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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 20 Dec 1990

Vol. 127 No. 5

Appropriation Bill, 1990 [Certified Money Bill]: Second and Subsequent Stages.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

First, I would like to extend to the House the Minister for Finance's apologies at being unable to attend today to address the House. He is, unfortunately, tied up with other important business. However, he has asked me to state that he will follow the debate with keen interest.

The purpose of the annual Appropriation Bill is to give statutory effect to the Departmental Estimates for the supply services, both non-capital and capital, including all Supplementary Estimates that were voted and approved by the Dáil since the enactment of the previous year's Appropriation Act. The 1990 Bill appropriates to the various services set out in the Schedule to the Bill, the sum of £6,620,550,000 comprising the Estimates totalling £6,452,222,000 as set out in the revised post-Budget Book of Estimates, Supplementary Estimates of £168,327,000 and £1,000 in respect of a 1987 excess on the Superannuation and Retired Allowances Vote.

The Bill also authorises the use of certain departmental receipts amounting to £713,887,748 as Appropriations-in-Aid.

The 1987 excess on the Superannuation and Retired Allowances Vote arose due to, firstly, an upsurge in voluntary retirements in the first half of 1987 arising mainly from the salary increase awarded to principals and assistant principals in the Civil Service which improved retirement lump sum payments and, secondly, because of the difficulty in accurately estimating the pattern of deaths among former officers and spouses which varies widely from year to year.

These excesses were not offset by savings elsewhere on the Vote and even though there were additional Appropriations-in-Aid available which would have more than covered the excess on the Vote, these could not be used as an offset because a Supplementary Estimate had not been moved. In accordance with established financial practice the committee of Public Accounts have examined and approved this excess Vote.

A final important function of the Bill is to provide the statutory basis for calculation of the "four-fifths" issues which the Minister for Finance is authorised, under the Central Fund (Permanent Provisions) Act, 1965, to make from the Exchequer towards meeting the cost of next year's services during the period before the Dáil has an opportunity to consider and pass the various individual Estimates.

The occasion of the Second Stage debate on the Appropriation Bill also offers the Seanad an opportunity of discussing the wider economic developments which have occurred over the previous 12 months.

It is gratifying to be able to report to you today that 1990 has been another very successful year for the Government's economic and budgetary policies. Growth in output and employment has been strong, inflation has been low and further progress has been made in correcting budgetary imbalances.

This year GNP growth is likely to be close to 5 per cent — broadly similar to the growth rate last year and again ahead of the expected EC average.

While consumer spending increased by 5¼ per cent last year, some slowdown in the growth rate is indicated by the trend in retail sales in 1990 to date. Nevertheless, personal consumption is likely to increase by about 3½ per cent this year.

A major aim of the economic policies we have been pursuing has been to lower inflation and to keep the rate of increase in our costs in line with, or below, that of our trading partners. In the period 1987-89, our inflation rate was kept down to little over 3 per cent on average — low by international standards.

Before the Gulf problems arose our inflation rate had been brought down to just under 3 per cent — around the same as the rate in Germany and considerably lower than the high level then prevailing in the United Kingdom. Despite the higher price of oil this autumn, we have managed to keep the lid on inflation.

As Senators are aware inflation fell again in November to 2.7 per cent and the average inflation rate for 1990 remained modest — at 3.4 per cent. Our present inflation rate is the lowest in the European Community and lower now than the German rate.

Investment is again performing strongly in 1990. In the period to September this year, imports of capital goods were up an estimated 8 per cent in real terms on the same period in 1989, a clear indication that business is continuing to invest. Activity remains strong in the construction sector where Structural Funds are having an impact.

This year industrial output has risen by just 4 per cent in the first eight months. The slower rate of growth has been most evident in the high technology sectors. The remainder of manufacturing, which includes the more "traditional" sectors, has, however, maintained satisfactory growth.

In 1988 and 1989 we had a balance of payments surplus of around 2 per cent of GNP and the surplus is being maintained this year despite having to pay more for our oil imports. We are now clearly paying our way in the world.

The most conclusive proof of the success of present policies has been the growth in employment. The preliminary results of the 1990 Labour Force Survey indicated an increase in total employment of 30,000 in the 12 months to April 1990. Since April clear evidence of further growth in employment has emerged: in the three months to June manufacturing employment, seasonally adjusted, increased by over 2,000, giving a net annual increase of 7,000. Employment in the larger private sector firms in building and construction grew by 9 per cent in the first nine months of this year as compared with the same period of 1990. There is also evidence that private sector services employment has grown strongly, particularly in tourism-related areas.

Despite the gains in employment, unemployment is still a major problem. We expect an average reduction of about 7,000 in unemployment, as measured by the live register this year. This is less than we had thought at budget time and reflects a slowing of emigration because of the deterioration in the UK and US economies.

I think Senators will agree that the progress made in recent years in correcting the imbalance in the public finances has been nothing short of dramatic. Just four years ago, in 1986, Government borrowing stood at nearly 13 per cent of GNP. By the end of this year, borrowing will have been reduced to less than one sixth of this. The EBR is now lower than it was any time within the last 40 years. The Debt-GNP ratio which rose by 41 percentage points over the period from 1980 to 1986, and stood at 131 per cent as recently as 1987, fell to 119 per cent at end-1989 and the expectation is that the 1990 figure will show a further significant reduction in the ratio.

This year's budget represented a further step along the path of responsible financial management. It was welcomed as a sympathetic and balanced response to the needs of those seeking jobs, of taxpayers and of the least well-off in the community, through a well thought out package of measures.

In particular, the budget made a significant further reduction in the burden of personal taxation, so as to improve incentives to work and facilitate pay moderation; reduced VAT and other indirect taxes so as to bring our rates closer to European levels, and to help keep inflation down; continued the fundamental reform of the corporation tax system, initiated in 1988; further developed the self-assessment system by placing self-employed taxpayers on a current year basis; provided for a 5 per cent general increase in all social welfare weekly payments with a further supplement for the long term unemployed; gave special assistance to those on low incomes, by exempting from PRSI contribution employees whose gross earnings were £60 or below a week, and by increasing the general exemption limits for income tax and the child addition to these limits.

These measures in conjunction with the steps taken in 1988 and 1989 not only met the commitments given by the Government in the Programme for National Recovery, but actually went further in many respects.

Looking at budgetary performance this year, I am glad to say that for the fourth year in succession the indications are that Exchequer borrowing will come in below the budget target.

The buoyancy of tax revenue is once again the main contributory factor to the good budgetary performance this year. Corporation tax revenues are well ahead of expectations and PAYE receipts are also set to come in ahead of projections.

Corporation tax receipts indeed could end up over 50 per cent above the budget estimate. This reflects the introduction of self-assessment for companies as well as the cumulative effects of the changes made in the corporation tax regime over the past few years.

The improvement in PAYE receipts reflects the impact of better collection from employers and a better employment performance than had been expected at budget time. At that time the expectation was that non-agricultural employment would increase by 16,000. In fact, present indications suggest that the actual figure could be over 20,000.

As evidenced by the sum of over £168 million in Supplementary Estimates included in this year's Appropriation Bill, there will be some overruns on the expenditure side of the 1990 budget. However, let me say at once that the figure of £168 million in Supplementary Estimates overstates the position somewhat and should not be viewed as indicating a loss of control on expenditure on the part of the Government.

Some £70 million of the total provision for Supplementary Estimates arising on the Second and Third Level Education votes relates to the possibility that timing factors relating to the receipt of EC ESF aid might result in a failure of these receipts to materialise this year. These supplementaries are therefore precautionary in nature and were moved to avoid the possibility of major excess Votes if the ESF receipts do not come in until next year. The expectation is that this money will come in in 1990 and the authority to spend more, conferred by the Supplementary Estimates, will not in fact be required. This coupled with offsetting savings on other Votes in 1990 which of course do not show up in the Appropriation Bill will ensure that the actual expenditure overrun this year will be considerably lower than the £168 million suggested by the Supplementary Estimates.

Despite these overruns and the prospect of a shortfall in EC receipts generally this year, mainly, down to timing factors, the improved tax revenue receipts will compensate, with the effect, as I have said, that the budget target should be bettered for the fourth year in a row.

As Senators know the 1991 Abridged Estimates Volume and Summary Public Capital Programme were published on 7 December last. The later than usual publication of the Estimates this year stems from the difficult task which faces the Government on the expenditure front in 1991, and the painstaking and detailed way in which the Government set about the job of determining the Estimates, line-by-line, so as to keep expenditure at its lowest practicable level in 1991.

A number of factors are putting upward pressure on expenditure in 1991, such as the £100 million carryover cost of this year's budget welfare increases, the need for us to spend more on programmes attracting EC Structural Funds, and the carryover cost of sanctioned special pay increases. Despite having to provide for these factors, the Government managed to restrict the increase in the provision for both non-capital spending and total Exchequer-funded expenditure, current and capital, in 1991 to 4 per cent, marginally above the projected inflation rate for next year of about 3 per cent.

In recent years the Government have found that a policy based review of spending programmes followed by a detailed line by line analysis of spending demands is an effective approach to expenditure determination and this is how they approached their task this year also. For the 1991 campaign, the Expenditure Review Committee were reconstituted and their recommendations were considered in the autumn along with the detailed spending bids from Departments.

As in previous years, the Government's approach in settling the Estimates was firmly based on the principle that there must be continuing constraint on expenditure. Allocations for 1991 were allowed to increase only where there were decisive economic or social arguments for it. As the Minister for Finance stated in the Dáil on the Estimates "take note" motion, public spending is, and will remain, under firm control. The Government intend to review the published Estimates allocations before budget time to seek out further reduction possibilities in the light of the emerging outturn figures this year and the changing domestic and international economic environment.

I have already mentioned that the small increase in spending in 1991 is partly due to the need for us to spend more in order to draw down our EC Structural Funds aid. The Structural Funds now have an important influence on our spending and investment programmes. Already nine of the operational programmes under the Community Support Framework for Ireland have been approved and the remaining three programmes, rural development, vocational training infrastructure and training of trainers, and Objective 4 — occupational integration of young people — are expected to be approved shortly. The commitments to Ireland under the funds for 1991 will amount to almost 767 MECU or £591 million, an increase of 21.5 per cent over the commitments relating to 1990.

Monitoring of the implementation of the Community Support Framework is vitally important and the Government are devoting considerable resources to it. Monitoring committees at both the CSF and operational programme level are operating well. An extensive range of instructions on monitoring and reporting has now been sent by the Department of Finance to all lead Departments responsible for implementation of programmes or measures. The commitments mentioned above do not take account of the additional funding which has yet to be allocated to Ireland under the new Community initiatives. The full list of initiatives and the resources to be devoted to each have now been decided by the Commission. There are 12 initiatives in all, of which ten are applicable in Ireland.

The member states have six months from the publication of the approved initiatives in the Official Journal of the European Communities to submit programmes. Only three of interest to Ireland have so far as reached this stage: the others are still at the discussion stage. Our ENVIREG programme, which deals with measures to combat pollution in coastal areas and toxic waste management, has already been submitted to the Commission and is being discussed with them. Our programmes under STRIDE, which deals with science and technology, and INTERREG, which deals with cross-border development and which we are preparing jointly with the Northern Ireland authorities, will be submitted early in the new year. We are continuing our negotiations with the EC Commission on these new initiatives to ensure that the maximum possible share of aid is obtained for Ireland.

Looking ahead to next year there are many reasons why 1991, more so than recent years, will prove to be a difficult one on the budgetary front. The difficulties are evident even from the published Estimates figures. Given that we have to provide for special pay increases, a new general pay round and welfare improvements it is clear that there will be very limited room for manoeuvre next year. It is absolutely critical that we remain on course to achieve our medium-term goals in relation to the public finances and the debt-GNP ratio.

It is imperative, therefore, that the successful policies we have been pursuing on the economic and budgetary fronts are maintained and built upon. The Government's task will be to continue to foster confidence in the Irish economy by the firm pursuit of sound economic and fiscal policies. I commend the Appropriation Bill to the Seanad.

I want to thank the Minister for his presentation, but his rosy slant on the state of the nation's economy is not reflected by the outturn in many of the Departments. The main problems of unemployment, emigration and long hospital waiting lists in practically all specialities, together with last night's announcement that the Minister has decided to increase the charges for hospital care by 25 per cent, do not reflect what the Minister said this afternoon. The Appropriation Bill gives us an opportunity to look very closely at the state of the economy. While I would not like to give the impression that I am taking a very negative view of the achievements of Government policies, nevertheless there are significant areas where we would hope to see improvements. We hope that in the budget the Government will avail of the opportunity of redressing these matters.

In the Estimate for the Department of the Environment £580 million has been provided for supply grants. I would like to mention a few areas to which those of us engaged in local government would like the Minister for Finance to pay attention. As regards infrastructures, in practically every county the standards are rapidly falling. In my constituency the road infrastructure is deteriorating and there has been no housing programme for the past three or four years. I am availing of this opportunity to make a very special appeal to the Minister for Finance to consider the allocation under the HA5/84 programme for special housing categories. The Government should read the latest statistics published. They indicate — I am sure they will be borne out by the next census — that by the end of the century there will be a significant increase in the number of retired persons here, almost an 80 per cent increase over the 1984 figure. Yet in the counties with which I am fairly familiar the housing stock, and the provision of housing, is not keeping pace with the demand.

In the last few years there has been a significant response from a large number of voluntary housing associations across the country to the section 12 housing programme. As a person with a very keen interest in this area I note that the loan facility, which in 1985 was 80 per cent of the capital cost of housing, has been reduced to about 60 per cent. That means the voluntary housing organisations have the impossible task of raising the shortfall between the cost of the housing and the section 12 loan that the Department of the Environment provide via the local authorities. Unless the present ceiling of £20,000 per unit is increased to about £30,000, most of these housing associations will not be able to provide the excellent community service they have been providing over the last number of years. Since the local authorities are not involved in the house building programmes to the same extent, as they had been for the last 20 or 30 years, it is important that local initiatives be supported.

I make a very special appeal to the Minister to increase in next year's budget the allocation to about £30,000 per unit. Local authorities must be given the finance to carry out that special housing programme, which is of great importance to many elderly people living on their own. The community care programme adopted by all these voluntary housing associations is of the greatest importance.

The Government's programme for decentralisation should be extended to the Department of the Environment, the ideal Department for decentralisation as their work is spread across the 27 county councils and many borough councils. I ask the Minister, and indeed the Government, to consider 100 per cent decentralisation in the Department of the Environment. That would release the Custom House which would make an ideal museum because it is one of the classic buildings in the city which rose, phoenix like, from the ashes. It is a very historic building. As Dublin will be the cultural city of Europe next year, why not mark the occasion by transferring the museum, which is greatly restricted for space to display artefacts to full advantage?

The space in Government Buildings could be adequately used by the Houses of the Oireachtas, especially if we expand the committee system in a fashion that is required. Because of the changes in Europe and with 1 January 1993, coming closer, we need to be prepared and to have a committee system that will be able to take the workload so that we will be able to monitor the situation and have an input. Unless our Minister and civil servants who are servicing the committees and study groups in Europe have an input to these policies there is no use talking about democracy. They should be able to convey the situation as perceived by the public, to the Ministers of the day.

In approaching the next budget I ask the Minister to look with progressive eyes at our prison system because it is of the utmost importance that we assess and reassess the role the prisons are expected to play. For a number of years I have had the onerous task — and honour — of being a visitor to the prison in Portlaoise. When I went there first I did not have much sympathy for the inmates, but when I looked deeper at the problem, no matter what the prisoner is detained for, I realised there should be a greater element of rehabilitation. At least we should be able to demonstrate that we are a Christian society, that there is such a thing as forgiveness, that the ambience of the place should lend itself to demonstrating and trying to seek out the good that is in all of us. I would like to see greater resources being allocated to the prisons.

I compliment the Government, and indeed successive Governments, on the design, excellence and facilities provided at the new Wheatfield Prison. Perhaps we could embark on a programme of prison refurbishment that would bring all our institutions up to that standard. The main criteria should be that no matter what the category, there is clearly be a policy of rehabilitation and improvement and greater educational facilities. The living conditions, especially in the lounges, television rooms and recreation centres, should be designed to be more like a home than the austere, drab places they are. I am sure that in the coming year we will have an opportunity to develop that particular theme further but it is an area that has been neglected for far too long.

Agriculture is an industry that touches the homes, pockets and lives of a high percentage of people. Listening to the Minister's speech this afternoon, one could be pardoned for thinking that everything was rosy in the agricultural economy and in regard to agricultural incomes. It is far from that. Even the Minister for Agriculture and Food admits that there has been an 8 per cent reduction in agricultural incomes this year, whereas Teagasc say the reduction in incomes is 30 per cent and farm organisations place it at 40 per cent. That is alarming and it reflects badly on the policies of the present Administration. I hope the Government are aware that their policies, good, bad or indifferent, are just not working. One cannot say to a white collar, a blue collar worker or a worker in any other sector, that they will have to take an 8 per cent or 30 per cent cut in income this year. That is just not on and we must get away from this attitude in the agricultural area as well.

The Government seems to have set their face against utilising the European system, utilising the facility of the disadvantaged areas scheme which would appear, having regard to the swings and changes in the VAT negotiations and having regard to the entire trading patterns not only in Europe but in the world, to have lost the initiative in adapting the opportunities offered to benefit the widest possible percentage of farmers in this country.

The policy of the Fine Gael Party for some years has been that the entire country should be classified as less severely handicapped and then we would be able to confer a higher designation on the significantly poorer areas so that the people who are most acutely affected and most severely disadvantaged by virtue of the land or their situation would be able to benefit to a greater extent from the facilities that the European Community is providing and has budgeted for. If I may speak as one elected on the agricultural ticket, we have certainly entered a very difficult and uncertain period. There has been a reduction in the price of milk this year and a continuation of that policy is promised for next year.

The position of the beef industry is absolutely tragic. We can easily produce the best quality, most palatable and succulent beef in the world. We have been subjected to accusations with regard to additives and implants and this has caused a lot of unease and uncertainty among consumers. There has been a reduction in the consumption of beef despite the fact that Irish beef, by most standards, is way ahead of anything available throughout the world. The Department and the Minister for Agriculture must be aware of the problem.

Animal disease is something which has been hamfistedly handled. The regulations introduced over the last six or eight months will not make one bit of difference to the system or to the health of the national herd. A lot of money has been squandered in this area and the results do not bear comparison to the cost. If a scheme does not produce the results why can the Department not take stock and bring in a new scheme with radical changes to try to tackle the problem? It is not good enough to allow the farming economy to dwindle so much so that there is very little return for the amount of energy and money invested in farming.

The Department and the Government have been negligent, having regard to the uncertainty created about the Sugar Company. The Sugar Company should have been refinanced and given an opportunity to serve the public. The organisation is capable of making a greater contribution to the national economy. They need Government support and financing to allow them to do that.

It has been a disastrous year for agriculture. I hope the Government will take a lead in future. The reduction in State aid to agriculture is frightening. It is unfortunate that at a time of difficulty we are witnessing such a drastic downward trend in support to this industry which is responsible for such a high percentage of our GNP.

There is much dissatisfaction in relation to education. People expect a greater and more professional approach from the Department of Education. Last September three or four schools in my area were amalgamated and I was horrified to find that the schools opened without adequate toilet facilities for the influx of girls. There does not appear to be any forward planning in the Department of Education. That is a poor reflection on 70 years of self Government. The fact that things are expected to happen overnight places too much strain and responsibility on the shoulders of voluntary committees who are almost expected to work miracles when it comes to providing services even in areas of education which we would expect to be controlled completely by professionals if we are to give the next generation any worthwhile opportunity in the years ahead.

I understand that agreement between the Whips is that we should have a very cursory debate on this important Bill because we will have an opportunity early in the new year to go into the entire appropriations-in-aid account, when the House is recalled. I take this opportunity to wish Senator Reilly and my colleague, the Minister, the compliments of the season.

I thank Senator McDonald for the kind greetings and I now call on Senator O'Keeffe.

I welcome the Minister to the House as an extremely able Minister who is always welcome among us. The Minister was previously a Senator and he has excelled himself as a Minister in the last Government and in this Government.

The discussion on this Bill gives us an opportunity to assess Government performance and to note in particular the striking turn about in the economy since 1987. One can only fully comprehend the scale of our achievements if we look back at the economy in 1987 before the Government's programme was put in place. The crisis facing the country at that time demanded a decisive response if disaster was to be avoided, a response in terms of a soundly based strategy to achieve stability and to regenerate the economy. That response commenced with the negotiations with the social partners and the Programme for National Recovery. Senators will recall that the objective was to achieve strong and sustainable growth in employment. The key element was fiscal discipline, pay moderation and a suitable exchange rate for the Irish pound within the EMS. These policies improved our competitiveness and brought about a reduction in our interest rates. Throughout the programme we have had a disciplined adherence to the basic tenets of the programme, so much so that at long last we have restored credibility to fiscal and monetary policies for the first time in many years. Credibility was achieved as a result of consensus and because the policies laid down by the Government were realistic and attainable.

Over the three year period of the programme we have seen real growth in GNP. There have been significant reductions in the Exchequer borrowing requirement and in the ratio of the national debt to GNP. Employment has grown by 40,000 in three years up to last April. This year the budget target was for 16,000 new jobs. I understand that we will surpass the target and will attain 20,000 new jobs. That is no mean performance.

The Programme for National Recovery progressed until private sector non-agricultural employment increased by over 70,000 persons. This improved employment is particularly welcome, representing as it does the beginning of success in the long battle to defeat unemployment, which is central to all our fiscal and economic objectives.

It is important at this time to have a look at taxation and to see what has happened in that area. Under the programme, tax reductions to the cumulative figure of £25 million were promised. What has happened over the last three budgets is that the reductions will be in excess of £800 million — that is more than three times the programme commitment. Both the standard rate and the top rate of personal taxation have been reduced by five percentage points. The proportion of taxpayers in the higher rates have been reduced and the tax exemptions have been increased significantly. I suggest these tax reductions, combined with low inflation, have enabled living standards to improve even with moderate pay increases. As a result, over the duration of the programme a single person earning an average manufacturing wage will have gained an increase of 9 per cent in real take-home pay. That is significant when you consider what inflation has been over the intervening period. The reduction in the VAT rate from 25 per cent to 23 per cent and other excise rates shows that there has been a consistent improvement in overall taxation reductions. This is something everybody has called for.

I would like to expand further on a number of areas we are looking at in a cursory way at present. I would like for a moment to have a look at the IDA and their role. I compliment the IDA on the manner in which they have been successful in attracting industry to this country given the fact that we are on the periphery of Europe. The IDA have identified niches which transgress our peripherality; they have pinpointed the electronics industry, the computer industry, the pharmaceutical industry and the health care industry as well as the financial services sector.

Any company looking at Ireland as a possible location would realise straight away that we have an extremely young population, a population that is also very well educated, something which has tremendous advantages for any company wishing to set up here. Another advantage we have in Ireland is that the 10 per cent corporation tax has now been extended to the year 2010. If one looks at the economic parameters, with low inflation, low interest rates, a cut in industrial costs and, most important of all, industrial peace, one will see this is a good region in which to base an operation.

There is, however, one thing that bothers me at this time and that is our graduate output. There is a suggestion that because we are relatively new in the industrial sector we have never developed what one would call entrepreneurial flair and that there is a shortage of top management. The IDA have pointed out that in the next ten years there is a possibility that we will have a real shortage not alone in top management but in middle-management, in graduates with the relevant skills and also top technicians and shop floor operatives. If we are short on top management skills, ergo that top management will not be able to provide the jobs required at the lower levels. This is something we should look at seriously. In many respects Intel has brought home to us the present difficulties; that they are now in a situation where they will talk about immigration rather than emigration and they are looking beyond this country to bring back the expertise we had exported previously to meet the needs and demands of their operation.

In relation to graduates, a recent survey has suggested that by 1995 the number of computer science graduates which will be required on an annual basis in Ireland will be 1,050; at present my understanding is that we are producing roughly 240, which is about one-quarter of the demand. That is serious for us as a nation, it is serious for our third level institutions, it is particularly serious as well for FÁS as a training agency and it is something that will have to be looked at immediately. If you look at the electronics sector which is the major growth sector you will find that the survey again shows that we need 630 graduates per year, my understanding is that we are producing 175, one-third of the need.

We need to look again at the role of education, training, co-operation and coordination required between the Department of Education and the Department of Labour regarding future manpower skills. I am aware — and I will be parochial for a while — that in Cork we could have a waiting list for a computer-related course in FÁS of 300 to 400 people. In the centre, two 26-week courses are run in the year producing 60 trained technicians at the end of the period. I wonder whether there should be greater liaison between FÁS and the educational establishments who have computer expertise available to them during summer periods when use could be made of the available facilities and which have not up to now been put into use.

I would also like to look at the role of the IDA versus the local authorities. There is no doubt in anybody's mind that we will need to have a national overseeing agency. In the White Paper on local authorities produced in 1972 it was stressed that local authorities were a development agency. Frequently I find that local authorities and the IDA are competitors. I will give an example. Not too many years ago in Carrigtwohill, in County Cork, the IDA and the local authority had sites available. The council property was more attractive to the incoming enterprise. A price was quoted, yet the following day the IDA underquoted that price. In that case we had two State agencies vying with each other to attract the business. It makes sense that the local authority, which is a planning authority and produces development plans for five to seven years, takes into account demographic trends, and makes practical decisions based on centres of population in towns.

Why are local authorities not given distinct functions to those of the IDA? Would it not make more sense to tell the IDA it is their function to grant aid companies setting up in Ireland and that it is the responsibility of the local authorities, who have development plans, who are aware of the amenities and infrastructure in their areas and who know where planning permission can be given, to tell industrialists where they can and cannot go? I want to expand further on this point and if I am parochial, I ask the House to forgive me.

Cork County Council took a decision to set up two satellite towns, one in Carrigaline, which has a population of 10,000 at present, and the other in Ballincollig, which has a population of 15,000. The IDA have not put any significant industries into those areas since that plan was brought into being and the population in both towns is set to rise by between 10,000 to 13,000 over the next ten years. If the IDA do not put industries into those areas over the next two years difficulties will arise.

The policy of the IDA to set up industries in the major areas of population only continues the problem of emigration which bedevils this country. If the decision to locate an industry was left totally in the hands of the local authority, I believe local councillors would use enough pressure to ensure that suitable sites were identified in the areas designated for major population growth. I ask the Minister to bear this point in mind when he is reforming local government. I believe that instead of co-operating with each other these two bodies are in many instances going against one another.

I have difficulty understanding the close relationship between education and training in FÁS and where they overlap. It would appear from recent IDA projections that foreign industry will be of major significance over the next ten years. In January the IDA launched a programme for the creation of 100,000 new jobs for the manufacturing industry over a five year period and it is expected that jobs created by foreign industries will account for 45,000 of these. If the IDA can tell us that 45,000 new jobs are expected to be created over the next five years by foreign industries then surely it should be within our remit to anticipate the demands of those industries in the electronics, computer, pharmaceutical and medical areas. I believe much work could be done co-ordinating our response to the likely demands of these industries.

Senator McDonald referred to local authority housing. I think everyone accepts at this stage that there is a difficulty in local authority housing. Two years ago we could not give away houses in Dublin, Cork and many other cities but suddenly there was a difficulty in this area.

I doubt it.

I know it. We could not give away houses two years ago.

There are waiting lists everywhere now.

Cork County Council recently had a discussion on the massive waiting lists——

There is very little left for the Senator to say about Cork. He has covered it fairly well; fair play to him.

I am glad the Senator appreciates that. When the Senator is given the opportunity he is pretty good at covering his constituency.

Mea culpa.

When one county council were asked by the Department of the Environment to report on local authority housing it was indicated that there were 64 acute cases on the waiting list. However, the report produced by the county manager last week showed that there were only 25 acute cases and that many people had been housed. I believe there is a need for a further housing programme. We have asked the Minister on many occasions to ensure that there will be some housing development in our area next year and I am confident that such a housing programme will be introduced.

I want to refer to the cost factor in local authority housing. I remember when three bedroomed local authority houses cost between £27,000 and £30,000 and one could buy a three bedroomed private house for £24,000. Obviously times have changed and house prices have increased. Perhaps local authorities should consider buying private dwellinghouses in an effort to save money and to help social integration. If they bought more private sector houses they could help integrating local authority tenants into private housing estates. I believe this concept is well worth considering and I ask the Minister to do so.

I wish everyone in this House Christmas greetings. May peace, harmony and goodwill reign for the coming year.

As Senator O'Keeffe has amply demonstrated, the debate on the Appropriation Bill has become more in the nature of an Adjournment debate than a debate on appropriations. Perhaps that is not a bad development. Despite my remarks during his contribution — I apologise for interrupting — I have to agree with much of what the Senator said in regard to the difficulties being experienced in his area.

The first thing which struck me when reading the Appropriation Bill is the provision of £1,000 for superannuation and retired allowances for the year ended 31 December 1987. I do not know the reason for this provision but I remember having rows about pensions during the year. Vote 18 includes, among other things, extra-statutory pensions, allowances and gratuities. I should like the Minister to explain precisely what those extra statutory pensions are, for whom they are, who gave them, how they are distributed and who makes the decision on them.

I am interested in this Vote because we recently passed legislation on pensions and superannuation for teachers. At that time I made the point that many of the statutory requirements of the pension regulations have been ignored. I am not for one moment saying that these extra statutory pensions are illegal — they are probably for some group who are not covered by legislation — but I ask the Minister to identify who they are for. The figure of £1,000 is of importance to me because I am firmly of the view that the extra costs incurred under the heading of superannuation in 1987 were incurred illegally. I have stated that in this House before. That scheme was introduced even though the regulations covering public service and teachers' pensions required the agreement of both Houses of the Oireachtas before being implemented.

Each year I ask a question on the Vote for the secret service but I have yet to get an answer. A sum of £170,000 is being allocated — I am concerned about our secret service — and I would like to know where this money is invested. I acknowledge that the Book of Estimates last year gave an indication of where a small portion of the money allocated was spent but, without mentioning names, I would like to know where the money was spent and through which channels was it directed. It would be extraordinary if the £170,000 supports some kind of foreign service — I presume it does not — but I would like to know where it will be spent and on what.

Vote 27 is for first level education. In that Vote no attempt was made to meet, either in this document or in the Estimates, the costs of implementing the recommendations put forward by the primary education review body. It is remiss of us not to deal with that matter. I had hoped to see a much larger sum of money in this Vote. As everybody is aware we have the worst pupil-teacher ratio in Europe, the most overcrowded conditions and, in many cases, an extremely small sum provided for building at primary level. It annoys me no end that the provision for building at primary level is being reduced this year from £15 million to £13 million.

The question of education and training, which was referred to by a previous speaker, should be addressed. There is a need to amend the Treaty of Rome which is being considered by Governments at Intergovernmental Conferences. The only place in the world where a distinction is made between education and training is in the Treaty of Rome. The reality is as the Minister is aware, that the European Community is not entitled to direct money towards, invest money in or provide money for education but it can do so for training. As a result we have witnessed educational authorities, departments and colleges applying contortionist techniques in trying to define the difference between education and training. It has not worked. Forces were at work in the early fifties when the Treaty of Rome was signed to ensure that the State, and in particular Europe, did not get too involved in education and it was kept at home.

We have long grown out of that attitude and brought many things into line. It is now time that the distinction between education and training was abolished. No distinction should be made in the allocation of grants. Very few of the principles which are applied to education cannot be applied to training at some stage and vice versa as they are interrelated. It is totally illogical to fund one and not the other. We are losing millions, if not billions, of pounds from Europe for education as money can only be provided for training. If a project is termed “educational” no money is provided.

The head of the Department of Divinity at Oxford College recently made a very interesting case to the European authorities. He urged that each of his graduates would take up employment in whichever Church they represented, that his course at the Department of Divinity and Philosophy at Oxford College was clearly a vocational and training course, that he was sending them all out to work and therefore he should be entitled to funds from the Social Fund. I do not know how well that man is doing but his case is a good example of how ridiculous the European law is.

It would appear that the guiding light for politicians of all shades should be the creation of an environment where there is free access to education, health and the law. I have dealt briefly with education. It is not possible for me to refer to all the elements at this stage except to say that all the children of the State passed through first level. Therefore, any investment in primary education represents an investment in the youth of the country, in the next generation. We will reap the rewards many times over. If we are to invest or inject money in education that is the sector to do it.

Previous speakers made reference to the related issues of emigration and demographic trends. I have stated previously that I have yet to see a report on demographic trends which has turned out to be true and I have studied a fair number of such reports during the past 20 or so years. If people have any doubts about that all they need do is go down to the Library and take out the demographic projections put forward in 1980, 1970 and 1960 and for the years in between. They will see that none of them proved correct. One of the great problems is that we do not get such reports from demographers. They always seem to be presented by economists, either the ESRI who employ economists, or the Central Statistics Office who employ statisticians. There are very few demographers in the country and we never seem to ask them for their opinion.

In simple terms, I suggest we will face huge problems in the services area in the mid-nineties. It has been projected that our birth rate will continue to decline and emigration will not continue at high levels. Recently the Minister stated in this House that the rate of emigration had fallen to 24,000 per year. The reality is that the rate of emigration will fall to either 12,000 or 14,000 per year within two years. I have been saying that in this House for the past two years and anywhere else where people were willing to discuss it but I cannot get anyone to agree with me. However, I am aware that all of the decisions that will be made in relation to the provisions for education and the health services during the next ten years will be based on an annual net emigration figure of 25,000 but this will not be the case.

A report issued by FÁS within the past two weeks indicates that many people are returning from the United Kingdom in particular. Yesterday I spoke with the Australian Ambassador who told me that the number of people who moved to Australia this year was down by approximately 40 per cent on the figure for last year and continues to fall. FÁS, who have ten divisions around the country, have been asked to express an opinion on why changes have taken place in the employment-unemployment figures in their areas. It is my information, and I have to check this, that many Irish people are now leaving the United Kingdom on account of the poll tax which is extraordinary. This has been pointed out by three different sources and time will tell if this is true or not. It is absolutely amazing the things that can bring about a change. It is obvious that that country has its unemployment problems but that is one of the reasons for the change outlined in the reports forwarded by some FÁS divisions to their head office, that people are not prepared to stay over there as they cannot avoid the poll tax.

If the emigration figure is lower than the one Government advisers would have us believe let me put forward a very simple equation. If the figure turns out to be either 12,000 or 13,000 a year on average during the next ten years, rather than the figure of 25,000 or 26,000, in simple terms this will mean that there will be an extra 14,000 people in the country each year. They will be in the years of fertility between 16 and 40. This means that every year for the next ten years there will be an extra 7,000 fertile women with a fertility rate of roughly 2.2: it is 2.4 at present but is projected to decline to 2.1. Cumulatively this means there will be an extra 16,000 people per year. This will require a huge number of teachers. I am convinced we will run out of teachers if we do not keep this factor in mind.

Everybody tells us about the fall in the fertility rate and the drop in the birth rate, but the figures in the recently published OECD report are quite startling. In all except three countries in the EC, fertility rate increased during the past 18 months. The three countries in which it did not increase were Spain, Italy and Ireland, the three Catholic countries who learned only lately about some of the gadgets which change things around. I do not have a figure for Germany because the changes there made it impossible to get statistics. In case anybody thinks there is a facile explanation for this, I have also looked at the fertility rate amongst migrants as opposed to the stable population. I do not believe that the Irish fertility rate will drop below 2 for any significant period. It might drop slightly below 2 for a short period but it will stabilise just slightly above 2. The replenishment of the population is 2.1, allowing each woman to have slightly over two children. We are a breed of survivors and, if necessary, we will ensure that there are people to pay our pensions or to turn out the light in 30 or 40 years' time. We as a nation will make it easy for people to have larger families. We should remember that each child represents one thirty-fifth of a teacher's job.

Vote 45 is concerned with the payment of lump sums and related payments resulting from early retirement in the public service. I have spoken regularly during the past year about the need for an early retirement plan for teachers. There is a need to allow teachers who can no longer cope with the stress, difficulties and pressure of the job to retire early. Perhaps the Minister will specify what this money is for and who in the public service was getting early retirement in 1989. I do not know who they are. Is the early retirement scheme still available? I have no doubt that if the Minister meets teachers in his constituency — particularly but not exclusively primary teachers — they will tell them they are in the fifties and can no longer give the job what it requires and ask to be allowed to retire with dignity and financial security. This would also create jobs for younger teachers who are unemployed.

Senator McDonald referred earlier to the excellent amenities in Wheatfield Prison. I have not been inside the prison but I recently saw the outside of it when I visited a travellers' halting site at St. Oliver's Park, beside the prison. I was in the company of the sister of a Senator on the Government benches who gave me a guided tour of this appalling site. One woman who had a large family was trying to keep warm in a run-down trailer by using two electric bar heaters powered from her own generator. The heaters were, of course, a fire hazard. She pointed to the prison and asked what one had to do to get into those facilities. When people have to ask such a question because they cannot get decent accommodation from the State we have a lot to answer for. I am not pointing the finger at this Minister. This is a responsibility we all share.

I have indicated to the Government Whip that I would welcome a discussion on the whole question of travellers. Many Senators are members of local authorities and this is a local authority issue. I believe a greater amount of money should be made available to the travelling community. It is appalling to visit this site in Clondalkin adjacent to our most modern prison and to see people living under canvas, trying to survive and rear families in horrific conditions, without even a decent electric light. It is an indictment of our community and we must all accept some of the responsibility. It is an issue we should discuss at some length.

Senator Ryan attempted during the week to raise on the Adjournment the £500,000 which the Government had made available for the homeless but which has not been spent and is being returned to the Exchequer. That is disgraceful, particularly in the light of the problems of the travelling community. I could easily spend that money on behalf of homeless people. Twenty five young children are being educated in a so-called classroom in St. Oliver's Park by a teacher who shows an admirable level of commitment. It is something like a Portacabin which is damp, dirty and smelly — the antithesis of a learning environment. I cannot find out who is responsible. It is not the Department of Education, the Department of Health or Dublin Corporation but appears to involve all three. If it transpires that £500,000 is available which has not been spent on the homeless, Senator Ryan has a serious grievance in asking what is happening to this money.

Senator Norris asked me to raise the question of funds for the Hirschfeld Centre. He has raised this matter many times and has been in contact with the Taoiseach, the Minister for Finance and various others. He will develop this point during the debate in January.

The final matter I wish to raise in which promises were made which have not been kept relates to Telifís na Gaeltachta. Cúpla bliain ó shin i rith an toghcháin thug an Taoiseach geallúint go mbeadh £500,000 ar fáil chun Teilifís na Gaeltachta a chur ar fáil nó, ar a laghad, scéim phíolóta a thosú. That has not happened. About 18 months ago the Minister of State represented the Minister when this matter of the £500,000 for Teilifís na Gaeltachta was raised by me on the Adjournment. Níl aon dul chun cinn déanta ó shin i leith, ach tá a lán oibre déanta ag muintir na Gaeltachta chun creatlach de scéim phíolóta a chur ar fáil agus tá siad ullamh le dul ar aghaidh leis. Ní thuigim in aon chor cén fáth nach mbeadh an Stát toilteanach dul ar aghaidh leis sin. Bheadh jabanna ann, thar aon ní eile, agus ba dheacair teacht ar scéim níos fearr ná sin chun infheistíocht a dhéanamh sa Ghaeltacht.

I therefore register my disappointment that we have not made any progress on that issue over the last year. Ba mhaith liom brú a chur ar an Aire, ar an Rialtas, agus go mórmhór ar an Taoiseach, mar eisean a thug an gheallúint go gcuirfí brú orthu an t-airgead a chur ar fáil chun seirbhís teilifíse Gaeltachta nó Gaeilge a bhunú. Chuala mé argóintí i gcoinne sheirbhís teilifíse Gaeltachta ó dhaoine áirithe, ach níl mé ag brath na buntáistí ná na míbhuntáistí a phlé ag an bpointe seo; níl mé ach a rá go bhfuil géarghá le seirbhís teilifíse sa Ghaeltacht chun cuidiú linn an Ghaeilge a shábháil. Ní féidir le múinteoirí seo a dhéanamh, trína ropadh siar i scornacha na leanaí óga nach bhfuil acu sa bhaile ach Sky, BBC agus cláir Bhéarla an t-am ar fad. Níl mé ag cur in éadan na gclár Béarla sin ach oiread.

I am not saying that Gaeltacht children should be restricted to Irish channels or Irish language programmes only, far from it. I would take quite the opposite view, having been brought up in the Gaeltacht myself and seen many of my Gaeltacht friends and colleagues suffer from not having been allowed develop in English as well. There should be the option for those tuismitheoirí atá báúil don teanga, go mbeadh seans acu siúd teilifís Ghaeilge nó Ghaeltachta a chur ar fáil dá leanaí óga. In that way, at least, they would perceive Irish as a natural part of their growth, environment and home. Molaim sin don Aire, agus tá súil agam go mbeidh dul chun cinn éigin ann maidir leis an gceist seo i rith na bliana seo chugainn. Such is the nature of the Appropriation Bill it would be possible to continue to debate it all day in all its different aspects. I have referred to the major points on which I wished to comment. The Appropriation Bill, and the discussion thereon, does allow us to examine where we are, as a nation, at this time of year. It is a debate that is enjoyable from that point of view in that we are not here pressurising one another but rather examining, opening out its provisions. This debate should set the agenda for the work of the House — apart from its legislative work — in ensuing months.

I have raised issues such as education which were discussed at length two or three times in this House in the past year. The Minister for Education has suggested that we should have a comprehensive debate on education. I would welcome such an opportunity because it would enable people put forward their points of view.

I have raised the question of having a more comprehensive debate on the state of travellers and gave some examples of what I had in mind. I met recently the Dublin Travellers Education Group whom I found to be highly articulate, clear, cogent thinkers. They are the kind of people who can tell us of their experiences first-hand. I would like to bring their experiences to this House and see a debate on that aspect of Irish life.

At the end of the day, as a nation, as legislators, we need to lay out a direction for ourselves so that we at least make some attempt to do what was called for in the Proclamation of the Republic, that is try to "cherish all the children of the nation equally". It is my greatest regret, as an Irish citizen, that successive Governments have managed to conspire — I cannot think of a better word — to omit those words from our Constitution —"to cherish all the children of the nation equally". I hope I live to see the day when those words are inserted in an Irish Constitution. I hope I also live to see the day when our citizens understand that they are not incorporated in our Constitution at present. I constantly meet elected representatives who think they are included in the Constitution: little do they know.

The next issue I want to raise is that of access to education, to the health services and to the law. If we could form a nation which would ensure that all our children were treated equally then we would have something of which we could be proud.

The only test to which any society need be subjected is that of what I might call the maternity ward test. If one walks into the maternity ward of any hospital in this State at present, particularly in a city area, one need only show me the children and their addresses — I need know nothing else about them — for me to predict what will be their life profile. For example, if their address happens to be Darndale, Ballymun or some such place, I can predict what those individuals are likely to be doing over the next 20 or 30 years; one could work down the scale of our class structure. I am not trying to create a revolution overnight. But is it not ridiculous that this country, which would appear to cherish life so much, can still not show any care whatsoever about the quality of life we offer these citizens? There must be something wrong with a society which creates, within the same geographic area, the poor, the unemployed, a potential prison population and so on. Why is it that such a large proportion of the prison population come from disadvantaged areas? Are they born difficult? When one looks at babies in a maternity ward, they all look exactly similar — my children, your children; one cannot pick one out from the other. Yet, over their lifetime it appears one takes one route and another a very different one. I believe that is because we do not look after them at that early stage. That must be on our agenda as elected representatives.

Senator O'Toole referred to the fact that we are spending £170,000 on the Secret Service. He wondered where that money went. My view is that it is expended simply to protect one secret, namely, that we have no secret at all. I suspect that that expenditure will increase protecting that simple fact.

We are discussing the Appropriation Bill, 1990 as the economy faces into a stormy period, with great uncertainty in the world, the Gulf crisis building up to climax, with the GATT talks continuing, which are turbulent and difficult as far as this country is concerned. There is great instability in Eastern Europe which inevitably will manifest itself in this country. There is a recession in the United States and in the United Kingdom and it is now generally believed that there will be no recovery in world prices in 1991.

Senator O'Keeffe, using carefully selected statistics, illustrated that there has been a period of growth over the past few years. Nonetheless that period of growth has made little difference to the lives of many people. Indeed, many have seen their standards of living decline over that period. Over the past two years there has been a widening gap between the income of different sectors of society, with the wealthy becoming wealthier, when we have been exposed to arrogant displays of greed amounting to a glorification of materialism. For some segments of Irish society there would appear now to be no such thing as a social conscience, of concern for the poor, for others, for the under-privileged, the old, the lonely; such concern is seen as being weak willed. The homeless have been forgotten. Many of the old values have been eroded or washed away and are irrelevant to some segments of our society at present. The middle income groups continue to find the going tough — mortgages present difficulties for them, education costs increase and health insurance costs escalate, all happening within an environment of heavy taxation. There is the silent constituency of the middle income groups who have been the target of most of the unfulfilled promises, the people who worked hard in the belief that, if they made sacrifices for a few years, it would reap dividends. It now appears that their expectations and hopes will not be realised. They will get more of the same in 1991 and will be expected, over that year, to ensure in silence, to act responsibly demonstrating continued patience as their standards of living are further eroded.

The farming community have experienced a dreadful time this year. It would not appear that the coming year will be any better for them. There was a 10 to 20 per cent reduction in farm incomes, depending on which set of expert figures one relied. As far as the farming community are concerned, the GATT negotiations simply represent a damage limitation exercise. The important thing here is the degree to which such damage will be limited because it will amount to damage no matter how one perceives it.

Developments in Eastern Europe will lead to growing exports from those countries to the European Community further reducing farmers' prices. The outlook for many small farmers is exceptionally bleak. It is estimated that of the order of 50,000, one third of the present farming community, will be made redundant between now and the turn of the century. Where are they to go? What is to become of them? What will become of their communities? What will become of the culture of which these people are the embodiment? Will their children be returning in times to come seeking their roots, trawling through heritage centres wondering who they were, where they came from and so on? They will be the lucky ones, the fortunate and successful because they will have the capacity to come back.

There will also be other people who will be simply statistics in the emigration figures. There will be those people we heard about on radio this morning, the residents of cardboard city in London and other parts of that cardboard world. They will be the theme of new, evocative songs by the Ralph McTells of the new generation. The Appropriation Bill we see in front of us this afternoon offers very little hope for them.

The poor and those who depend on social welfare must see little hope in the Estimates. They can expect no improvement. Their children can expect education, housing and the prospect of work to remain an unfulfilled dream. Anyone who doubts that has only to look at the figures for returning emigrants at the weekend. We are talking about something of the order of 200,000 returning to this country. These are our emigrants coming back who could not find employment in this country. The Appropriation Bill offers relatively little hope for them.

Agriculture is in a very bad state. The infrastructure of agriculture is now beginning to fall apart. Teagasc are in the doldrums and the future looks very bleak for that great organisation and their predecessor who contributed so much to the development of agriculture. Their budget has been slashed. Their chairman has taken to attacking them. There has been a significant reduction in the ERAD budget. Farm animal disease remains an intractable problem which we cannot afford not to solve. We will run into tremendous difficulties in the years ahead if we cannot get on top of TB and other problems of farm animal disease. One way in which you cannot go about that is to reduce the amount of money we are investing in the eradication programme when the problem remains as serious as it is.

I see little hope of change or improvement in the Appropriation Bill in the area of marketing Irish food products. There is a great need which has been identified for years for further investment in that area. Yet, we seem unable to make the investment or to organise from one source or another. There is a growing problem of the standard of quality in our foods. It is a good week now when we do not find a case type of food poisoning particularly during the summer months. In the recent past we had an outbreak of listeria in cream. That has to have a very serious impact on the image of the quality of Irish products. There is also a question about our capacity to tackle the problem of implants and additives. Newspaper reports of angel dust being fed to Irish cattle are very alarming, and we need further investment to solve that problem. To be fair to the Minister for Agriculture and Food he has at least taken a very positive and desirable approach to that problem, but I do not believe enough money is going in to provide the solution. However, I compliment him at least on his attitude. His thinking is entirely right, and I would like to see him ensuring that much more investment is made in guaranteeing that none of those products make their way into the Irish food chain because their impact on our food will be disastrous in the effect it will have on consumers, Irish and worldwide.

There is little hope in this Appropriation Bill for those on social welfare. The Commission on Social Welfare's report has not been implemented. The notion that people on social welfare should be paid £60 per week in the case of adults remains a dream and aspiration. We have a long way to go before we get that far. It is accepted by experts that children under the age of 11 would need £16 per week. Again, we have a long way to go before we reach that target. It is estimated that children older than 12 years would need £20 per week to be able to be properly looked after when they are on social welfare.

The unemployed young adults whose entitlement is based entirely on the family income are left in a dreadful position and in a dilemma as to whether they should move out of their family home if they are to get income from social welfare. Alternatively, they are left with little or no dignity if they remain in the home if the family happens to have a worthwhile income.

There is the continuing cycle of social welfare which seems as if it is going to be just that, an everlasting cycle. The dependents of social welfare are very likely themselves to be the children of social welfare recipients. That cycle has gone on and on for years and I see little hope in this Bill of any change. The ugly face of moneylending is again beginning to appear on the Irish scene. That is just one more indication of how awful things are for those who are poor in our society.

There is little prospect of improvement in the health service. Funding for health is going to remain static. The waiting lists will continue to be unacceptably long for those people who cannot afford to pay and those waiting lists will continue to drive people in the direction of private medicine. The Appropriation Bill holds out very little hope for the 800 or so mentally handicapped people who are in need of residential care. They are going to have to take their chances among the thousand and one other areas of demand on the health boards as they seek to spread out the few extra pounds they have been given. The case of the mentally handicapped has been very well stated and explained by their association and I wish the Minister for Health would pay much more attention to it. They have been described as "special" but I believe that to a large extent they have been forgotten. I hope their needs will be given the priority they deserve. It is appalling that the families of mentally handicapped people have to drive across the city of Dublin to see their children out in Portrane which is a full day's work on a Sunday afternoon given the traffic in the city. I hope something can be done to alleviate the problems of these people.

There are dreadful problems for old people who have mentally handicapped children — I should not say children, I should say mentally handicapped adult dependants because some of these people are now in their thirties and forties and are being cared for by their parents who are in their sixties, seventies and even older and who worry dreadfully about what is to become of their children when they are no longer able to care for them. It is an appalling prospect they have to consider and try to cope with, as if they had not enough on their plate already.

I am pleased there has been some improvement in the amount of money allocated to the Health Research Board. I am sorry there is not a great deal more. It is not nearly adequate. The Health Research Board have been at the receiving end of savage cutbacks over the past few years. If health research is to make the contribution it has the potential to make, then it is very important that investment be made in the type of health research which is carried out by the Health Research Board. It is easy to get money for research on the development of new drugs because down the line there is the prospect of profit for a drug company but the type of health research carried out by the Health Research Board will not bring profits to an entrepreneur. It is the type of research which will pay dividends for the community at large, and I wish the Minister would reconsider the situation there and perhaps try to stretch the budget somewhat to give that research group a greater contribution.

I am also sorry to see that there is no real prospect of the Minister investing more money in preventive medicine and, particularly, in health education. Investment in this area would have a very worthwhile spin-off. Many of the diseases of modern society are diseases of lifestyle. There are the various diseases that arise from smoking, from excessive drinking, those that arise because we refuse to modify our diet and will not take enough exercise. In many cases these diseases could, if not eliminated, be postponed if an awareness was created. I accept that there is some awareness but it is not nearly as great as it could be. I would like to see the Minister paying more attention to that. I suppose he is an expert on this topic, given that he is a medical practitioner. I wish he would use his professional expertise to try to expand on that area of investment.

One of the more disturbing aspects of yesterday's announcement was the decision by the Minister to increase the health charges for those with long term illness and those who are in public hospitals. We are talking of an increase of 25 per cent which seems very large and will represent a tremendous burden for people on low incomes.

Senator O'Toole spoke at considerable length about education. There are a few items I would like to add. In the primary sector the pupil/teacher ratio continues to be excessively high. There is a great need at primary school level for more investment to reduce the pupil/teacher ratio and provide an adequate level of support services for schools, to provide adequate funding to employ people such as caretakers and secretarial assistants. These people have a vital role to play in the proper and efficient functioning of schools. Without them teachers will find their time taken up carrying out functions which should not be expected of them.

There is a need for an end to the interminable rounds of fund-raising which most schools, teachers and parents' associations now find themselves involved in. There are the race nights, the raffles, the cake sales, the marathon runs and the whole rigmarole. It should not be necessary for teachers and parents to be involved in that type of income generation, nor should it be necessary for teachers to be put in a position where they are forced to seek voluntary contributions from parents. I do not blame teachers for doing that. I have no hesitation at all in acknowledging that they do it with the greatest degree of sensitivity possible but they should not be put in that position.

Many primary school teachers are under great personal stress as a result of what they are expected to cope with during their work. A lot of the work of primary teachers is centred around fund-raising, which they should not have to get involved in.

There is no increase planned for capital investment in second level education services despite the fact that the capital investment in second level education is now 60 per cent less than it was four years ago. Ireland still has the largest classes in Europe, it has the lowest per capita spending on second level education and it is the only European country without a six year cycle at second level. Again, I am very disappointed that something is not being done about that.

Probably one of the most disturbing areas of education is the question of access to third level education. Access to third level education here is an appalling commentary on our sense of fairness to those who come from lower income groups. The chances of the lower income groups getting into third level education are somewhere between minimal and non-existent. It is an eye-opener to go through the statistics. I recommend that every Member of this House read the report by Paddy Clancy on going to college. It certainly is an eye-opener. The chances of those who come from the low income segment of society getting into third level education are pretty well nonexistent and we continue to do nothing about that. It is a disgrace that that problem is not being tackled.

I work in the third level education sector and in that sense I should declare an interest. Having done that, I must say that third level education is very, very expensive for the parents of those who are now going through the system. Many of those parents are in the middle income bracket who are struggling to maintain their children in college, and are finding the going very tough. There has been a great squeeze on funds for third level education. One of the great difficulties that this creates is its effect on standards. The standards in third level education here are comparable to the best anywhere, but we cannot continue to reduce funding to third level education without putting those standards in jeopardy. We have just about gone as far as it is possible to go and any further cutbacks will result in a reduction in standards. The effects of that, in the long term, will be disastrous.

I note that there is an £8.8 million increase on the Estimates for spending on Third World aid. Seven million pounds of this will go to help countries affected by the Gulf crisis. What that means is that there is an increase of £1.8 million in Third World aid and that part of the world which is in greatest need of aid. When one works out the figures, what has really happened is that this country's contribution to Third World aid declined this year from 0.16 per cent to a projected 0.15 per cent of gross national product. That is awful. I have mentioned this before in the presence of the Minister. That is the meanest of all the cuts and we are getting meaner by the year. That is a shocking commentary on our values when one bears in mind that each day of the order of 40,000 children in the Third World die needlessly. The basic reason we do not make a greater contribution to Third World aid here is simply because there are no votes in it. I accept that. I am out on the ground as a practising politician and I believe that the basic reason is that there are no votes in it; but I do not think that in matters like this what we do should be determined by whether or not there are votes in it. This is a fundamental moral issue.

It was increased by £7 million this year.

There is a reduction from 0.16 per cent to 0.15 per cent of gross national product. We are miles away from the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent and we are now approaching half of what it used be four or five years ago when we reached a figure of 0.25 per cent. Many others have spoken about this but I am simply driven to despair by it.

There are now 20,000 applicants for local authority housing. There has been a projected increase of £11 million which I understand is sufficient to provide for the building of 200 extra houses. It will meet about 1 per cent of the need. Ninety-nine per cent of those on the housing list can expect to be there next year. That is a chilling statistic for those people. In fact, the 200 or so extra houses we can expect to be built next year will not even keep pace with the growth in demand for housing. That shows how pathetic this investment is.

If I can be permitted to be parochial; in the part of Dublin where I do my political work housing is at crisis level, and has been for a long period. There is gross overcrowding, and marital problems, and intra-family feuding and stress are generated as a result. I am sorry to say that nothing of significance is likely to be done about that next year. There is, of course, the continuing and shocking problem of the 5,000 or so homeless people in this country, many of whom are children, and that, too, is an appalling reflection on the way we do our business here. There is one final paradox I want to mention, and Senator O'Keeffe dwelt on this at length. I always like speaking after Senator O'Keeffe.

That is the Senator's third "final".

This is well worth listening to. Senator O'Keeffe spent a lot of time talking about employment, but, as I said, he misses the odd little bits and pieces when he goes through the figures. Some statistics escape him.

I am attracted by the positive.

There is a paradox that we are now about to shed 100 or more jobs in RTÉ as a result of the Broadcasting Bill. That is a fine example of this Government's unemployment creation activity.

I would like to make some very brief concluding remarks at this stage. Let me first extend the customary thanks to the House for facilitating the Government in getting this very important piece of financial legislation through the House today. I would also like to thank all those Senators who contributed to today's discussion and I propose to come back on some of the points raised here today in some detail and others when we resume the discussion in the New Year.

I already referred in my opening remarks to the difficult budgetary position facing the Government in 1991. This situation is made even more acute by the less favourable external environment we will be facing next year. This was emphasised by Senator Upton. During recent years when our economy improved so much the international environment was good. All the indications now point to a situation where the immediate outlook for our main trading partners, which looked so favourable until recently, is now much less optimistic. The reality now is that both the UK and the US economies are moving into recession. The Gulf crisis and the difficulties stemming from it is a major blot on the horizon and I express the hope — and I am sure all Members of the House would concur with the sentiment — that a peaceful solution is found to the present impasse in the Gulf and that we do not find ourselves with a major world military conflict when this House resumes in the New Year.

Unfortunately, we cannot hope to remain immune from all these developments and we simply have to face the fact that our export markets will be growing less rapidly than recently. This means that we can expect lower export growth next year compared with the very strong growth experienced in recent years. There is no doubt that this more subdued export growth will have implications for growth both in domestic demand and in employment.

In these circumstances, it is even more imperative that we maintain competitiveness so as to at least maintain and hopefully increase our market share and thus aid employment and income growth, and it is vital that we maintain progress on reducing the debt-GNP ratio so as to reduce the exposure to the risks attaching to a relatively high ratio in the context of an economic downturn. The high debt ratio, notwithstanding all that has been achieved, continues to place a huge burden on the economy, pre-empting resources that could be better utilized elsewhere. Even though the debt ratio has been reduced from 131 per cent in 1987 to 119 per cent in 1989, it still remains at a level of £25 billion, the equivalent of £24,000 for every household in the country, and moreover it continues to grow if even at a much slower pace. Despite the transformation in the public finances since 1987 we will still be incurring £400 million in new borrowing this year, which simply adds to the debt and debt servicing costs.

While I have no wish to argue with Senators on the opposite benches, coming as we are to the season of goodwill, it has to be said that a great number of the contributions, particularly that of Senator Upton, highlighted the stark reality of a demand for considerably increased expenditure on every front. Even though Senator Upton was tempted to accuse Senator O'Keeffe of skimming over certain statistics, it would be fair to request him to suggest where some of these resources might come from. We must take into account the fact that between 1982 and 1987 the national debt grew by £12 billion, and the interest alone on the annual repayment, without dealing with the principal, is equivalent to the total expenditure on education or the total expenditure on health. The suggestion that the problems of Overseas Development Aid or any problem with housing or poverty would be best served by transferring to future generations the obligation to pay for a service which we insist on getting now but are not prepared to pay for, is certainly not a reasonable one.

I tried to emphasise in my initial statement and here again that as a small economy depending on market growth, we have to make sure that we are competitive in order to increase employment. When we increase the borrowing ratio, four things automatically happen: there is an increase in inflation, in interest rates and in borrowing repayments and a lower competitive position, reducing sales and reducing the prospects for growth and employment. I do not want to sound as if I am lecturing because on all sides of the House in the last couple of years there has been a consensus on the national economic programme — and hopefully that will be the case with the next one.

It is absolutely imperative that we control public expenditure to get our economy into a healthy state for the future. We accept that this has created problems, but we have tried to keep social welfare increases above the inflation rate, with particular emphasis on those who are on long term benefits, and despite the problems in education and health, the Government have been endeavouring to find the maximum resources to deal with these matters.

Vital to our prospects over the medium-term are the very important negotiations currently underway with the social partners on a new programme for economic and social development. I think Senators from all sides of the House will readily acknowledge the very important role which the consensus underpinning the present Programme for National Recovery played in the economic and social progress we have experienced in recent years. It is highly desirable that we harness that consensus once again.

Our aspirations for the economy have not changed; they are to maximise growth in sustainable employment and to continue the process of fiscal adjustment. The continued attainment of these objectives requires that any new programme must ensure that we have pay moderation so that we can continue to improve our competitiveness. Without this, the investment and employment growth which the economy requires will be put in jeopardy as indeed will the Government's medium-term fiscal objectives, objectives which have only recently been endorsed by the National Economic and Social Council in their report A Strategy for the Nineties. What we must do now is be faithful to the sound economic and budgetary policies that have proved so successful and beneficial up to now. If we do this there is no reason we should not look forward to an even stronger economic growth in the medium term.

Senator McDonald, as he so gracefully does, covered the midlands in expert style. He is a long-serving Member here and knows how to cover that ground fairly well. He raised the question which was raised by other Senators in the context of housing. Nobody will deny that there is a problem in relation to local authority housing in many parts of the country. However, it is not just a simple question of asking the Government to provide more money for housing. We have to look at this question on a new scale. For instance, it is only a couple of years ago that the reality of the previous policies meant ghetto-type developments, where we concentrated a great number of families together simultaneously on a particular site. There is the view, of course, that we should have more scattered development, that we will obviously have to bring the private sector in and provide flats and houses for lone parent families and to meet society's other needs. In regard to the previous policy — I am speaking off the cuff here — my recollection is that we were paying something like £80 million annually to repair the existing block of local authority houses. These were largely minor repairs that had to be carried out on houses which were built by the Exchequer, the taxpayer, and at subsidised rent to the tenants, and which still required something like £70 million or £80 million to have repairs carried out.

It was proved more socially beneficial and more economically desirable that these houses would be sold at preferential value to the tenants, and that scheme was lauded around the country. People had the opportunity of owning their houses at a price they could afford and were, therefore, responsible for their maintenance thereafter. For the future we must look at a combination of different ways to try to solve that problem so that such housing will not be a continual burden on the taxpayer but will embody innovative thinking in terms of how we deal with the housing question and how we ensure that we do not have the growth of massive areas without essential amenities and facilities that are required to enable communities to develop properly. I want to assure the House that the Minister for the Environment is giving very active consideration to these matters at present.

Senator O'Keeffe mentioned the question of graduate output in the high tech area, an area in which I am involved personally with discussions with the Minister for Education at present. All the indicators are that, not only in relation to graduates but moving right into the diploma and certificate areas, we will be unable to supply in sufficient numbers the growing workforce needed in the future in the high-tech, electronic and pharmaceutical areas.

That has to be looked at, not only in the context of increasing numbers in third level but also in the mishmash existing in third level at present. Clearly we have people who are qualifying in certain disciplines for which there is not, in Ireland, an immediate opportunity for them to use their talents. There may well be the need to look at some of the graduates in terms of crash year courses to add a further discipline to their qualifications to enable them to satisfy the labour market in some of these areas.

As well as that we have to consider what is happening in the world as a whole because it is not only important to have the computer, engineering and technical qualifications, but you must also have the market into which you will sell this product. It may, from an engineering point of view be perfect, but if it cannot be sold at the price, if it does not suit a particular customer — and since we are a largely exporting economy we have to know what the customer wants outside — it will not sell.

That brings me back to what Senator Upton said in relation to quality. He is not keeping abreast of what is happening in terms of the move towards quality in Ireland. We were slow to get involved in this but we are now second in the league of countries, with the greatest number of companies qualifying for the ISO 9002 standard management certificate. We also have a great number of companies qualifying for the Irish quality award. Very often we use opportunities like this to condemn but I would like to pay tribute to the many companies and the people involved in them who have introduced, on a systematic basis, quality systems rigorously examined and continuously put under test. This is exemplified in 15 per cent of an annual growth in exports over the past three or four years which were won in the teeth of international competition and in spite of the distance from transport and problems of that kind. We should reflect from time to time on the people who are contributing in our trade unions, management and middle management throughout the country to make that possible.

I want to assure Senator O'Keeffe that the points he raised are at present being actively considered. I hope we can make some progress in discussions between the Government and the third level sector, bearing in mind the requirements in the market area and of course the overall parameters on education which have not necessarily 100 per cent all the time related to what is happening in the market. There is also the freedom to have some facility to deviate from the crystal economic aspects because it is important to have the broader educational area covered as well. That has to be maintained.

Níl a fhios agam cén fáth nach bhfuil teilifís na Gaeltachta a cur ar fáil. Rachaidh me i gcomhairle le Aire na Gaeltachta agus an tAire Cumarsáide, an Teachta Burke, in a thaobh sin. Is léir go bhfuil gá len a leithéid de sheirbhís chun croí agus pearsantacht na gceantar Gaeltachta a chur os comhair an phobail. Beidh mé lán sásta iarracht a dhéanamh go gcuirfí an teilifís sin, atá molta cheana, ar fáil.

I said I would not be covering all the points but there are one or two economic matters that were covered, specifically relating to the Appropriations Bill. I wanted to make sure that I would at least deal with the specific questions related to the Bill in question. I think there were perhaps only two other matters; that is not meant to reflect on the House because opportunities to have the freedom to talk about demographic patterns, the impact of returning emigrants, etc. is very important. We should devise policies which are not only economically desirable but which also have the social character and basic understanding of how people are motivated and helped, working from the ground up in a way perhaps that we have not done before. That is covered in the way you decentralise and give an opportunity to local communities like Telifís na Gaeltachta so that the sort of individual personality of the region and its local strengths are harnessed in a new and better way.

Two points were covered, one was the question by Senator O'Toole as to why teachers in 1989 were not allowed to avail of the early retirement scheme. I have no doubt that Senator O'Toole knows the answer, but I will put it on the record of the House, though I do not think it is necessary in the context of the speaker's comments to give it to him.

There was a net increase in recruitment to teaching which meant that one could not have a retirement scheme obliging one to pay somebody to retire while at the same time having to create a new resource to employ somebody in one's place. The basic principle relating to early retirement involved a reduction in numbers. That was the basic philosophy and it has been maintained in the few areas where it still operates. There was not any scheme at any time in relation to early retirement which facilitated increasing recruitment while, at the same time at the other end of the scale, the taxpayer had to cover both situations. People on all sides of the House will clearly understand that.

The superannuation and retired allowances Vote was questioned by Senator O'Toole. People waited a long time towards the end of the year to make up their minds in 1987 as to whether they would opt for the scheme, with the result that we had a preponderance of people taking early retirement at a very late stage in the year. On the figures available to me it seems there was an increase in deaths as well. All of that combined to create the excess Vote. We will be coming back in the New Year to cover other matters in detail. It only remains for me to wish all Senators a very happy Christmas and a peaceful New Year.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
Bill put through Committee, reported without recommendation, received for final consideration and ordered to be returned to the Dáil.

Before I call on the Acting Leader of the House, I wish everyone a very happy and holy Christmas, my colleagues here in the Seanad, the Minister, his staff, the Clerk and staff of the Seanad. Take it easy over Christmas. I wish all a safe journey home to their families.

In response, we all wish you a very happy Christmas and would urge you to take it easy over the holiday.

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