I move:
That Seanad Éireann welcomes the prospect of substantive negotiations involving all parties in South Africa; notes the announced intention of the South African Government to abolish apartheid; encourages all sides to proceed with the further efforts necessary to achieve that objective, which is not yet near realisation; and calls on the Government to maintain the necessary pressure on the South African Government with a view to promoting the profound and irreversible change that is required.
It gives one great pleasure to be able to come into this House to propose a motion in which, at long last, we are welcoming the end of that appalling system of apartheid which was a blot on civilisation. It is also a great pleasure for us all to be here discussing a motion in which we are considering the real progress which is now beginning in South Africa. In many ways perhaps 1990 will go down in history, certainly so far, for a changing mood which seems to be worldwide, the astonishing changes that we have seen in Eastern Europe, the changes which we are seeing now in South Africa, changes which I hope we will see in Central America and indeed nearer home as well in which people will get together to solve difficult bitter problems, but to solve them by peaceful negotiation with concern for the rights of other people rather than just simply and totally selfishly looking at their own particular point of view, immediate advantage or interest.
However, as regards South Africa, let us be quite clear we are only at the start of the process. There is a long and very difficult way to go. That is why we are anxious in this Government motion that the necessary pressure, whatever that may be, including sanctions, will continue to be applied. This is absolutely essential. We do not lightly advocate such matters as sanctions and the process of these procedures. I sincerely hope that sanctions can be lifted as soon as possible, that any necessary boycotts can be lifted as soon as possible and that South Africa as a country, and all the people of South Africa, may once again participate in economic progress, sport and all the international events in which all the people of that beautiful and great country should participate.
We have to proceed very cautiously. It is no pleasure advocating sanctions. Sanctions very often strike at the weakest section of the community. I say this without imposing anything of that nature on the South African population who have shown great heroism under the most harrowing circumstances. Nonetheless any form of economic sanction inevitably bears on those who are least able to protect themselves. Equally, I find it very unpleasant that we have to impose such things as a boycott of athletes. In terms of general principle this is repugnant but unfortunately, they are necessary. Basically, these sanctions and pressures were necessary. They were imposed as a peaceful means of ensuring an end to apartheid — which we are beginning to see and of which we have promises — and other developments. Just ending apartheid is a great advance but it is certainly not enough in itself. It is a hideous, uncivilised system but there is a lot more to development in South Africa than simply ending apartheid. Apartheid is, perhaps, the most obnoxious and obvious manifestation of the injustice of the system out there.
The United Nations declaration has been referred to in one of the amendments. The United Nations, of course, laid down a whole series of fundamental principles. I will mention a few of them; South Africa shall become a united, non-racial and democratic state; all its people shall enjoy common and equal citizenship and nationality, regardless of race, colour, sex or creed; all its people shall have the right to participate in the Government and administration of the country on the basis of universal, equal sufferage under a non-racial voters roll, and by secret ballot, in a united and non-fragmented South Africa; all shall have the right to form and join any political party of their choice; all shall enjoy universally recognised human rights; South Africa shall have a legal system that will guarantee equality of all before the law; South Africa shall have an independent and non-racial judiciary; there shall be created an economic order that will promote and advance the well being of all South Africans; and a democratic South Africa shall respect the rights, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries and pursue a policy of peace, friendship and mutually beneficial co-operation with all peoples.
We have agreed that each of us should only have a limited period to speak. Although I appreciate Senator Upton's general comment that 20 minutes is sufficiently long for any one speech, it is indeed very difficult to do full justice to the points that I would like to make. I am sure speakers on this side of the House, and indeed on the other side of the House, will be expanding on these and mentioning other very crucial issues.
Let us for a moment look — and it could be a total debate in itself — at the history of South Africa, a history of some of the worst aspects of colonialism, on the one hand and, on the other hand, a history of tremendous economic achievements. Let us in no way denigrate these. There are great achievements. This gives hope not only for South Africa itself but for the whole southern region of Africa. There have been great achievements by the various groups there, not least, let me say quite clearly, by those of the Dutch groups, the Afrikaners, who went through their own very difficult times. Remember the words "concentration camp" started in South Africa. Let us briefly glance back. Basically it has been a history of colonialism and oppression, whatever else may have in some ways slightly modified that.
It is really almost a miracle of history that at this particular time the South Africans should have found a person of the calibre of Nelson Mandela, somebody who is capable of going through so many years of imprisonment, some of it very foul imprisonment, whatever slight amelioration there may have been for the past year or two, and is still able to come out and say: "It is better to let bygones be bygones", to come out also and talk in terms of love, that that is what one should have for one's fellow South African. He is a great man. How fortunate we are also that, on the side of the whites, President de Klerk is attempting with great difficulties — let us clearly understand that — to extend his hand of friendship and co-operation to Nelson Mandela. Each of them appreciates the other and have paid very warm tributes to one another. Earlier today we had tributes to that other great man who tried so hard in this country to bring communities together. Let us not underestimate the difficulties which President de Klerk and Mr. Mandela will have in their infinitely more appalling circumstances than we have experienced here.
There are certainly grave dangers on both sides, the various African groups. Let us remember that these are various peoples —"tribes" is a totally inappropriate expression — the Xhosa people, the largest group, of which Nelson Mandela is a hereditary chief, as well as being Vice-President of the ANC; the Zulu group, an almost equally large group of about 17.5 per cent of the South Africans led by Chief Buthelezi. We rightly pay tribute to Nelson Mandela but I would like also to pay some tribute to Chief Buthelezi, who, despite tremendous pressures and inducements, refused to negotiate with the South African Government while Nelson Mandela was kept in jail. He and the other various important South African leaders all must come together if there really is to be a peaceful prosperous development in South Africa.
However, Mr. Mandela and Chief Buthelezi have people behind them who may not be quite so tolerant. President de Klerk has certainly got a very strong white opposition. We are already beginning to hear talk of an enclave in South Africa which would be a white enclave with a certain number of non-white Africans in it and, no doubt, if they could cutoff that region they would begin to talk about democratic processes and so on. It is going to be a very difficult situation for some years to come in South Africa. We must hope that Nelson Mandela, de Klerk and like-minded people will be able to come together and bring the peace and justice in South Africa which that country deserves, that by raising living standards there for all the peoples of South Africa they will in turn improve the living standards, and the appalling circumstances in Mozambique, Angola, Namibia and other adjacent territories.
We support the declaration of the 12 EC member states in relation to South Africa. I would reiterate the words of the Taoiseach in hoping that there will be an agreed attitude of maintenance of pressure on South Africa but, at the same time, a recognition of the moves of President de Klerk and of the way in which Nelson Mandela has endeavoured to bring the majority population in South Africa with him. I have great pleasure in moving this motion.