I want to take up some of the points I was referring to on the last day we took this Bill. I did in my introductory remarks compliment both Ministers involved on their capacity to deal with the problems raised, because they are people I know from past experience who are in full possession and full control of their brief. I made some, I will not say flattering but some positive comments on the Bill and on the performance of the Ministers. However, I also indicated that I had grave reservations, and I do. Having had the opportunity to re-read the Bill, my reservations are confirmed. Although I accept absolutely the intention of the Minister in proposing this legislation, I have to say that that intention seems to me to be so seriously subverted and contradicted by the Bill as drafted that, were I not convinced of the good intention of the Minister, I would have to regard it as a piece of fraudulent legislation, because it seems to me that, rather than deal with the problems outlined from all sides of the House, it actually operates to confirm a very dangerous situation.
I gave a couple of instances. If I may encapsulate briefly, the principle sources of decay and blight within the cities of our country, and I speak with particular feeling about the city of Dublin, are twofold. One, there are the local authorities — Dublin Corporation, for example. Senator Hederman spoke with great passion and vigour of her position inside Dublin Corporation on this point. That is the first one, and the most serious. The second is like unto it, and the second is property speculation. For that reason I am exceedingly concerned that it appears as if there is a specific intention — and this occurs both in the Bill and in what the Minister has said — to exempt from the operations and scope of this Bill the activities of property speculators in assembling sites within the city of Dublin. This must give pause to anybody who wants to speak on this Bill.
I would like to refer briefly to a very important book by Frank McDonald in which he says:
The very people who are destroying the city within through their plans to reshape it for cars, at the cost of demolishing literally hundreds of buildings, are Dublin Corporation. Indeed, Dublin Corporation and the Government's principal contribution to the city in its Millennium Year was to transform once bustling Parnell Street into a major dual carriageway with instant trees and cobble on pavements replacing pubs, shops and guesthouses in terraces of three- and four-storey Georgian buildings.
As Deirdre Kelly of the Living City group observed, "Recently the engineers discovered trees. Maybe in time they will also discover that it is buildings which make a streetscape."
It is highly dangerous to exempt local authorities or even to place them in the situation of being judge, jury and executioner under the terms of this Bill in disputed questions of dereliction. I am not convinced that they will act against what they perceive to be their own interest. With regard to planning for transport, particularly for the private car, we ought to learn from the experience of other major European cities; and nothing in this Bill that convinces me that we have in fact so learned.
I have a couple of examples to give and I would like the Minister to explain a little bit to me how this Bill will work in order to assuage the concerns of people like myself and the vast majority of the citizens of this city, how it will work to prevent or to halt the kind of situation we are confronting every single day.
The first one is a situation that is currently ongoing in Bachelors Walk — Nos. 5, 6 and 7 listed buildings. No. 7 is on list one. It is being placed on list one; and not only is the exterior listed but the interior is listed. It is a very remarkable panelled interior. What has been happening is this. A couple of years ago Arlington Securities started assembling its sites there. The buildings were allowed to go vacant first and then derelict. Lead was stolen off the roofs. Vagrants got in, cider parties were held, one building went on fire and an application was made to demolish that. The demolition process disturbed the adjoining building so it had to be brought down to ground floor level leaving only one building. What is the fate of that last surviving building going to be?
Can the Minister assure me that under this legislation that list one building with a listed interior will be protected? If so, why is a clear signal being given to property speculation — and I might point out to the Republican Party that the interest involved in this is none other than British Aerospace who recently bought Arlington Securities? "Aerospace" is a very fitting word for it, because they have succeeded in creating one of the biggest aerospaces in the city of Dublin by the assembly of this site. I would like to feel — but I am not at all reassured by this Bill — that they would be subject to the most stringent of its provisions. Otherwise, we have no feeling for the heritage of this city. I do not have to remind either Minister that one of the principal axis of this city is along the river with the quays. Every capital city that is placed on a river respects the vital importance of the quay side as a spine of the city.
With regard to the Vocational Education Committee and Nos. 18 and 19 Parnell Square, this is an ongoing scandal. The VEC are a statutory body. They are controlled by Dublin Corporation, as I understand it. Would I have any undertaking that the appalling dereliction of duty they have shown in their utter disregard for the preservation of property publicly vested in them as the guardians of State property would be properly monitored? We are dealing with some of the most important 18th century buildings in the city centre in the charge currently of a statutory body. They have deliberately ignored appeal after appeal to do something about it. Three years ago Ian Lumley from An Taisce wrote to them reminding them of their obligations, advised them that there was a problem of vandalism and that the buildings were deteriorating. His letter was not even answered.
In an article that appeared in The Irish Times on 20 November this year Frank McDonald — I again refer to him and we should be grateful for the service of this courageous journalist in drawing our attention to these problems — telephoned the chief executive of the VEC because it had become clear that five very important Adam-style classical marble fireplaces had been removed, an entire staircase was removed and a painted ceiling with panels reputedly by Angelica Kaufmann were taken out. Five fireplaces, a ceiling and a central staircase, which in a house of that size is absolutely massive, were removed and the response of the chief executive of the VEC was that he did not respond to business matters outside office hours and without an appointment. In other words, exactly what happened with Ian Lumley — a blunt discourteous refusal to accept responsibility. Does the Minister consider that this is good enough on the part of somebody charged with responsibility?
I may point out that the effect of the policy of various Governments and of the Corporation of Dublin in depopulating the area between the two canals means that this can go on in our principal squares. I would like to tell the Minister a cautionary tale. During the week a similar attack by these vandals was carried out in North Great Georges Street, a couple of doors down from my house, and two important but not so important marble fireplaces were dismantled. But because there were people on the QV all the time, this was noticed, the removal of the fireplaces was halted, the door was secured of a vacant house and the fireplaces were stored in property belonging to other members of the society. As individuals we were acting as watchdogs.
Can the Minister convince me that the VEC will be prosecuted under this proposed legislation? I understand that legal action is pending by a concerned citizen against the Vocational Education Committee and I would like a clear undertaking from the Minister that this kind of situation will not be tolerated.
I have two other examples I will deal with quickly. One is in Eccles Street where over the last few years a situation developed where the Mater Hospital and the Mercy Order of nuns, who do very good work, I must say, in the hospital, extended their empire all the way down Eccles Street and they have now succeeded in demolishing one entire side.
They also commenced operations on the side opposite the hospital and gaps started to open up. A number of us, in particular the Students Against the Destruction of Dublin, got involved. I got involved in it, too. They took action as individuals in the High Court against the Mater Hospital and the directors and the order of nuns. The interesting thing that emerged was this, and I would like to quote from Saving The City by Frank McDonald:
From the affidavit sworn by Mr. McGowan for the High Court case it emerged that the Mater had realised in May 1986 that the roofs of the houses were in need of major repair but no work was carried out. A year later a report by the hospital's consulting engineers pointed to the inevitable consequences of this lack of maintenance, referring to continuous water penetration which considerably weakened the roof structure, top floor and second floor. By January 1988, not surprisingly, another inspection by the consulting engineers found that further substantial deterioration had occurred to such a degree that the roofs and floors had become structurally unsound. It was at this point that the Mater invited the Corporation's Dangerous Building Section to inspect the three houses, again with inevitable consequences; and though a local firm of architects, Breen and Kelly, who had restored a Georgian house on the street argued that it would have been a perfectly practical proposition to renovate rather than demolish the Mater's three houses, it was the opinion of the Dangerous Buildings Section which prevailed, even though none of the eight area inspectors were qualified architects or structural engineers. Indeed, in 1967 the Supreme Court judgment declared that in the case of appeals to the District Court against dangerous buildings orders, a court may in no way alter or modify the work directed to be carried out or the conditions under which they are to be carried out or review the opinions of the sanitary authority as to the appropriateness of the works required to be carried out or enter into the question of whether the structure is or is not a dangerous structure.
In other words, we have another classic example of a defaulting bad landlord deliberately causing the dereliction of buildings which they wish to demolish. May I remind the House that not far from here on the south side, just to even things off and make sure it is not all happening on the north side, No. 29 Clare Street was acquired by a property speculator, although it was a list one building, and was substantially demolished on foot of a dangerous buildings order.
I have one further case I would like to draw to the Minister's attention. I did mention briefly the last day that I felt there was a problem, that there was no opportunity for a private citizen to have recourse to some judicial review regarding the dereliction of buildings. I speak with some feeling on this issue because I live next door to a house which is part of a portfolio of about 300 18th Century properties owned by an absentee landlord. In that property there were a couple of sweatshops and there is now what I can only assume to be a brothel. It is a house that specialises in what I am told is "relief massage". It does not matter to me. People presumably need to be relieved. I am not particularly pushed one way or the other. But what I do object to is the increasing dereliction of the house, coupled with the annoyance caused to my basement tenants by people who seem to think that the service is generally available all over North Great George's Street. I do not see any possibility in this legislation for me to bring this person to court and force either a refurbishment or a sale.
For this reason I appealed to the Minister to contemplate something that is not perhaps directly involved in this Bill but I think is an important point I hope he will review, and that is the establishment of an officer, a receiver of derelict buildings, who will have the authority to go in to apply to the court to be appointed receiver of a building like that, to go in without even the consent of the owner, complete all the necessary refurbishment work and offer the building, first, back to the defaulting owner at the price of the renovations and then, if that is not agreed, place it on the open market and give the difference back.
I have since been speaking to people and I am informed — perhaps the Minister could tell me, perhaps not — that some such appointment was part of the discussions leading to the formation of the present Government, that this was something that the Progressive Democrats in particular had in mind as part of their little shopping list. I was told they understood that this was agreed. I would like the Minister to confirm this and to tell me if there is a date when legislation will be produced to give some teeth to the situation, because this Bill as it stands now simply does not do it. I would like to amplify this by pointing to the fact that we wash our hands and wirrasthru all the time about the destruction of Dublin.
We think that by listing buildings this has some effect. It has absolutely no effect whatever in law. The Minister is aware of this, because his attention was drawn to it last year by Michael Keating in the Dáil when he asked the then Minister for the Environment, Deputy Pádraig Flynn, who is once again in this position, in February 1988 if the Minister had any plans to strengthen the flimsy legislative protection for listed buildings. The Minister suggested that the existing powers were adequate and that he had no proposals at present to change the situation. That is worrying. I am sure that the Minister of State, Deputy Connolly, must be aware that I have listed a catalogue. It would be most wrong and greedy of me to spend the whole time this afternoon reading out a list. I have given three or four examples and they are all different. I could spend several days giving the Minister instance after instance of list one buildings that are being pulled down, so that the listing has no real compelling effect, it has no substance in law, it is merely a gesture. I would like to ask if something really serious is not going to be done about this matter, which I think is really the nub of the question.
The Minister will be aware that I have placed a number of amendments to the legislation and I hope that he will consider them. Some of them may be capable of a satisfactory answer. I know that both Ministers Flynn and Connolly are in charge of their briefs. They know what they are talking about and they may be able to explain the circumstances so convincingly that I will be able to withdraw them. I am not going to deal with the substance of them now. I would like to say one thing on the principle of amendments, because it has been said to me on a number of occasions——