one vote.
(5) That all questions in the Joint Committee and in each sub-committee shall be determined by a majority of votes of the members present and voting and in the event of there being an equality of votes the question shall be decided in the negative.
(6) That the Joint Committee and each sub-committee shall have power to send for persons, papers and records and, subject to the consent of the Minister for Finance, to engage the services of persons with specialist or technical knowledge to assist it for the purpose of particular inquiries.
(7) That any Member of either House may attend and be heard in the proceedings of the Joint Committee or in each sub-committee without having a right to vote, subject to the prior consent of the Joint Committee or the sub-committee as the case may be.
(8) That the Joint Committee and each sub-committee shall have power to print and publish from time to time minutes of evidence taken before it together with such related documents as it thinks fit.
(9) That every report of the Joint Committee shall on adoption by the Joint Committee, be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas forthwith whereupon the Joint Committee shall be empowered to print and publish such report together with such related documents as it thinks fit.
(10) That no document relating to matters comprehended by paragraph (1) of this resolution received by the Clerk to the Joint Committee or to each sub-committee shall be withdrawn or altered without the knowledge and approval of the Joint Committee or the sub-committee as the case may be.
(11) That the quorum of the Joint Committee shall be four of whom at least one shall be a Member of Seanad Éireann and one a shall be a Member of Dáil Éireann and that the quorum of each sub-committee shall be three at least one of whom shall be a Member of Seanad Éireann and one a Member of Dáil Éireann.
First of all, I would like to welcome the Minister of State to the Seanad and to send, through him, if I may, my best wishes and, I am sure, the best wishes of all Members of this House, to the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Lenihan, and say how gald we are to hear the news that he is well on the way to recovery. We look forward to welcoming him back, in person, to this House.
I would like to address myself to certain technical matters and particularly to the nature of the framing of this motion as an expediency motion because some reference was made on the Order of Business to the question of whether or not this motion was properly framed. My belief and understanding, which I have confirmed this afternoon, is that it is so properly framed and that there is a specific reason, which I deliberately intended, behind the use of an expediency motion. The reason is that if this motion is passed by this House a message is then sent to the Dáil containing its wording. This is then discussed in the Dáil and if there is a Dáil decision to agree with the terms of the motion a message of agreement is sent back to the Upper House and a committee is then set up by way of another resolution in the same terms. If the Dáil declines to agree with the substance of this motion it still lies within the remit of Seanad Éireann to establish its own House Committee on Foreign Affairs. This, I am sure the Cathaoirleach and the Minister will agree, is a far stronger and more incisive instrument than merely the loose wording that "we propose to consider the establishment". We should, at this stage, many years after the institution of a framework under which committees of both Houses of the Oireachtas can be established, be far further along the road than merely "considering".
I would refer the Minister to recent exchanges in the Dáil when Deputy Higgins questioned the Taoiseach on this very matter, and was told again that it was being given consideration. Upon being pressed on it, the Taoiseach replied that it was being given considered consideration. Well, the proliferation of these terms is potentially endless, but I believe that there is an all-party concensus that such a committee would be a useful instrument.
I do not intend to go into too great depth with regard to the technicalities of the clauses of this motion, but I would like to draw the Minister's attention to paragraph 6 in particular. This empowers a joint committee to send for persons and papers and could, perhaps, be a source of contention between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the senior civil servants there who might perhaps feel, as indeed might some Ministers, that part of their territory was being poached on. As a matter of personal choice I would have preferred, if I regarded it as possible, a stronger paragraph 6, which included the power, as exists in the Parliament at Westminister, to subpoena. However, because I am a practical man and politics is the art of the possible, I realise that this would raise hackles. I had it watered down to allow only the power “to send for persons and papers”, but of course Ministers and civil servants have the capacity, politely, to decline and to disengage themselves. So, although it is a fairly weak section this very weakness, as I would perceive it, should recommend it to the Minister and to the senior personnel of the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I think we all believe that foreign policy is an extremely important area of our political life. It is, so to speak, the graduate school of politics. Many people start in local politics and graduate then to parliamentary politics. There is, of course, a rung now above that — the rung of international institutions and of our international affairs. I would point out to the Minister the irony of the fact that there is a committee on foreign policy within the European Parliament, upon which some of our MEPs actually sit, and make a very important contribution. I have here with me the European Political Cooperation Documentation Bulletin, which is crammed with matters on foreign policy which have taken the active interest of members of the European Parliament and in which, I am very glad to see, many of our own Irish MEPs participate very vigorously.
It is very true, I think, that as the poet, John Donne, said, no man is an island entire of itself. No nation is an island entire of itself either, particularly in this century when we are confronted with threats of global famine and of nuclear disaster, no State can operate alone.
Also this State since its very inception has by its own nature accepted the importance of foreign affairs in the very creation of the State. When the State was struggling to be born our political leaders recognised the importance of international contact and established contacts in Washington, Paris, Rome and at the Vatican. The then leader of what is now the Government party, Éamon de Valera, who was unquestionably a world figure himself, noted this aspect of affairs and was instrumental in the establishment of the League of Nations in the late twenties. There is in the world today a growing understanding of the interrelationship of nations. We are also, I am very glad to say — and I am sure the Minister, as a Member of the Fianna Fáil, the Republican Party, will agree with me — a Republic. It is refreshing that the area of foreign policy is no longer as it was in the 19th century the prerogative of princes and prelates. We have gone beyond the days of Metternich, Peel and Melbourne and these sort of people.
There is an importance attached to foreign policy by Members of this House. If you look at the Order Paper for today, for example, there are on every page of quite a lengthy Order Paper at least two or three items relating to foreign policy issues. It is also of importance to the public. I believe very strongly that there should be some degree of public accountability in this very important aspect of the nation's life. One has only got to look, for example, at The Irish Times today where there is on the letters' page a very cogently reasoned letter teasing out the implications of the Single European Act with regard to issues of our neutrality. My first day in this House was the day on which, having been reconvened after the general election, we set about discussing the Single European Act and its implications and the repercussions of the Crotty judgement in the Supreme Court. At that time my distinguished colleague, Senator Mary Robinson, pointed out the important consequences of this judgement and in particular the words of Mr. Justice Walsh in his decision where, in a consideration of the Single European Act, he said:
It commits the State and therefore all future Governments and the Oireachtas, to the other Member States to do the following things:
(1) To endeavour to formulate and to implement a European Foreign policy.
(2) To undertake to inform or consult the other Member States on any foreign policy matters of general interest (not just of common interest) to ensure that the combined influence of the States is exercised as effectively as possible through co-ordination, the convergence of their positions and the implementation of joint action.
It was pointed out by a number of people during that debate that it was very necessary in the light of this debate to establish a committee to investigate and report on the implications of this judgment. In the first speech that I had the privilege of making in this House I myself said that I would like very strongly to support the suggestion of my colleague, Senator Mary Robinson, who made the recommendation that a committee of experts should be established to investigate the foreign policy consequences of this judgment. We still have not had that committee established, nor do we have the more wide-ranging joint committee of foreign policy issues. I believe that it is vitally important that we do so and that we start the process here this evening.
Although I have the greatest respect for this House — and it is a respect that increases with every day I spend in it — I would have to say that within the provisions of the Standing Orders of this House the machinery for the discussion of foreign policy it totally inadequate. I say this without any disrespect to those Members who participate in discussions. One gets, for example, occasionally adjournment debates on foreign policy matters. I myself raised the question of Irish diplomatic representation at the time of the Waldheim visit to Rome. However, the drawback, even when you manage to get an adjournment debate on an issue like this, is that the Member who raises such an issue comes in, speaks for 20 minutes and the Minister then replies, normally by reading a prepared script which has been written in advance of any notification or any knowledge of the principal and substantive points which may be raised by the Senator. In a sense it is the very reverse of dialogue. There is no real exchange of opinions, although I am glad to say that certain Ministers do sometimes step aside from the prepared script and courteously answer some of the points that were raised. It is an ineffective machinery through which to pursue foreign policy.
There are also contacts between Members of both Houses and other parliamentary institutions, notably through the Inter-parliamentary Union. I believe that this is fairly useful. I use the qualification advisedly because although sometimes valuable work is done, this is by no means always the case; and, as somebody who has always decried junkets when they occur in county councils, I would have to say that there can be and certainly exists in the public mind a suspicion that one aspect of these trips abroad is the aspect of junketing.
Some few years ago a delegation from the Houses of the Oireachtas went to Nicaragua. They went there to investigate the Nicaraguan elections. I am very glad to say that, having gone out there with this specific brief under the aegis of the Interparliamentary Union, they actually did their job. They came back here, issued a communique and a very detailed and well-produced report on the Nacaraguan elections. This was principally at the executive initiative of the leader of the group, the then Senator Michael D. Higgins. It was not a requirement of the machinery. We have just had a group which has gone to Guatemala. I do not know why they went. I do not know much about what they did there. I have heard no communique. I know of no report being issued, although I did — and I am very glad as an Independent Senator to be able to say this — hear by accident a very interesting explanation of what went on in a Radio Éireann news programme. Even that aspect which lies inert and can be used, is by no means adequately or fully used.
I believe that one important aspect of the establishment of a Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs would be that it would have the capacity to invite submissions and engage in discussions with senior and responsible voluntary organisations like Amnesty International, Oxfam and the Catholic relief agency, Trocaire, who have so valiantly upheld the honour and dignity of this country. The contribution they could make would be exceedingly important.
I could instance many different groups, but I would like to draw to the Minister's attention, for example, three such groups. First of all, I will start with Amnesty International. This year is the fortieth anniversary of universal declaration of human rights; and Amnesty International have issued an appeal to Governments, including our own Government here, to make human rights a major foreign policy goal. This is not only the fortieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, which occurs on the 10 December 1988, but it is also the anniversary of several international covenants. I would like to refer to those in some detail. First of all, there is the international covenant on civil and political rights. Secondly, there is the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. These were signed on behalf of the Irish people by an Irish Government 22 years go, but they yet wait to be ratified. I believe that an Oireachtas Joint Committee on foreign policy would ask, and ask very trenchantly and continuously, why this is so.