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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 22 Dec 1993

Vol. 138 No. 18

Criminal Procedure Bill, 1993: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main purpose of this Bill is to provide a new system of appeal for persons who claim to be the victim of a miscarriage of justice. Some cases can be looked at by a committee of inquiry to see if the grant of a Presidential pardon ought to be recommended; others can be examined, where appropriate, by the Court of Criminal Appeal.

Let me say at the outset that in fact very few cases of miscarriages of justice have arisen in our jurisdiction. Indeed, because of other steps which have already been taken or are in the process of being taken, I think it is unlikely that we will have to deal with many such cases in the future. I will return to this aspect later. While I hope and expect, therefore, that the substantive provisions of this Bill will rarely have to be invoked in the future, it is clearly right that our law should provide for them.

This is not to say, of course, that our system is at present devoid of a means by which miscarriages of justice can be remedied; there has always been the power provided by the Constitution under which the President, acting on the advice of the Government, can grant a pardon, and pardons have been granted in rare cases that have arisen. Similarly, while there is no statutory right to compensation in those cases, that has not prevented the Government of the day from awarding compensation in appropriate cases.

However, it has been widely felt for some time that there should be some specific mechanism in our system of criminal law to enable allegations of miscarriage of justice to be examined. In recognition of this, a committee to inquire into certain aspects of criminal procedure was established under the chairmanship of Judge Frank Martin. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Judge Martin and the members of the committee for their work. That the committee was able to consider all the submissions made to it, complete its deliberations and submit its report very quickly is a credit to the dedication and commitment of its members. They deserve the sincere thanks of this House.

Arising out of their terms of reference, the committee made three main recommendations. First, they recommended that allegations of miscarriage of justice should be examined by a statutory inquiry body. This is implemented by this Bill but with a variation involving the Court of Criminal Appeal which I will explain shortly. Second, they recommended that there should be a statutory entitlement to compensation where a miscarriage of justice is shown to have occurred. This is fully implemented by the Bill. Third, they recommended that the questioning of suspects take place before an audio-visual recording device. The legislation for this is already contained in the Criminal Justice Act, 1984, and so is not in this Bill. I would like, however, to briefly explain the position on this matter before returning to the Bill before us today.

The Government has fully accepted this recommendation. Accordingly, the Minister for Justice has established a steering committee for the introduction of audio-visual recording of Garda questioning of suspects on a pilot basis in selected Garda stations, as recommended by the Martin committee. The steering committee is chaired by Judge Esmond Symth. I would stress that this committee is not concerned with whether to introduce recording devices into Garda stations — that, as I said, has been accepted by the Government — but rather to make recommendations to the Minister on the necessary features of a pilot scheme. This is in accordance with the views expressed in the report of the Martin committee that recording of interviews be first introduced in selected Garda stations, so that by way of a pilot scheme the expertise gained thereby could be put to good use. This is a significant development which will complement the legal changes proposed in the Bill before the House. It will, I hope, lead to an enhancement of public confidence in the integrity of criminal investigations by providing a verifiable record of statements made in Garda custody. This should greatly assist our criminal courts in their difficult task of assessing evidence and should go a long way towards minimising actual or alleged miscarriages of justice occurring in the first place.

To return to the Bill, the proposals fulfill a commitment in the Programme for a Partnership Government to provide for a review of alleged cases of miscarriages of justice and to provide a statutory right to compensation for any actual miscarriage.

While there is an undoubted need for certainty and finality in the decisions of the Criminal Courts, the paramount objective is that justice must always be done and be seen to be done. An accused person, therefore, must have every opportunity to put forward his or her case and to challenge a decision or verdict which adversely affects him or her where there is good reason to suggest that the verdict may have been unjust. The recognition of this led in 1924 to the establishment of the Court of Criminal Appeal which for the first time gave to a convicted person a right of appeal against the verdict of a jury. It was provided that the decision of the Court of Criminal Appeal would be final in every case, except where a point of law of exceptional public importance was involved, when an appeal could with leave be made to the Supreme Court. One of the important proposals in the Bill is that the Court may re-examine a conviction or sentence where new evidence comes to light after a previous appeal has been dealt with. Under the present system, the Court of Criminal Appeal has no power to reopen an appeal already decided, even where clear evidence pointing to innocence comes to light. Everybody will agree that that situation needs to be changed.

Clearly, the circumstances where it becomes necessary to reopen cases would be exceptional, but we must face that possibility and provide for it. It is possible, for example, to envisage an important witness coming forward after the hearing of an appeal who was for some genuine reason unavailable for the appeal or the original trial. Another possibility might be where a new development in forensic science enables evidence which led to the conviction and its affirmation in the Court of Criminal Appeal to be seen in quite a different light.

It is not proposed that there will be filtering of applications to the Court of Criminal Appeal as happens, for example, in the neighbouring jurisdiction where the Home Secretary decides whether or not a case should be referred back to the Court of Appeal. It is not porposed to place any restrictions or obstacles in the way of such applications. Any convicted person who, after an ordinary appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal, stands convicted of an offence and is able to adduce fresh evidence will be able to apply direct to that court for a re-examination of the conviction or sentence, as appropriate. This open access will not prove unwieldly, but in any event the court is being given the power of summary disposal of frivolous or vexatious applications.

The Martin committee was of the view that in those rare cases in which matters came to light casting substantial doubt on the correctness of a conviction, further recourse to the court system would be likely to prove inappropriate. That is the one significant recommendation of the Martin committee with which I cannot fully agree. I accept the view of the Martin committee that there may be cases which, perhaps because of the nature of the fresh evidence, or the need for an essentially inquisitorial examination, would not be appropriate for determination by the courts. That is why the Bill provides for statutory committees of inquiry as recommended by the Martin committee. It is, however, going too far to propose that every case, even ones which could be heard by a court, should go before a committee of inquiry. The Martin committee instanced several types of hypothetical cases which would not be suitable for referral to a court. Broadly speaking I agree with them, and the committee to inquire into alleged miscarriages of justice provided in section 8 would be able to deal with those types of cases. However, I could not accept because it is desirable to have a committee of cases that cannot be referred to the court, that the committee should also deal with the types of cases for which the courts have been established.

We should not abandon the principle of court appeals. They are a central feature of our criminal justice system and the new entitlement in this Bill to an additional appeal fit in easily into the present system. The full powers of the Court of Criminal Appeal, improved by this Bill, will be available in such cases. The court will, for the first time, be able to direct the Garda Commissioner to make inquiries. Not only will an appellant be able to get a conviction quashed on foot of new evidence, but the court will have the flexibility to substitute a lesser conviction or to reduce the sentence.

The Court of Criminal Appeal will, of course, be bound by rules of evidence in hearing any appeal under this Bill. This has been felt by some to constitute a reason for following the Martin committee recommendations and for abandoning the Court of Criminal Appeal. It is a mistake to look upon the rules of evidence in this way, as if they were arbitrary and capricious restrictions on the discovery of the truth. The rules of evidence have been developed by centuries of judicial experience in order to ensure a fair trial for accused persons. This should be borne in mind by these who, on behalf of convicted persons, advocate committees of inquiry on the grounds that the rules of evidence will not apply to them. Such committees will be free to accept evidence from any party, whether or not such evidence would be admissible in court.

If I had to sum up the thinking behind this central provision of the Bill, I would say that not every alleged miscarriage of justice can be dealt with by the courts and not every alleged miscarriage of justice can be dealt with by means of a pardon. The proposals in the Bill represent a balanced and reasonable approach by providing for the availability of both remedies.

For the first time, and in line with the commitment in the Programme for a Partnership Government, there will be a statutory right to compensation where a miscarriage of justice is found on the basis of newly discovered evidence to have occurred. Of course, the State can pay and indeed has paid compensation in the past in these exceptionally rare cases, but the House will agree with me that it is better to express this entitlement as a statutory right. It will also comply fully with the requirement for such a statutory right contained in article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Ireland is a party, and will enable the Government to withdraw its reservation to article 14 which has up to now been necessary because of our system of ex-gratia compensation.

I am also taking the opportunity presented by this Bill to consolidate and to a certain extent clarify the powers of the Court of Criminal Appeal. These are at present contained in statutes of 1924 and 1928 and in Rules of Court and would benefit from a degree of codification.

On the provisions of the Bill section 2 provides for a second or subsequent application to the Court of Criminal Appeal where it is alleged that a new or newly discovered fact shows that there has been a miscarriage of justice in relation to the conviction or that the sentence is excessive. Heretofore, a person has had one chance to appeal based on the appeal provisions currently in existence and, if the appeal was lost, that was the end of the line. No matter what facts he or she was able to produce later, even if they cast a genuine and substantial doubt on the conviction, a further referral to the courts was not possible.

"New fact" is defined so as to permit a convicted person to base an appeal under this Bill on evidence which he or she knew of all along, but failed to reveal, where there is a reasonable explanation for that failure. I emphasise the need for a reasonable explanation, because this obviously could only occur in extraordinary circumstances. The intention is to provide for situations, however remote the possibility, where an accused withholds exculpatory evidence out of, for example, fear or intimidation or out of a misguided desire to protect another person.

Of relevance to more cases will be the definition of "newly discovered fact". This is a broad definition and includes a fact known to the appellant at his or her trial or appeal, but the significance of which was not appreciated at the time. The intention is not to permit appellants to re-open arguments already put before the Court. My concern is to ensure that our criminal appeal system has the flexibility to deal with the difficulties which can arise in appeals and the capacity to ensure that justice is done in every case. That is why, in addition, it is provided that there will be no limit to the number of subsequent applications which can be made to the Court of Criminal Appeal, provided each application is supported by a new or newly discovered fact.

The scope of an application is not being restricted to an allegation of a miscarriage of justice in relation to the conviction. Under section 2 an application may also be made to review a sentence on the basis of a new or newly discovered fact, while not contesting the conviction itself. For example, a person convicted of an offence may be able to produce to the court a new fact that would tend to show that his or her part in the crime for which he or she was convicted was not as major as seemed likely during the trial. A reduction in the sentence might be appropriate, but as the conviction itself is not in doubt, simply the severity of the sentence, the question of a miscarriage of justice does not arise. This type of appeal could not be catered for by the Martin committee proposal which would limit the available remedy to a pardon.

Section 3 consolidates the powers of the Court of Criminal Appeal currently contained in section 34 of the Courts of Justice Act, 1924, section 5 of the Courts of Justice Act, 1928, and in Order 86 of the Rules of the Superior Courts. Those statutory provisions are being repealed by this Bill and the Rules of Court will need to be amended to take account of the new provisions. Generally the section puts in simple modern terminology the jurisdiction of the Court of Criminal Appeal in relation to appeals but it does not give the court some new powers.

For example, in a significant departure from the existing powers of the Court of Criminal Appeal, power is being given to the court in section 3 (3) to direct the Garda Commissioner, where an appeal is based on new or additional evidence, to carry out inquiries to see if further evidence ought to be adduced. The court's role will, of course, be to adjudicate on the evidence presented to it and not to carry out an inquiry itself.

Section 4 re-enacts in a modern format, with some additions, the provisions of the Courts of Justice Act, 1928, concerning retrial. Where the Court of Criminal appeal orders a retrial the person concerned can be reindicted, retried and, if found guilty, sentenced to the offence for which he was retried.

Section 5 deals with summary determination of appeals. It has always been recognised that there must be some simple, straightforward system for dealing with frivolous or vexatious appeals. The existing Rules of the superior courts enable suspected frivolous or vexatious appeals to be scheduled for hearing without the transcript of the trial having been obtained. Section 5 is a development of this, and provides a statutory procedure for dealing with clearly unmeritorious appeals. Special provision is, of course, made to protect the rights of appellants. The procedure for summary determination will be invoked only where the registrar of the Court of Criminal Appeal believes that there is no substantial ground of appeal or, in the case of an application under the new procedure in section 2, that there is no prima facie evidence of a miscarriage of justice or an excessive sentence. Of course the decision on the matter will be made by the court itself or by a judge of the court. In the latter case the appeallant will be able to appeal to the full court.

Section 6 applies the relevant provisions of this Bill to courts-martial including the right to reapply to the Courts-Martial Appeals Court on the basis of new evidence.

I come now to section 7. As I have said already, while I believe that the courts system is the most appropriate forum in many cases for deciding whether there has been a miscarriage of justice, we have to cater for the rare case where referral back to the court might not be possible. Section 7 deals with that situation. It provides a procedure whereby a convicted person who alleges that a new or newly discovered fact shows there has been a miscarriage of justice can petition the Minister for Justice with a view to the Government advising the President to grant a pardon under Article 13.6 of the Constitution. There are two circumstances which come to mind in which the procedure might be availed of, first, where persons who might otherwise return to the Court of Criminal Appeal under the new procedures introduced in this Bill find that their fresh evidence is inadmissible in a court of law and, second, where persons have been convicted and sentenced in the District Court. It would not be practical to enable such persons to return to the relevant court of appeal, the Circuit Court, as no record is kept of proceedings in the District Court and appeals are by way of a complete rehearing.

The Minister for Justice will have several options on receipt of a petition for a Presidential pardon. These are, after making the necessary inquiries first, inform the petitioner that the matters dealt with in the petition could be appropriately dealt with by means of an application to the Court of Criminal Appeal; a return to the Court of Criminal Appeal should be the first choice where this is possible; second, inform the petitioner that no case has been made that a miscarriage of justice has occurred; this would be the option where the petition is clearly frivolous; third, recommend to the Government that it should advise the President to grant a pardon in respect of the relevant offence; this option would be relevant where an examination by the Minister, or a suitably qualified person commissioned by the Minister, shows that a miscarriage of justice has occurred; or fourth, recommend to the Government that it should appoint a committee to inquire into the case.

Section 8 deals with the establishment by the Government of a committee to inquire into an allegation that a miscarriage of justice has occurred. In considering a petition for a pardon under section 7 the Minister for Justice can, as I said, as one of her options, make her own inquiries or employ someone else such as a barrister or solicitor to make the inquiries necessary before arriving at a decision provided for in that section. However, the Minister also has the option of advising the Government to appoint a committee to examine a petition for the granting of a pardon by the President and to report whether, in its opinion, the President should be advised to grant the pardon. Whether the President is so advised will remain, as it must under Article 13.6 of the Constitution, entirely a matter for the Government.

I envisage that the appointment of a committee would be necessary only in particularly difficult cases and, therefore, rather than have a standing committee one will be appointed as necessary to inquire into an individual case. This also gives flexibility in providing special expertise in a committee appropriate to a particular case. The committee will be a tribunal within the meaning of the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Acts, 1921 and 1979, and will, therefore, have all the powers of a tribunal set up under those Acts.

Any person who has been the victim of a miscarriage of justice will have suffered a grievous wrong. Nothing can fully compensate a person who has spent years in prison through no fault of his or her own, for his or her loss of freedom, loss of family life, and the effects of the imprisonment on his or her career and life generally. Those years have been lost years. However, the State can at least make some restitution through the award of monetary compensation to any person who can show beyond reasonable doubt that a newly discovered fact shows that there has been a miscarriage of justice in relation to his conviction. Section 9 gives a statutory right of compensation in those circumstances. If the criteria are met compensation can be awarded either where the court of criminal appeal quashes a conviction or where a pardon has been received as a result of a petition under section 7.

The amount of compensation will be determined in each case by the Minister for Justice. There is provision for an appeal to the High Court where there is dissatisfaction with the amount awarded by the Minister. This will enable an independent and impartial assessment to be made in cases of dispute.

When the Martin committee was appointed, its terms of reference excluded it examining whether an uncorroborated inculpatory admission made by an accused to the Garda Síochána could be sufficient evidence to ground a conviction. However, the Programme for a Partnership Government contains a commitment to examine the feasibility of prohibiting criminal convictions on the basis of uncorroborated confession evidence. The conclusion reached in that examination is that convictions can, in appropriate cases, safely be based on the evidence of a confession but that it is right that an additional safeguard should be put in place. Accordingly, section 10 provides that where a confession of the accused is the sole evidence, this fact will be specifically brought to the attention of the jurors who will be required by the judge to have due regard to it in determining their verdict.

Society has every reason to be outraged when a miscarriage of justice results in an innocent person serving a prison sentence. Were it to happen widely, public confidence in the criminal justice system would be seriously undermined, perhaps irreparably. That is why a Bill such as this is so important in that it will allow any alleged miscarriage of justice to be dealt with. However, that is not the full story. I venture the view that very little demoralises public opinion more than to see clearly guilty persons getting off, maybe on a technicality. We must be very careful not to put the type of obstacles in the way of the crime detecting and prosecuting agencies that could, through a series of well publicised cases, cause great public anger and a disrespect for the law generally, resulting possibly in persons exacting retribution by taking the law into their own hands. I mention these thing by way of explaining the reasons for section 10. The fact is that uncorroborated confessions can be good confessions and the possibility of their being used in evidence should not be excluded.

Also, I should remind the House that while a person is in custody there are very stringent regulations — embodied in the Treatment of Persons in Custody Regulations 1987 — which must be complied with. The member in charge of the station is given specific responsibility to see that these regulations are adhered to to ensure that the person in custody is not ill-treated and that a detailed record of the procedures followed is kept. It is difficult to envisage oppressive treatment leading to false confessions in the face of these regulations.

In addition, when the recording of statements in Garda stations comes on stream, and eventually becomes widespread, any lingering doubt there might be over Garda questioning — and there should be no such doubt in the light of the regulations I have mentioned — can be put to rest. Section 10 takes the sensible approach to the question of uncorroborated confession evidence by providing for the judge to advise the jury to have due regard to the absence of corroboration. No particular form of words has to be used by the judge — the judge can decide for himself or herself in the circumstances of each case. The Martin committee made a tentative suggestion as to the form of wording but I am satisfied that, because of the infinite variety of cases that can come before the courts, the precise terms of the advice should be left to the judge.

Finally, I will say a few words about section 11. In 1982 in the case of the People (DPP) v. O'Shea, the Supreme Court gave a literal interpretation of the provision of Article 34.4.3 of the Constitution which says that all decisions of the High Court may be appealed to the Supreme Court. This not only gave persons convicted in the Central Criminal Court a right of appeal direct to the Supreme Court, as an alternative to appealing to the Court of Criminal Appeal, but for the first time it gave the prosecution the right of appeal to the Supreme Court against convictions in the Central Criminal Court. However, the terms of Article 34.4.3 provide that legislation may exclude decisions of the High Court from the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and that is what this section does in relation to the criminal jurisdiction of the High Court. A saver is included to protect the prosecution's statutory right of appeal without prejudice to a verdict in favour of the accused and to enable an accused to continue to appeal straight to the Supreme Court against a decision of the Central Criminal Court on the Constitutional validity of any law.

In effect, section 11 restores the right of appeal from the Central Criminal Court to what it was thought to be before the O'Shea case. Persons convicted in the Central Criminal Court will continue to have a right of appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal, which is the court specially designed for that purpose, with the possibility of a subsequent reference to the Supreme Court on a point of law of exceptional public importance. The prosecution will continue to have a right of appeal direct to the Supreme Court, without prejudice to the verdict in favour of the accused, on a point of law of exceptional public importance.

This Bill is an important development in our criminal justice system. It faces up to the difficult issue of allegations of miscarriage of justice. It gives our courts the powers to deal with such allegations. It provides an alternative mechanism for cases which could not return to the courts. It provides for compensation where a miscarriage of justice actually occurs. It puts in place a new safeguard in the consideration of uncorroborated confessions. Last but not least, it consolidates and updates the main powers and the role of the Court of Criminal Appeal. This Bill will enhance public confidence in the criminal justice system and I commend it to the House.

The Bill before the House is based on recommendations of the Committee to Inquire into Aspects of Criminal Procedure under Judge Frank Martin. At this stage I would like to wish Judge Martin every enjoyment in his retirement after long and unselfish service to the State.

The Bill fails, however, to provide for all the recommendations of the report. The terms of reference of the Martin committee were to examine whether there is need for a procedure whereby persons who have exhausted normal appeals procedures can have their cases further reviewed and, if so, to make recommendations as to what procedures should be provided and in what circumstances they should apply and, given that uncorroborated inculpatory admissions made by an accused person to the Garda Síochána can be sufficient evidence to ground a conviction, to examine whether additional safeguards are needed to ensure that such admissions are properly obtained and recorded and to make recommendations accordingly.

The Bill before the House addresses the first part of the terms of reference and the Minister has dealt with the second part. I welcome his announcement in that area and look forward to the full implementation of the second part of the Martin report. Again I would like to commend the Martin committee for the excellent work they have done in producing the report and I look forward to the Minister's reply on the full introduction of all the procedures outlined in that report, some of which he has dealt with.

The purpose of the Bill is to give persons convicted of a crime the right to appeal in certain circumstances. Under the Bill the right to seek to have the matter referred back to the Court of Criminal Appeal is confined to persons who have been convicted on indictment or who have pleaded guilty and the sentence is imposed by one of the higher courts. The vast bulk of cases in which miscarriage might be alleged will come within the definition of all serious crime. It is also possible that a miscarriage of justice could take place in respect of summary trials in the District Court. The District Court can impose a sentence of up to two years by way of consecutive sentences of one year each where a person has been found guilty of more than one offence. A person so sentenced might have a legitimate reason to appeal. An alleged miscarriage of justice is an important matter which should be dealt with by a higher court. While, in the ordinary way, appeals from the cases which are tried in the District Court do not come before the Court of Criminal Appeal, there is a case for this court having jurisdiction to deal with miscarriages of justice.

Under the terms of the Bill where a pardon is petitioned a person must satisfy the court or the Minister or, indeed, the Government, that a newly discovered fact has come to light. Section 2 of the Bill sets up a review by the Court of Criminal Appeal of alleged miscarriages of justice or excessive sentence. In referring to this the Martin report recommends the establishment of a statutory inquiry body under the Tribunal of Inquiries Act, and recommends against reference of an appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal. In its report the Martin committee questions whether reference to the court system would necessarily prove effective in establishing the truth. The Martin committee gave reasons for considering this matter outside the court system and referred to rules of evidence in the Scottish Evidence Act where hearsay is not ruled out in every case. Similar rules could apply to a body of inquiry which was not a court.

The Minister has not adhered to the recommendations of the Martin report. The proposals in the Bill do not comply with the approach of the Martin committee. In the Bill before the House the Minister proposes a new avenue of appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal, even though a case may have already gone on a point of law to the Supreme Court before the new evidence or relevant fact was discovered. I would like the Minister to explain why he opted for this model rather than forwarding the case to an inquiry which would deal with evidence which could not be considered by a court of law because of the rules of evidence.

At page 14 the Martin report recommends provisions similar to those in the Scotland Act of 1989 with regard to evidence. This provides for an alternative to a court and suggests that evidence shall not be excluded solely on the grounds that it is hearsay. This is a fundamental reason why a court should not be used as an inquiry body and a tribunal should be established as recommended by the committee. The problem centres on the use of the word "evidence" and what is admissible in evidence before a court. Having taken evidence from a large number of people, including leading members of the Bar and legal profession, the committee of inquiry has said in regard to the appeal procedure that the courts are not the most appropriate body to deal with this matter. The independent committee of inquiry states specifically in its report that hearsay evidence should not be ruled out in every case. Yet under the Judge's Rules on court procedures the court cannot accept hearsay evidence. That is why the Martin committee recommended that a body of inquiry be used rather than the court.

The Martin committee refers to the hearing of an appeal by the Court of Criminal Appeal where the court is considering an appeal based on new evidence. The court may direct the Garda Commissioner to make further inquiries. Although this is appropriate in most cases circumstances could arise where it is not appropriate. For example, it could be that it is the conduct of the Garda and the prosecution of the offence that is in dispute. Although I accept that the Garda Commissioner and the Garda should investigate such situations I believe the Attorney General should oversee inquiries of this kind.

Similarly, the conduct of the trial and prosecution based on the decisions and judgment of the Director of Public Prosecutions could be the subject of an inquiry into the alleged miscarriage of justice and, therefore, it would be inappropriate for the Director of Public Prosecutions to be the law officer who would oversee the Garda Commissioner. Under the Constitution, the Attorney General is responsible for prosecuting all cases in the name of the people and he would be the most appropriate person authorised by law to oversee such inquiries. One of the principles of the investigations is that there would not be an apparent conflict of interest. While I accept that the Garda Commissioner and the Director of Public Prosecutions and their staff carry out their duties in an honourable and fair fashion the most advisable approach is for them to stand aside in cases involving a conflict of interest. Because the Attorney General is not involved in the criminal justice prosecution system, he or she is the most appropriate person to carry out examinations in the circumstances I outlined.

I welcome the Minister and the Bill. For too long there have been publicised cases of so-called miscarriages of justice where people have been incarcerated in prison on what was later found to be suspect evidence and procedures. It is welcome that the legislation provides a system whereby appeals may be taken to investigate new evidence and to inquire whether the sentence handed down was appropriate. The main thrust of the Bill is to ensure that our justice system prevents miscarriages of justice and that adequate measures of redress are available for those who have suffered in this regard. This legislation takes account of the recommendations of the report of the committee chaired by Judge Frank Martin. I join the Minister in congratulating Judge Martin for the speedy manner in which he undertook the investigation and reported to the Government and I join Senator Neville in wishing him a happy retirement.

This legislation is necessary because recent history has shown, not only in this State but in Britain, in cases such as the Guildford Four and Nicky Kelly, that we need to ensure our system of justice is watertight. Miscarriages of justice not only diminish our justice system but also the broader democratic system. That system depends on the faith in it of the citizens it governs and if that faith is diminished by miscarriages of justice the integrity of the system is damaged. We cannot take the integrity of our justice system for granted. We must be ever vigilant in monitoring its operation to ensure it fulfils its main objectives — the dispensation of justice in a fair manner. Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. The Bill acknowledges and responds to the important need to protect the integrity of our justice system.

The Minister for Justice must be thanked for her foresight in introducing this legislation. The Bill provides for several measures to prevent miscarriages of justice. A person who alleges that a miscarriage of justice has occurred, and who has exhausted the normal appeal procedure, can appeal against the Court of Criminal Appeal. The powers of the Court of Criminal Appeal have been extended. Those measures are welcome. As the Minister stated, the powers under which the Court of Criminal Appeal operates at present date back to 1924 and 1928. The reforms proposed in the legislation are in line with the measures proposed by the Minister for Justice and the Minister of State at the Department of Justice to reform our criminal and justice systems.

The Martin report recommended that some cases, because of the introduction of fresh evidence or the need for an essentially inquisitorial examination, would not be appropriate for determination by the courts. Accordingly, as recommended in that report, the Bill provides for statutory committees of inquiry. Having read the Official Report of the other House and having heard Senator Neville's contribution, I am aware there has been a suggestion that those procedures should be conducted by an independent tribunal and that the courts should not have the role envisaged in this legislation. However, we have been greatly served by our judicial system since the founding of the State. The Judiciary has on several occasions taken decisions which have been contrary to what may be termed as Government and national policy. Those decisions highlight the independence of that system, something of which we should be proud and protect. I appreciate that in certain instances the courts are not the most appropriate places to deal with other issues and, therefore, I welcome the section in the Bill which provides for an independent committee to be established to investigate evidence as it emerges. I welcome that the committee may comprise one person or a group of people which, I hope, will allow for the speedy resolution of any disputes or differences that may emerge. While committees which report to Government are important and their contributions are essential in the preparation of legislation or discussion on proposed legislation they do not make the final decision on any issue. The Minister for Justice has incorporated in this legislation the main recommendations of the Martin report and the perceived wisdom of the general public in respect of the power and the independence of our Judiciary.

The Bill provides several measures to prevent miscarriages of justice. During a period of time new evidence may emerge which may indicate that there has been a miscarriage of justice. That is often the pattern. Following a conviction, subsequent evidence may emerge indicating that the conviction may have been incorrect. That may be followed by a protracted public campaign to highlight the perceived miscarriage of justice. However, often the justice system lags far behind the strength of public opinion. For this reason I welcome the provision that allows a newly convicted person who alleges there has been a miscarriage of justice to petition a Minister for Justice in relation to the granting of a presidential pardon. I hope this provision will allow for a speedy resolution of miscarriages of justice. The power to grant a pardon does not include the power to quash a sentence, it merely provides for the release of a person from prison with a relatively, but not totally, clean record. There was discussion in the British Parliament some time ago on this matter. It was stated at that time that the power of the Royal prerogative of pardon is limited to quashing the sentence but not the conviction. My understanding is that the legislation will allow the Court of Criminal Appeal to quash a conviction which will clear the person. This legislation covers the avenues for people who may fall between the different systems.

Regarding compensation, in the case of personal injury a person cannot be adequately compensated for the injury he or she suffers and similarly, people cannot be adequately compensated for the years they have spent in prison after being wrongly convicted. This Bill puts a statutory onus on the State to put in place a structure whereby people who suffer miscarriages of justice will have an effective compensatory system available to them. A significant measure is that which allows the judge to advise the jury to have due regard to the lack of corroboration in any case where the sole evidence is a confession — I do not need to dwell on how such evidence was used in the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six cases. This is not an undermining of the role of the Garda who have done an excellent job serving the people of Ireland in detecting crime and bringing criminals to justice. However, circumstances arise where confessions are drawn from people which should not be allowed to stand up in court because of the way they were made. The introduction of audio and audio visual recording of confessions in Garda stations will be a further enhancement to prevent the possibility of a confession being forced from a person.

I thank the Minister for bringing in this reforming legislation which gives the courts more power to deal with miscarriages of justice. I welcome the provision which enables the court to direct the Garda Commissioner to make inquiries. This is a very important provision because the resources and expertise in the investigation of evidence lies with the Garda Síochána and they should be fully used not only for the prosecution but also for the defence.

I compliment the Minister on introducing this legislation. It has been talked about for a long time and was obviously necessary. As a student of criminal law, some time ago I learned of the anomalies in the system, some of which are being addressed in this Bill. Following the passing of the interpretation legislation, I welcome the wording of the Bill.

The Bill covers many areas. I particularly welcome the establishment of a committee to inquire into allegations of miscarriages of justice. We are all aware of the cases of miscarriage of justice, mostly in England but also here. As has been said, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. This committee of inquiry will go some way towards ensuring that in certain circumstances a second chance is given. Very often evidence which is not forthcoming at the time of a trial may come to light later. In these circumstances the accused will have a second chance of trial. This committee will have a very important and effective role in the future. One need not fear that all cases will be automatically referred to the committee because the Bill makes provision for frivolous cases.

The Bill provides that appeals arising from convictions by courts martial may be brought to the Minister for Defence. I am sure that provision will be welcomed by the Defence Forces and security forces as it will go some way towards assisting people who have been wronged.

I welcome section 9 which provides a statutory right to compensation in the case of a miscarriage of justice. There is no point sending a person on his merry way after quashing a conviction without paying compensation. The State has a duty to compensate in these cases and that is provided for in the Bill.

The Bill removes the anomaly in the existing law in regard to the constitutional right of appeal from the Central Criminal Court direct to the Supreme Court. This right exists alongside the normal statutory rights of appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal. Under the Bill a person convicted in the Circuit Criminal Court, Special Criminal Court or Central Criminal Court may appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal. The system will, therefore, apply equally to all, regardless of which court the case was first heard. These cases may also be referred from the Court of Criminal Appeal to the Supreme Court. It is important to note that the prosecution has the right to refer to the Supreme Court a verdict in favour of the accused person without prejudice to that verdict. This is an important point because in cases where the Garda or the DPP believe the verdict was incorrect and they have further evidence to that effect, they have the right to bring the case to the Supreme Court. While this provision already exists, I welcome the fact that it is clearly expressed in the Bill. It leaves one in no doubt that there must be balance in law and that justice must be done. The Bill clarifies many areas of criminal procedure. I recently raised with the Minister reform in this area and many of these matters are dealt with in the Bill.

As I said, I particularly welcome the establishment of the new committee. It will be enabled to hear evidence not normally permissible under court procedure, thereby getting to the truth of the matter. In the Guildford Four case, Giuseppi Conlon who left Belfast to visit his son in Britain, was arrested and convicted there and sadly died in prison, an innocent man. I hope changes in our law will ensure that such cases do not occur here. We have to be very clear about this because what is involved is a person's good name and their right of freedom, and that should not be easily taken from them. It is important that we get this matter right and this Bill goes a long way towards that.

I welcome the provision which gives power to a judge to advise a jury in cases where there is no corroborative evidence and where there may have been simply a statement by the accused. There are cases where people who are naive or suffering from a physical or psychological illness, or perhaps who are simply looking for attention, admit to something they did not do. Their circumstances should be made known by the judge to the jury so that they too are aware that the only evidence against the accused is the statement he made. That is a simple but important provision which will protect the innocent accused.

I congratulate the Minister for Justice on her vast programme of legislative reform in the criminal area. I have not always agreed with the measures she has introduced but on this occasion I welcome the Bill.

I would first like to thank all the Senators who contributed to what has been a positive and constructive debate.

I recognise that some Senators have expressed concern that the recommendation of the Martin committee on the question of a statutory inquiry body is not being implemented to the letter. However, I would ask those Senators to give the arguments I advanced at the start of this debate, and which I will summarise now, a fair hearing. It would be the easiest thing in the world for me to automatically implement in full this recommendation of the Martin committee. It is always easier, and nearly always more popular, for a Minister to accept in full every recommendation in every report. If this Bill contains a slight variation on the Martin committee recommendations it is for a very good reason. The fact is that the Government, and this House, has a responsibility to examine any proposal put to it to see if it is acceptable and, if it is, whether it can be improved. Would those who exclusively favour the Martin committee approach always accept in full every recommendation of every report? Surely not.

I want to summarise my thinking on this matter. I accept that committees of inquiry have a role to play in examining alleged miscarriages of justice. I am providing for them in the Bill and I think their potential contribution to the investigation of certain types of allegations is a valuable one. They will have all the powers recommended by the Martin committee. However, a committee of inquiry can never be a panacea. It is an appropriate mechanism for appropriate cases, but it is not the complete answer to the problem of alleged miscarriages of justice.

Some Senators' faith in the hearing of appeals by courts may have been shaken by tragic errors in other jurisdictions but that is not a reason for abandoning the system of court appeals. What would we do then if a committee of inquiry was to pronounce itself satisfied as to the guilt of an appellant only for clear proof of innocence to emerge afterwards? Every system, no matter how good, is liable to some human error in its operation. It may also be that committees of inquiry are seen as attractive because of their power to accept any evidence, even if it would not be admissible in court. As I said earlier, rules of evidence are there primarily to assist defendants. The reality is that they often have a more restrictive effect on the prosecution than on the defence.

The Court of Criminal Appeal is a fair, impartial and objective forum for the hearing of appeals. It is, of course, bound by the rules of evidence but, as I say, that is no bad thing for appellants. Any appeal to the court under this Bill will be on the basis of a new or newly appreciated fact, so that the court will be taking a decision on evidence which was not before it at the previous appeal. It is not a question, therefore, of asking the court simply to reverse a decision and, to put it bluntly, to admit a mistake. If there is a mistake in any such case, it will be on someone else's part for not putting the evidence before the court the first time around. It will be a case of acknowledging to the court that incomplete or misleading evidence was put before it in the original appeal. I have absolute confidence in the court's ability and willingness to assess the new evidence impartially and fairly. If as a result it reverses its previous decision, it will not cause them a moment's embarrassment.

The proposed new right of appeal to the court will fit in smoothly with the existing right of appeal. It is simply an extension of the present system and of course the court will have available its new extended powers provided for in section 3 of this Bill. These include the power to direct the Garda Commissioner to carry out specific inquiries, clearly a power of potentially significant value in the examination of alleged new evidence. The commissioner has the resources and the capability to carry out the types of inquiries which the court might be likely to require, such as collecting new evidence or applying new forensic techniques to old evidence. Any such investigation will be carried out under the specific direction of the court. In addition, the court will also have available to it its full range of options in deciding an appeal. It will not be confined to accepting or rejecting an appeal but will be able to substitute a lesser conviction or to reduce a sentence.

The fact is that the Court of Criminal Appeal is specifically designed to hear criminal appeals and it deserves the full confidence of this House. I think it would be unwise to place an unsustainable burden of expectation on the proposed committees of inquiry. Thankfully, there is no need to force ourselves to choose between courts and committees of inquiry. There must surely be some compromise possible between the two, and the Bill provides it. The Bill recognises that not every alleged miscarriage of justice can be dealt with by the courts and not every alleged miscarriage of justice can be dealt with by means of a pardon. I would ask the House to accept this balanced view.

Senator Neville mentioned the reference in the Martin report to the Civil Evidence (Scotland) Act. The report says that an inquiry body should have the power to hear hearsay evidence. The committee, which can be established under this legislation, will be able to hear hearsay evidence and any other evidence normally deemed inadmissible in a court of law.

Senator Neville also thought that persons convicted in the District Court should have a right of appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal. The purpose of section 7 is to provide an alternative means whereby persons who allege that a new or newly discovered fact shows that a miscarriage of justice has occurred can seek redress. This is relevant where recourse to the Court of Criminal Appeal is impossible or impractical. Summary convictions, that is, convictions in the District Court, come into this category. It would not be practical to enable persons convicted summarily to return to the relevant court of appeal, the Circuit Court, as no record is kept of proceedings in the District Court and appeals to the Circuit Court are by way of a complete rehearing. I am glad to confirm for Senator Crowley that the Court of Criminal Appeal will have the power to fully quash a conviction following an application to it under this legislation.

I thank Senators for their contributions which have been constructive so far, and I hope this continues. I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
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