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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 1 Sep 1994

Vol. 141 No. 1

Death of Member. - IRA Cessation of Violence in Northern Ireland: Statements.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this important debate. I also welcome the Minister, Deputy Woods. I represent a county and a people who have suffered much and would like to express their thanks to the Taoiseach. He consistently promoted the cause of peace, even at a time when many of us doubted he would achieve his ultimate goal.

After the recent Sinn Féin conference in Letterkenny many people expressed doubts. They thought Sinn Féin leaders were seeking the centre stage, that their campaign would last forever and that they had no intention of stopping paramilitary activities. The Taoiseach was told he should not continue in the direction he was travelling.

However, thanks to the wisdom and consistency of the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste in dealing with this difficult matter, this Government has promoted the cause of peace with the British Prime Minister, in the United States and, through mediators, with Sinn Féin. They now have achieved what the majority of people in Ireland thought they would never live to see.

I come from a county which has suffered much and paid a high price. Donegal is peripheral to the country and at the best of times it is in a difficult position because it depended largely on the North for industry, commerce and tourism. Northern Irish, English and Scottish tourists stopped coming to our area and that industry collapsed. Those who survived had a tough time. Seven major military bases ring the county. Those of us who travel to Dublin have to go through several checkpoints and one could never estimate how long the journey would take. We know the difficulties the troubles have created in the last 25 years and the effect they have had on the lives of the people living in the Border area.

I had a business close to the Border and one of my senior employees was killed when travelling from Lifford to Strabane. The British Army and the IRA both disclaimed responsibility. I do not have to be told much about the "cause" and what it cost.

Most people realise living in the Border region has been a difficult experience and those who have survived deserve our understanding and sympathy. Statements of disbelief are now being expressed. I ask those who are removed from the Border scene to understand and be patient.

I am involved in a cross-Border group made up of four local authorities of which I am chairman this year. The local authorities in Derry city, Limavady, Strabane and County Donegal got together 18 years ago, and it was eight years before we trusted each other. I intentionally say that to people who might get impatient today. Promoting trust and understanding is a long haul and we have just started.

The people, particularly the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste, who were totally committed and risked their political careers to bring about this historic event deserve our full support. There are many people who deserve credit for promoting the cause of peace but none more than the Taoiseach. From the day he took office in December 1991 he gave this subject a high priority. He stuck solemnly to that commitment and, as a Donegal person living in the Border area, I am grateful he did and that he has been able to deliver. Speaking as a man who lives very near the Border, this has been one of the best days in my life.

We are on the road to promoting the north-west to stand on its own two feet economically. There are those who say we would be better off without closer ties with the North because of the cost and the never ending troubles arising from religious and political strife. The people who would like to shy away from it should look deeper and help those who are trying to raise families, survive and develop an understanding. Those people have to continue to ask for our support and for the commitment and solid support of the Irish Government.

There are people who may not understand the phraseology used in the IRA announcement; they might choose different words. The best guarantee those people have is that 98 per cent of the people in the Republic want peace and a cessation of violence and totally support those involved in the campaign to stop the paramilitaries in the North.

The economy of the North of Ireland will take a massive leap forward. The improvement in the economy of my own county will be tremendous. We will have a positive attitude towards developing our county, the north-west and the Border region. The special funding, whether it was indirect funding from the EU or from the International Fund for Ireland, was helpful but it was not enough. It never replaced the devastated businesses and the towns and villages which lost their identity in the Border region.

I saw a small two storey house in the Border region in County Donegal being sold at a public auction for £3,000. I said to myself that if one could show the people of Ireland and Britain the cost of the Border troubles in commercial terms and show them the value of property they would understand the awful price we paid. Property has been greatly devalued.

I am delighted to have witnessed the greatest development in Ireland; I have lived long enough to see the commercial border disappear and I now hope to live long enough to see the political border disappear. There is no other corner of Europe where there is barbed wire, walls, military bases and listening devices. There is no need for them. This cessation of violence is one of the most welcome developments that has taken place in this country. Whether one is from Cork, Donegal. Dublin or anywhere else, one should focus and value the development that has just taken place. It has allowed a people who have been devastated for the last 25 years to hope for an identity in the future and to play their part in the island of Ireland.

People were demoralised and felt they had no future. They wondered whether they or their families should emigrate. We have restored a little hope. Those people can now plan to live in the North of Ireland where, if their business sector continues to develop, they will have nothing to fear and everything to gain. In fact, in commercial terms, they will outstrip the South. I predict this because they are a hard headed solid business people who have survived a difficult time. If we can promote goodwill and understanding and better business across the Border, the whole country will benefit.

On my way here yesterday, I passed four articulated vehicles drawing goods manufactured in the North of Ireland; one was drawing into the city bricks which were made in County Antrim. It would be great if we could promote and achieve the full development of trade between the North and South.

I have been here 27 years and I was never prouder than I am this evening. I want to express my gratitude and appreciation on behalf of the people in County Donegal for this really glorious day. I thank the Taoiseach in a very special way for his total commitment and for what he has achieved for the people of Ireland.

The first reaction to yesterday's news has to be one of profound deep thanks and hope; the second has to be a humbling and sobering realisation that we are merely at the end of one phase and have yet to embark on a new path, a path which is not clearly signposted, that is strewn with difficulties, open to ambush and along which no traveller has yet trodden. The third reaction must be a determination that all of us will work together in whatever way is appropriate to ensure that the process of peace, reconciliation and reconstruction can be successfully completed.

First there is the question of thanks. I sincerely congratulate the Taoiseach for his persistence, common sense approach, his ability to weather many hostile storms and the vision he has shown on this question. I may have, and I will have harsh things to say later today about his handling of other aspects of public policy but nothing can take from the enormity of his contribution to yesterday's announcement.

I also congratulate the Tánaiste and his officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs, so often the unsung heroes on occasions like this. It is interesting to note that during his political life so far the Tánaiste has been involved with the Anglo-Irish Agreement with Dr. Garret FitzGerald in 1985, the Downing Street Declaration and with yesterday's development. It is an impressive achievement for him on Northern policy. It is not to take from either of them to say that towering over the whole process stands Mr. John Hume. Without him what happened yesterday would not have been possible.

In the Dáil yesterday the Taoiseach praised the role of Mr. John Major, and that praise was well merited. It should underline for all of us a point that cannot be made often enough — the British Government is as committed as we are to securing a lasting settlement in Northern Ireland. It has no hidden long term agenda; it has different interests to represent and to defend; it comes to the problem from a different perspective. However, there is nothing to be gained from questioning its bona fides or ascribing sinister motives to what it does, something which, I am sad to say, comes all too easily to far too many people in this country. Ever since the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 the problem of finding a solution has been a shared one and will so continue.

Also on the question of thanks, a special word should go to the current US Ambassador, Mrs. Jean Kennedy-Smith. who has used her enormous influence in such a positive way and has successfully channelled American goodwill into practical help. She has been a true and good friend of Ireland since her arrival.

The Government should and, I hope, does realise that through all this time its position on Northern Ireland has been strengthened by the presence of a responsible opposition. Critical we have been and impatient we have been — that is our job — but destructive never. We have not played party politics. We have always put the nation first. I say this partly because it is true but also to remind people that no Government is permanent, administrations come and go, but I hope that the precedent laid down by the present Opposition in its handling of Northern Ireland is one that will endure.

There are other people to be thanked, especially the various "peace" people, the people who showed the depth of revulsion felt by ordinary decent people in face of the atrocities often committed allegedly in their name. What these "peace" people did was important testimony to the real feelings of ordinary decent people. They should not be forgotten in celebrating yesterday's announcement.

Having expressed our relief and gratitude for the ceasefire, and though it may seem churlish, I cannot in my heart thank the IRA because they have stopped killing people and stopped bombing. I am profoundly glad they have done so; I am glad to see that they are prepared to enter the democratic process. I am not interested in their motives but undoubtedly self-interest has to be a dominant one — a belief that it is to their strategic advantage to adopt this line rather than any sudden Pauline conversion or flash of revelation. The point was made more than once yesterday by Sinn Féin speakers that their objectives have not changed merely their tactics.

As far as I am concerned that is fair enough. It is no less than their democratic entitlement. Why they have changed can be a matter of endless speculation — indeed it is already so — but for the moment it is a matter which can be left to the commentators and the historians. For politicians what matters is that the momentum generated by the ceasefire be kept up and that no time be lost.

In that context it is a pity that so much of the debate so far should have been overshadowed by the discussion of the word "permanent" as against "complete". Words are important; words led in part to our civil war in the past and if some people in the North are not prepared to accept, as all parties here are, that "complete" means "permanent", then the IRA could go that one step further, especially if it removes at an early stage of the new process what may or may not be a side issue.

Now, however, the real hard work starts and that is to make the peace stick, to find a framework for progress and to bring together the various groups which are essential to any settlement. That is the real task facing all of us in both parts of the country.

One has to assume that a great deal of thought and work has been invested in these issues within the framework of the Anglo-Irish talks and that attempts have been made to address the central issues. There is no time to reinvent wheels, to go back over well furrowed ground. Presumably both Governments have plans, timetables and structures ready to roll. I do not ask now what they are but I would like reassurance that they are there and that the Governments are prepared for all types of contingencies.

No matter how well prepared we are, there are at present — and given the present euphoria it is important to make this point today — still some apparently non-negotiable demands on both sides. Sinn Féin has not changed its mind on the absolute need for British withdrawal from this country, on the need to bring the Border to an end or that the ultimate objective is what Mr. Gerry Adams called yesterday the creation of a free and united Irish Republic. At the same time, even the most moderate of Unionists talk of their determination to remain British, to stay within the Union and to have no changes made without their consent. Even with the best goodwill in the world, these facts will not go away. The problem remains as to how we square these particular circles. Perhaps we cannot square them, perhaps we have to turn the whole question on its head and come at it from a radically different approach.

However, today is not the time to probe such questions but it is important to acknowledge them and, in so doing, to put in context the extent of the problem facing us all, note the degree of constitutional ingenuity which is required and, most of all, the absolute need to create a climate in which people can make concessions without feeling threatened. That, apart from the lives saved and the injuries prevented, may ultimately be the real prize of peace — the creation of a climate congenial for discussion where concessions can be made without the appearance of anybody surrendering under duress or giving away cherished principles.

That is why we must avoid any triumphalism at present. It is important to stress that the ceasefire is not a victory for Sinn Féin or the IRA. It is a belated victory for common sense, for a realisation that violence was not ultimately going to triumph, and a victory above all else for the democratic process. To represent the ceasefire as a victory for Sinn Féin as, unfortunately, so many people in the media are doing, and doing to harmful effect, is not just to distort the reality but to send all the wrong messages to a bewildered, insecure and very uncertain loyalist community.

For that reason it is vital that the rhetoric be toned down and that more than token expressions of concern be trotted out when we talk of the Unionists and what is expected of them. Many of them believe they have been sold out and that a secret deal has been done. We know, or we believe we know, there is no such deal. I believe Mr. John Major and I believe the Taoiseach on this matter, but do the people of the Shankill and the people of the small rural villages of the Reverend Ian Paisley's constituency have the same belief? They do not. It is our job to reassure them; we, after all, are the persuaders and it is we who want to change their minds to bring them with us.

There is much more that could be said today; there are questions still to be asked and dangers to be faced, but for the most part we can wait a few days longer to ask these questions. The questions to be faced are not just constitutional but involve issues such as policing, the need for community policing, the repatriation of prisoners, long term economic development, etc., and, crucially, especially to reassure the Unionists, the question of the future of the huge quantities of offensive weapons and ammunition still in the possession of the IRA. There can be no justification whatsoever for the retention of arms dumps and especially of Semtex, a substance that under no circumstances could be classified as a defensive weapon.

These questions can wait but not for very long. Of immediate importance is the winning over of the Unionist community and bringing them into the process of dialogue. For a start the political parties in Northern Ireland must start talking again and resume where they left off just over a year ago. That will only be a starting point. We are asking them to make a giant leap, to make an act of faith in people they may believe they have little reason to believe in or have faith in. Why should they have faith in people who have caused such chaos, death and destruction to so many of their loved ones or who made their lives so miserable over a prolonged period? We cannot get away from this reality no more than we can get away from the terrible trauma, the suffering, the loss felt by so many Catholic families who have also suffered for so long and so appallingly.

We need to be understanding on this matter and we need to be patient. We have not lived through it; few of us have been personally touched by the trauma of the past 25 years. Again, I believe peace offers the best hope that these problems can be overcome or at least left behind. Of course there are some things which can never be forgotten or forgiven, but how often over these past terrible years have we marvelled at the capacity of people who have just suffered appalling loss to be forgiving, to ask that there be no revenge and, as so nobly in the case of Senator Wilson, to dedicate their lives to finding a lasting peace and reconciliation?

We must hope that a period of calm and peace can lead to a return to some sense of normality — the quiet miracle of a normal life, as President Clinton described it elsewhere. Meanwhile we must show that we too are prepared to change, to be generous in deed as well as in word, to be patient and understanding and to put peace above party politics at all costs — as we on this side have done and will continue to do.

A good start has been made, but it is only a beginning. Maybe it is the beginning of the end, but a beginning nonetheless. The problems which remain are enormous. It is too early for euphoria; there is no inevitability of success in the process which started yesterday. Let us at least travel in hope, hope based on reality and generosity and, most of all, let us hope peace will be the catalyst through which the changes we want will become possible.

We all hoped we would take part in such a debate and in some ways it difficult to believe the leadership of the IRA has declared a complete cessation of violence which came into effect at midnight last night. While it opens the possibility for a new era, only historians in the future will be able to look back in hindsight to see whether that possibility has come to fruition. We, as politicians, must do everything we can to make this happen and to support the political process which is under way. It is our duty to take part.

The priority for us — the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have taken this upon themselves — is to make it clear that there is no ambiguity, no hidden deal, that everything is above board and that the principle of consent, which was firmly at the centre of the Downing Street Declaration, is still at the centre of Irish politics and is the way forward. This must be clear to everybody.

The fears of Unionists are understandable and Senator Manning elaborated on that point. Their caution is more understandable if one looks at the situation from their perspective. They have lived with violence for 25 years, they have learned to cope with conflict and to defend their position. The new situation in which they find themselves demands different skills; it demands trust and co-operation with people who have been deadly enemies for the past 25 years. That cannot be easy to cope with, to understand or to deal with. We must be understanding and patient and give all the explanations necessary. It is not an easy transition when one is not sure who are one's allies.

In that context, the Downing Street Declaration is crucial. The principles enunciated in it and the framework it put in place last December will be crucial in the months ahead. It has given safeguards for all — everybody must be defended and their rights and culture must be equally defended. There must be no winners or losers. We must keep that in front of us in the months ahead. We have the opportunity to move forward without threat because of the work which has been done and the framework which has been put in place.

As Senator McGowan and Senator Manning said, it is right that we pay tribute to all the leaders who have taken part. Following on from what I said about the Unionists, I would like to pay tribute to Mr. James Molyneaux. He has given a positive response in the circumstances — it was cautious, but positive. He should be congratulated and supported for his courageous leadership in being able to give a positive response. Mr. Molyneaux's role as Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and that of other Unionist leaders will be crucial in the next stage of developments. We should give them whatever support and reassurance we can.

I join with Senators in praising the leaders involved, particularly the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major. They stuck with what they were doing through thick and thin, particularly the Taoiseach, when it appeared there was not much reason to hope. He should be given full credit. We should also give full credit to the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, and Sir Patrick Mayhew. A huge amount of preparatory work needed to be done and they and their officials did the vast majority of that work. They had to explain, reassure and build up trust.

As Senator Manning said, the Tánaiste has had Northern Ireland on the top of his agenda for a long time — and not only since going into Government. He particularly put it at the top of his agenda in this Government and he has been tireless in working for peace in Northern Ireland. He can take great satisfaction from the present situation.

Like Senator Manning, I pay tribute to Mr. John Hume. It took a lot of nerve to take the dangerous route he took. It could have failed but it did not and his faith has been vindicated. We must also pay tribute to Irish-Americans, the American Ambassador and President Clinton. They have grasped the complexity of Irish political life in a way which they might not have done in the past, and that has been important.

The political climate has been good and positive and so too has the style of oratory on all sides. It has been temperate and non-sensational. Nobody has tried to score points or wave flags. That has been crucial and that atmosphere has facilitated trust and has helped to make peace possible. Credit should go to politicians on all sides of this House, the Dáil and elsewhere.

The time is right for peace. There has been an overwhelming desire for peace among ordinary people, particularly in Northern Ireland. They do not want blood sacrifice; they want peace. The leadership of the IRA has realised that and the violence has stopped. We must appeal from our hearts to the leaders of loyalist paramilitaries, loyalist gunmen, to follow suit and to take the path of peace.

It has been a terrible 25 years. There has been a huge tragedy of wasted lives and heartbroken families. We must resolve to move away from killings, and stick with it. A young man named Seán McDermott died yesterday. He was the 3,342 person on that long list to lose his life over those years. One could spend days naming those people. We must keep that in our minds at all times and resolve that this does not happen again.

We have all watched television over the past day or two. Late last night I watched a programme and was impressed by a community worker who said he wanted to stop following coffins. We must do what we can to give him a normal life that does not involve regularly following coffins. We must make democratic policies work for that person and for others. It will not be easy, as Senator Manning said. The euphoria will die down quickly; the deeply divided communities will not come together quickly; it will not be easy to build trust and there will be much frustration and fear in the coming months. That must be faced, acknowledged, understood and dealt with.

The commitments of support in the Downing Street Declaration for the rights and aspirations of the two communities in the North will be crucial in making such progress. The framework document, which I understand is nearly complete, will incorporate those principles and will set out a way forward which will be possible and practical as long as people have the courage to take the chance. The democratic process will move forward. It essential that as many people as possible come within that process and work with it.

During the same television programme another man said that there will be gains on both sides as a result of the ceasefire. That was an interesting comment because the man is a loyalist and a community worker in the Shankill. It is essential that loyalists such as he appreciate that there are opportunities for them as well as for the nationalist community. In that spirit there is a possibility for open and honest dialogue. There must be no fear of coercion. The principle of consent must always be before us. We must face and deal with the many differences that exist. However, if the spirit and the framework is right, if people can feel secure that they will not be sold out and that their consent will be necessary, there is a real possibility of moving forward.

We must protect and acknowledge both communities. That will be so much easier in an atmosphere of peace and that is what we are celebrating today. We must all hope and, more importantly, work for peace to continue so that we can achieve a just and peaceful solution to the problems.

I wish to share my time with Senator Lee.

I echo the sentiments expressed earlier about the need to congratulate the people who have taken huge risks in this endeavour. The Taoiseach, Tánaiste, Government and politicians who have made an input deserve our thanks. I am not a great admirer of Jim Molyneux but he has grown in my estimation during recent weeks. He has taken extraordinary political risks and I, as a public representative, appreciate that. Above all others, I single out John Hume. He placed his career, his record as a statesperson and everything he has given to Irish life at risk. He risked "Hume-icide" in taking such chances during the past two years. I am happy for him and for everybody else involved in the peace process that it has reached this stage. This is a beginning, not an end. It is a very important move forward.

However, the triumphalism we heard on today's "Morning Ireland" is far from helpful. The haste to interpret words — whether "complete" mean "permanent"— gets us nowhere. We will know soon enough if "complete" means "permanent". If after a week, a month or two months we have not heard a bullet or bomb or followed a funeral we will not have to ask what "permanent" means. It is a matter of making it work. We must move on.

I attended a meeting at the weekend in our Belfast office. About 5,000 members of our organisation work in the North, dealing with and living close to the troubles. The first step in moving forward should be the establishment of institutional arrangements to include all the island under the Objective 1 negotiations in Europe in order that the northern economy can develop with European support like the southern economy. I have learned through my daily dealings with the North of Ireland that the lack of a parliamentary democracy makes it extraordinarily difficult to do business. It is only when one has tried to negotiate and do business with ephemeral, faceless and unrecognisable politicians who represent Stoke-on-Trent or Newcastle and who are running education or health in Northern Ireland that one recognises the importance of being able to lift the telephone and talk to one's local public representative.

We should move quickly towards establishing some form of democratically elected parliamentary structure in the North. The sub-parliamentary structures will be critically important. It is important that people who can contribute to this development of crossing the Border and looking at how the island might be reorganised to get away from the old fashioned notion that the two nations theorists are against a united Ireland. Our republican aspirations can cope with two republics, one north and one south, or one republic with as many states or as many nations as possible within it. Let us not look at old fashioned restrictions and parameters. It is important that we slow down the process at this stage and not expect anything to happen tomorrow or next week. We must move forward slowly and look at where we can take one step at a time.

After the ceasefire the priority is peace. The next step must be to achieve peace. It would be an incredible error to understand the word "ceasefire" as being synonymous with the word "peace". They are two different things — one is a step towards the other. Peace, from an educationalist's point of view, is an important area. Peace education is not taught in any schools on this island. The INTO has made representations to the Government during the last two years that peace education should be included in the forthcoming White Paper. In Northern Ireland my members work every day with the education for mutual understanding programme. That programme must be developed and expanded throughout the island in one form or another.

One of our schools in Craigavon was razed to the ground overnight by a bomb which somebody had dumped casually in the school yard. Another member of my organisation, a councillor, was shot dead going into school one morning about 13 months ago. One of our schools in Belfast during the last year buried its twelfth pupil victim since the troubles began. It is an extraordinary development that we can now look forward to peace and hope.

Our education system grew out of revolution. It has lived with violence over the past 25 years. In the North our youngest pupils have had to cope every day with a life we here do not understand. They have to walk through high risk areas, they are searched by security forces on their way to schools, they open their satchels to soldiers or the RUC and they must cope with grief, loss and tragedy. Parents might have to send their child to school by taxi every morning because it is the only way to ensure that the child arrives there. The questions that arise every day — are the children back from the shop? Is the disco in a safe area? — are discussed by the children all the time. We must move forward from that.

Teachers in the North have been very close to this problem. Over the last two years we have been looking at ways to develop strategies towards peace, understanding, openness and tolerance. The role of schools and education in creating a lasting peace cannot be under-estimated. Education must be harnessed for peace. Peace must be learned. If two or three generations have never known peace it will not simply come about. It is as fragile as pulling a trigger — which takes the force of one finger — or putting a timer on a bomb to destroy it.

The education for mutual understanding programme has been introduced in Northern Ireland and a recent report showed that one in five teachers in the North consider it useful. That figure might appear low but, in fact, it is very encouraging. A similar programme should be developed for education for mutual understanding in the South. Tolerance, accommodation and acceptance of differences are essential to the achievement of peace. In order to make peace work, and to reach a situation which we can describe as being peaceful, educational rather than political initiatives can and must have an influential input. A programme of peace education for all schools in this island. North and South, is an essential, practical and logical next step. It is a way forward and we must keep thinking of ways forward. It might not work but from talking to people on the ground I believe it should be tried. It develops an understanding among pupils who have to learn about their differences. They should be able to walk into a strange pub and not have to talk about sport, the weather or television; they should be able to talk about politics, religion, and sectarianism as well.

There is a population in that part of the island who not only have been living with violence for 25 years but have been walking on eggshells in not being able to approach the problem. The fact that they cannot discuss their differences means they cannot get around to understanding and accommodating them. Discussion is important, an elected assembly is important, harnessing education for peace is critical and we now need to move forward from there.

I would like to join in the tributes that have been justly paid, without ranking them in order, to Mr. John Hume and Mr. Adams, to the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste to Mr. Major, Mr. Molyneaux and Sir Patrick Mayhew, and to Ambassador Kennedy-Smith. Senator Manning was right to mention her role which has been one of the more distinguished performances in American diplomacy during this administration. We have had an historic declaration and even if it fails it will still have been historic. I do not want to engage in premature speculation because there is far too much of that already concerning possible developments, and a fair bit of it is counterproductive.

We are entering uncharted territory. There are no analogies in our history which are particularly helpful to the negotiators. Contemporary analogies are not particularly helpful either. South Africa and the Middle East, which are frequently cited, are not particularly relevant in detail to the Northern situation although they may be relevant in terms of how to change psychologies. There may be something to be learned there, although we should not cite them too glibly as precedents for the way ahead. The question of psychology, as Senator Manning mentioned, is a crucial one. In that respect the British Government has a responsibility which politeness and courtesy should not prevent us from insisting upon. I do not want to engage in any anti-British statements as such; God knows we have been uncomprehending enough down here about the Northern situation.

I had occasion, in a professional capacity earlier this week, to read the debate in the First Dáil on the Belfast boycott and it makes very sad reading. Having said that, the responsibility that devolves on the British Government is unique and there is a degree of self-indulgence in the British self-image which is not helpful to British performance in Northern Ireland. Britain is part of the solution not simply because she is somehow a disinterested outsider who holds the reins between the warring internal factions, but because she is a major part of the problem. Without being discourteous or offensive about it, that point must continue to be made by our diplomats and our negotiators.

I look forward to co-operation with Britain and I welcome the contributions of Mr. Major, Mr. Mayhew and their officials, but we should not be too self-denigratory in our approach to the responsibilities involved.

I accept that the Unionists' suspicions have to be allayed in so far as they can be allayed by any rational action, but Unionist psychology has to change also just as Nationalist psychology has to change. Nationalist psychology has changed to some extent. It changed too slowly and still has to change some more, but there has to be change on both sides. The major, urgent and long term problem is to discover how justified Unionist suspicions can be allayed and how their unjustified suspicions can be overcome.

Senator O'Sullivan's comment of the social worker was very interesting. The psychological tragedy of Northern Ireland has been what is sometimes called the zero sum gain; that is to say the either/or situation. If we make a gain it must be at their expense and if they make a gain it must be at our expense. The challenge is to shift on both sides the psychology of either/or to the psychology of both/and. That is an enormous challenge which will take a great deal of time. However, our negotiators, diplomats, statesmen — and it may not be premature to begin calling them "statesmen" however improbable that may seem in other circumstances — have already shown remarkable creativity in the way this problem has been approached in the past two years because there is not much help to be obtained from examples elsewhere.

I would like to conclude by stressing two words, urgent and patient. I thought that the most important word in the IRA statement, apart from the term "complete cessation", was the word "patient", recognising that this is the beginning of a long term process. I would like to see stress put on that. At the same time, if constitutional politicians do not urgently seize the opportunities that have now opened then that long term possibility may not emerge because there are still grave problems in the short term. In that respect the search for that word "permanent" and the British talking of three months before the start of exploratory talks, seems to me to be distinctly unhelpful. The opportunity has to be seized now and the potential for dialogue has to begin to be illustrated now as a matter of urgency however long the ultimate path towards an agreed new order in Ireland may take. I hope the chance will not be lost by what would be unforgivable nit-picking about semantics at this stage. I hope that when this House next debates the North it will be in a position to record inevitably slow but worthwhile progress and not to have to lament lost opportunities.

I welcome the opportunity to make a small contribution to this discussion. I do not have any fancy words or phrases, I am not a soundbyte man but I do speak from the heart. I can sum up what I want to say in four simple one-syllable words: thanks be to God. First, thanks be to God that the IRA have left aside their bombs and their bullets and have opted for another and a better way forward through the ballot box. I welcome their statement and their decision. They talk about a complete cessation of military operations. I believe those words mean what they say. I know there are some in high places who want the addition of a word but that is a problem that will be solved. I welcome the ceasefire for many reasons, and perhaps mainly for a selfish one: I like to think no more families will be joining the 3,000-plus families in Northern Ireland who lost a loved one. If we get peace then the death of Marie Wilson becomes a little more worthwhile.

Thanks be to God for the statesmen, politicians and civil servants who worked hard and long and at risk to themselves to bring us to this day. Today is an historic and momentous day and, hopefully, the first day of peace in Ireland. I appeal to Unionist politicians to sit down, to talk and to find a solution which will be acceptable to all the people in Northern Ireland and to which all of those people can be loyal. There are men and women among them who have vision and trust and who in good faith can present and argue their case. I feel — and I think some of them feel — no less British today than I did yesterday; I also feel no less Irish. From the bottom of my heart I ask the loyalist paramilitaries to desist, to hold their fire and to give peace a chance.

Above all, thanks be to God to the plain people of Ireland, North and South, who have yearned and prayed for peace and who have worked for it. I am talking about the Colin Parrys, the Susan McHughs, the John Donnellans and hundreds of thousands of others. May their work and prayers be answered. I finish with a verse from a hymn. I am not sure that I did not quote it before in this House, but I could find no other words to say what I am unable to express. They were written by a New England poet and hymn writer, a Quaker by the name of John Greenleaf Whittaker. He wrote:

Then shall all shackles fall,

the stormy clamour of wild war music o'er the earth shall cease.

Love shall tread out the baleful fire of anger

and in its ashes plant the tree of Peace.

Thanks be to God.

As always on these occasions it is difficult to follow Senator Wilson. The Progressive Democrats warmly welcome the decision by the IRA to completely cease its 25 year campaign of terror and destruction which they call military action. The gratitude of this House and indeed of the country is due to those on both islands who worked to bring us to this point of relief and hope. In particular we must salute the constitutional politicians and the church leaders in Northern Ireland who have been mentioned already, who so courageously persisted in seeking reconciliation and peace in the face of what at times must have seemed impossible odds. We must also salute those ordinary people living in Northern Ireland who have lived through the nightmare and have retained, as Senator Wilson so manifestly has done, their Christian tolerance, their patience and their generosity.

At regular intervals during the past 12 months Seanad Éireann has debated Northern Ireland. On each occasion on all sides of the House our language has been restrained and moderate and our tone has been constructive. Unfortunately restraint and moderation are not qualities to which the media are attracted. Hopefully we here have made our own small contribution to the peace process and to shaping the historic events we see unfolding.

On the day we rose for the summer recess. 7 July, I expressed pessimism about the future for peace in Northern Ireland. I said that only a cessation of violence would give grounds for optimism. The plea for the end of violence has been the consistent message from this House from all sides during all our debates. Happily, that call has now been answered and pessimism has been replaced by hope. There is optimism too but it is a qualified optimism, because, as Senator Manning said, success is not inevitable. Our hope, and indeed our prayer, is that a long chapter of bloodshed and destruction is closed and that a new chapter of reconciliation and stability is opened.

Our hope is that today we are witnesses to events which genuinely merit the description of historic, that there would be no return to violence and that there will be no need, if there ever was a need, for violence. In this context the need for the cease-fire to be permanent is manifest.

Both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste assure us that the IRA announcement effectively represents a permanent cease-fire. I take Senator O'Toole's point that we will know that for certain after several weeks, or maybe several months, but given the depth of mistrust and bitterness which has developed over generations, it would be of huge benefit if the IRA were to confirm that the cease-fire is indeed permanent. Deliberate ambiguity has been a characteristic of IRA/Sinn Féin statements for so long that it is hardly surprising that they should be asked to clear up this particular ambiguity.

It will take a considerable leap to advance to inclusive dialogue between all the constitutional parties. It would be impossible to establish the degree of trust required for such a dialogue if one party were to come to the talks with an implied threat of violence as a lever. How could constitutional politicians committed to the democratic process participate in such talks? How could peace and reconciliation be advanced? The permanent and irreversible nature of the cessation of violence must be unambiguously demonstrated as soon as possible, either by word or by action. That is no more than the majority community in Northern Ireland is entitled to expect, but I hope that community will accept, as I accept the Taoiseach's assurance, that there are no under the table deals.

It is plain from the Anglo-Irish Agreement and the Downing Street Declaration that the external constitutional status of Northern Ireland can only change with the freely given and formal consent of the majority of the people in Northern Ireland. This does not mean to say that the many areas of common interest and co-operation between North and South should not be developed and formalised.

It is legitimate for some in Northern Ireland to seek what they term "British withdrawal" but if they accept the principle of a permanent cease-fire, their only remaining option is to pursue their objective by peaceful democratic means. This, in turn, demands that they accept the majoritarian principles to which all democratic constitutional parties on these islands adhere. Members of this House, more than most, know that where the democratic political process does not produce the result they want they must abide by the majority consensus. They may not like it but as democrats they accept it. This is a principle which the IRA is now asked to accept without reverting to political violence.

A key element in the political transformation of Northern Ireland will be to give both communities a sense of ownership and participation in politics, institutions and cultural life. That will be part of the task of the forum for peace and reconciliation. I repeat the view that a written Constitution and a Bill of Rights are required and are central to this process. New security measures and new police institutions are also elements in a settlement.

I have spoken before of the value of generosity and mutual respect. Peace can allow these qualities flourish but the peace is fragile and it must be built upon patiently and earnestly. The wounds that have affected so many thousand people, the wounds that Senator Wilson and Senator Quinn bear, must be allowed heal, if heal they ever can. May we dare believe that there will be no more Enniskillens, no more Greysteels, Shankhills or Loughinislands, no more Warringtons or Birminghams? Our task will be to build a society that honours and makes some sense of those 3,342 deaths, one which releases the latent potential of all the people on this island.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I call Senator Gallagher.

A Leas Chathaoirligh, I understood that Senator Ormonde was to speak next.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I call Senator Ormonde.

A Leas Chathaoirligh, this is not the first time you and I have had a conflict of this kind. May I share my time with Senator Fitzgerald?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I can assure the Senator I did not mean it personally. Is it agreed that Senator Ormonde share her time with Senator Fitzgerald? Agreed.

My contribution will be brief on this wonderful day. We are now coming to the end of the violence. I am contributing today because I come from a very republican family. My late father served in politics in both Houses of the Oireachtas and the reunification of our country by peaceful means was very high on his agenda. I have read many of his speeches and it gives me great pleasure to be here today to continue where he left off.

This is a historic day for me. I am privileged to be in the House to congratulate the Taoiseach for moving ahead on this issue against tremendous opposition at every turn, even at the time of the Letterkenny conference when it was said that the process was at an end. With consistency, perseverance and diligence the Taoiseach saw that there was a way forward and this was achieved by him, together with the Tánaiste, the British Prime Minister and the President of the USA.

I am delighted that we have moved forward, even though this is just the first step on a long road. We must consider in terms of dialogue how best to obtain a framework which recognises that this is a long process. Trust must be built up and it must be acknowledged that this will take a great deal of North-South liaison and North-South dialogue. In this respect we must address how best we can reflect the various views expressed.

I wish to be part of this process and I want to ensure that all in this House work towards peace together. It is lovely to hear this afternoon the speakers on every side of the House speak of one aim, of peace, and how best it can be achieved. Today is the first day in that process. In this respect, using fewer words and having more patience, we may go forward. I am anxious that we do not speak too much and too often because words can often be misinterpreted. Matters should be taken quietly, with understanding rather than articulations of given interpretations. I am pleased to commend this day and to feel that I am part of this historic process.

I convey my deep gratitude to all those concerned with bringing peace to our island. It is fitting that the first day of peace is such a beautiful day and that we can look forward to not seeing any more reports of killings or bloodshed in Northern Ireland. I am not too worried about the words used because there is a commitment that there is a total and complete cessation of violence.

Over the past 25 years, and especially over the past couple of years, the House has passed votes of sympathy to families of people in Northern Ireland who were either shot or blown up because of these troubles. As Senator Wilson remarked, thanks be to God that came to an end yesterday. When the Taoiseach announced that there was to be a complete cessation of violence I felt a lump in my throat that, at last, this had been achieved. I never believed I would see the day when we would have peace on our island. There have been statements by statesmen, Irish and English people and others on television and in the media over the last 24 hours welcoming this cessation of violence.

I express my deep gratitude to the Taoiseach. Since becoming Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds has worked like a man obsessed to bring peace to this island. He has been ably helped by his Cabinet, the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, the Labour Party and all the Leaders of the Opposition across the floor of this House and of the Oireachtas.

The man who put his career on the line, and possibly his life, was Mr. John Hume. He is a man whom I greatly admire. He was instrumental in bringing about peace. Senator Wilson met the IRA only a few months ago and pleaded with them for peace. All these factors have led to peace. In addition, the Irish in America, Irish Americans, President Clinton, the Kennedy family, including the US Ambassador to Ireland, have all been instrumental in bringing about peace.

We must accept what we have now and I ask members of the media when interviewing people, such as statesmen like Mr. Major or the Taoiseach, not to keep digging for answers they cannot give. They should accept what they are told and let it rest, because over the next six months, hopefully, all the answers will be provided.

I am happy to have the opportunity to welcome the cessation of violence by the IRA. Not too long ago there was a special debate on the North in this House and, at that time, Members were not hopeful that we would have peace in the foreseeable future.

On an occasion such as this it is easy to name many people who have contributed to bringing about a situation where democracy, life and the future of this island can be saved and developed. Over the last 25 years there have been many occasions when the security forces and the forces of order throughout the island had to stand up and suffer death, injury and destruction in the upkeep of democracy and freedom for the people on the island. This is something for which we should all be grateful and we should not forget it.

While this may be an occasion for some people to celebrate, it is also an occasion to remember the people who suffered for so long, who lost members of their families, who suffered injuries and who left these shores because they could not live in these conditions. These are facts and while we, as politicians and leaders of Government, can help, and have helped, immensely in bringing about the present situation, it is the people on the ground who must be considered. In this respect a long period is required to enable people to grieve and to heal.

I spoke to some people in the North of the unionist persuasion earlier this week and they were slow to believe that the present situation could arise. This is understandable given the 25 years of destruction and mayhem which has occurred, all of which appeared to be a futile exercise to most people.

The cease-fire appears to have come into effect for no other reason than a desire and a pressure for peace. That pressure for peace arose because there was a huge movement for peace from the people on both parts of this island and from all communities. Unfortunately, it took a desperate situation to imprint on people's minds the desire and urge for peace. Peace is something all people deserve. Terrorists take away the basic rights every human being should have and which every society and democracy has fought to preserve.

I pay tribute to the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the other members of the Government. It is no harm to recall former Taoisigh who at times were also criticised. The former Taoiseach, Dr. Garret FitzGerald, introduced the Anglo-Irish Agreement. He also visited America to persuade people not to support, by word or finance, terrorist groups on this island. He was criticised in the South for spending too much time talking about the North. It was always difficult for leaders and people in this State to speak about the North because no matter what stance they took, they were criticised. We are happy to see order restored and we should build on this. As democrats and public representatives we should do everything we can, by word or deed, to help this process.

I welcome the Minister on this momentous occasion. Like everybody else I feel privileged to be here today. It is an important day in the history of the Irish people and will probably be remembered as one of the most important days on the road to peace. A whole generation has never known peace. Thousands of people have lost hope of ever seeing Ireland at peace in their lifetimes. For many years millions of Irish people have cried "enough" and today sees the answer to their hopes.

Anybody who says this is a victory for the IRA or Sinn Féin is to some degree codding themselves. I believe the people who are responsible for bringing us to where we are today are not only the politicians, who have done a fantastic job, but the families and relatives of people who have been associated with the IRA and Sinn Féin and of young men and women who have lost their lives. They have told the IRA enough is enough. One has only to look at and speak to young people who come home from jail to see the mess they are in and the lack of help that is there for them. It is a fact that about 65 per cent of those young people never go back into any terrorist movement because they are incapable and useless to any organisation.

I am proud to be a representative of a Border county and am very conscious of the impact violence in the North has had on trade and tourism in an area like Donegal. I am sure that with time the whole country will benefit from the removal of fear which this cease-fire brings. We can expect to attract many more foreign investors and should see our tourism industry get a significant boost due to visitors from Britain, Europe and America, no longer being put off by horror stories on their television screens every night. There should also be enormous economic benefit to both sides of the Border should the situation in Northern Ireland stabilise.

Tourism should benefit significantly, North and South. There is co-operation between Bord Fáilte and the Northern Ireland Tourist Board and between industry in Northern and Southern Ireland and as a result of what we have seen over the last 24 hours, more jobs will be created. Increased marketing in North America and the recently concluded inter-airline agreement should attract more tourists. Last year alone tourism from overseas generated £1,011 million. I read recently that a 5 per cent increase in overseas revenue could result in about 3,800 new jobs. The price of peace must be welcomed and will manifest itself in jobs and extra revenue for this country. When conditions changed in areas like South Africa and Israel there was an upsurge of interest in these countries. I hope that, in time, the same will happen here. I have no doubt that this will not be immediate but we must give peace a chance.

Fears are not just felt by foreigners. Nationalists and Unionists living along the Border have for many years lived in constant fear of being easy targets for gunmen. We now have grounds for hope that an end to violence will come. The opening of Border roads would give these communities easy access to each other and would be an important step in the process of returning them to peaceful coexistence.

Great credit is due to the negotiators: the Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds, the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, Mr. John Hume and Mr. John Major. I spoke to the Taoiseach about two years ago when he opened a training centre for travellers in Letterkenny. He said his major priority in politics was to do something about the situation in Northern Ireland. He has to be congratulated for all he has faced up to and done. I congratulate him for doing what others have tried to do and failed.

The Tánaiste played a key role in the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement the last time the Labour Party was in Government. He also said he came into politics because he believed he could do something to help the situation in Northern Ireland. We, in the Labour Party, are very proud of his commitment to the peace process since he became Minister for Foreign Affairs. It has been a time for patience and great political ability has been shown.

Great praise is due to John Hume. His vision brought us to where we are today. I have no doubt that he read the situation and knew what the people in Northern Ireland were saying. His courage has no parallel in the political history of Northern Ireland; he will be remembered for what he has done. Attacks on him by the media have sometimes been scurrilous and his life was put at risk on a number of occasions by what was written about him. I commend him for sticking to his task.

I commend the speech made in the Dáil yesterday by Deputy John Bruton on behalf of Fine Gael. It was an excellent supportive speech. It is ironic to hear today words of praise from the cynics who took such a pessimistic view after the Sinn Féin conference in Letterkenny. The Taoiseach stuck to his guns. The cease-fire is very welcome but the work is only beginning.

This is a very important and historic day for this country. It is for this reason that I am in the House today against medical advice. I must put this on the record because I am on sick leave and if my employers read the record I would like them to know that I acknowledge this condition in the House and on the record. I was determined to come in because the debate is so important and exciting. I just had a cup of tea in the Oireachtas bar and watched a woman from Andersontown being interviewed. She said something which encapsulates the situation. She said she is so happy, does not claim victory over anyone, has five children and wants everyone to join together in celebration. In a very ordinary human way this is what it is all about.

The most critically important thing is that there is an enormous psychological momentum towards peace which I do not believe can be stopped. For this reason I think it is idle for the British Government to be picking over the semantics of the word "complete" as against the word "permanent". No formula of words ever guaranteed anybody anything. If a person chose to read the Bible he would come across the phrase "by their fruits shall ye know them". It is by the fruits of this declaration and cease-fire that the people participating in it will be judged. I think it is possible by patient diplomacy to build on this agreement and ensure we have emerged finally from this nightmare.

One of the reasons I wanted to speak this evening is that I come from a different background to the majority of people, that is, a Protestant, formerly Southern unionist background. It is important that voices such as mine be heard in the North of Ireland so that we can reach out to our co-religionists in the North and say that we do not believe — and we have practical, direct, personal experience — that they have anything to fear from the diplomatic initiatives of this Government.

I would like, however, this Government to take this very seriously and to use this moment to make an initiative towards the unionist population. For a number of years in this House I have been saying, for example, that the 1937 Constitution can be amended. I suggested a form of words to be placed after Articles 2 and 3: "that in any attempt to realise this aspiration the use of violence shall be prohibited". Does not everybody agree with that inclusion, even the Provisional IRA? This is a moment when such an initiative can be taken. I believe that the Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds, is a man of sufficient stature and vision to be able to do that.

In common with many people in this House, I was in the other House yesterday and listened with great pleasure and satisfaction to his speech and, particularly, to the fact that he had a certain quirky sense of humour when he referred to the fact that certain sections of the British media regarded him almost as a politically unsophisticated figure who had difficulty with grammar and long words. However, he said that he understood simple concepts and the one simple word "peace".

That reminded me of a time when I travelled to a conference in England and I told a group of Conservative backbenchers — there had been derision of Albert Reynolds because he owned a pet food company and managed dance bands and so on — that they were extremely stupid to under-estimate such a man who, having created significant employment in a market town and travelled the length and breadth of Ireland, clearly had his finger on the pulse of the people and as a practical person, unburdened by ideological baggage, knew what he could deliver and was capable of saying what he could deliver.

I hope the British Government will have the good sense to listen to the Taoiseach when he says that when the IRA use this language he knows they mean it is a permanent end to violence. I also know that and if the British and Irish Governments continue to co-operate, they will ensure that it is, in fact, a permanent end to violence.

We should get away from backward looking Irish politics and trying to tot up the score. There will be losers in one sense because many people have been hurt and injured and now that this is all over there are still children deprived of parents and people who will live in pain for the rest of their lives. I hope that at least some of the money which may come from the US will be set aside to establish a trust to ensure that these people do not also have to live in poverty.

I welcome a statement which I heard from Gerry Adams the other day on the radio where he acknowledged the hurt caused by the republican movement in their actions over the years. That was a spark of imagination. Would that the loyalist paramilitaries had a similar spark of imagination.

It is important to pay tribute to areas where it is difficult to pay tribute and not just the easy ones. I wish to pay tribute to the RUC because in most circumstances over many years they have acted honourably. I felt that particularly when reading a horrifying book called "The Shankhill Butchers" and saw the way they were attacked, brutalised and tortured by people from their own background, that is, loyalists. I would like to pay tribute to the restraint they have shown in many circumstances.

I look forward to the day when ex-IRA gunmen are Members of this House. If they abandon the gun maybe there will be a place for them here. I remind the House that one of the most atrocious attacks of the previous campaign was the Aldershot bombing. The people who were responsible for that eventually entered mainstream politics as Official Sinn Féin and then The Workers' Party and made a significant contribution. I would like to see people from the Provisional movement taking this line.

No words of mine could express the feeling of relief and expectation arising from yesterday's announcement. I wish to put on record my deep appreciation to the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, members of the Government and the officials, North and South, and the intermediaries. They have all made a very important contribution towards finding a way in which a space can be provided in this new announcement which will enable further work to be done to ensure a long term solution to the problems in Northern Ireland.

I come from a county where we had the first endorsement of the 1916 Rising — the 1917 elections in Clare. The democratic process is the only way forward. The IRA paramilitaries have now realised that this can achieve the results we all seek — a long term permanent solution to the problems in Northern Ireland. It gives me very great pleasure to have the opportunity to support the discussion here this evening and to compliment all those who have been involved in bringing about this historic occasion.

It has not been easy and the discussions between John Hume and Gerry Adams at their first peace talks demonstrated that courage was required to enable the breakthrough to be made. That illustrates very clearly the necessity for a display of courage on all sides now. I especially appeal to the paramilitaries and the unionist leadership to display the same courage. People such as John Hume and Gerry Adams took a very grave personal risk in becoming involved in those peace discussions in the early stages. The same type of courage is necessary now from the unionist community. I wish to compliment Mr. Jim Molyneux and I was glad to hear Mr. John Taylor's remarks today and those of many of the unionist church leaders.

The church leaders of all denominations can, as they have done in the past, make a very valuable contribution to ensure that we find long term solutions. Many of the church leaders officiated at gravesides and came face to face with the stark reality of death and destruction in Northern Ireland over the past 25 years. They have played their part over the years but they still have a continuing role to play in ensuring that a long term settlement is found to the problem.

There is no doubt that the personal rapport between the Taoiseach and Mr. John Major had a significant bearing on the final Downing Street Declaration. At this particular time, Ireland calls on the international community to underpin the work which has been done in the Downing Street Declaration and by the Taoiseach and Mr. John Major in finding a way to deal with this current situation.

Ireland has played an outstanding role in trouble spots throughout the world — the Lebanon, Somalia and even in the recent elections in South Africa. It is timely that we would call on the international community to get behind the work which has been done here and ensure that an international effort to underpin this peace effort is made. This international effort can be by way of a contribution to help to build economies, especially in many of the Border regions which have been devastated by the troubles in the last 25 years.

I had the opportunity, as Minister for Defence, to visit Irish Army personnel and gardaí at some of these stations along Border areas and I wish to pay tribute to the many personnel who put their lives at risk in the difficult policing efforts which they had to undertake. The economies of these regions have been devastated over the past 25 years. It is now necessary to rebuild these areas. One hope is that there will be financial and other support from the US and elsewhere to restore the broken and shattered communities along the Border, who have suffered over the past 25 years.

We should express our appreciation to American politicians, many of whom have been in the forefront in finding ways to be helpful to Irish Governments over many years. The efforts of the recent delegation of Irish-American politicians who met with various leaders clearly demonstrates the great wish of the vast majority of American people to help find ways in which the communities can be rebuilt and the economy of Ireland restructured. We welcome and value that support.

The expectation and relief we feel should give encouragement to the leadership in both islands to work towards a final lasting solution. It is important that the forum for peace and reconciliation should meet as soon as possible and I welcome the Taoiseach's announcement yesterday that immediate steps have been taken to put that in train. The framework documents to enable a peaceful long term solution to be found should be advanced so that we can see a satisfactory overall settlement to this problem.

When we look back over the period of troubles and remember that more than 3,300 people have died, we recall that the death and destruction did not miss this House. Senator Wilson has suffered and there was the tragic death of Senator Billy Fox. This brings home to us the necessity to avail of this great opportunity to put death and destruction behind us and to look forward with hope to the future.

We should put on record our deepest appreciation to our Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds, the Tánaiste and all the members of the Government for this magnificent achievement. We hope we can go on to further successes so that we may eventually find the long term peaceful solution to which we all look forward.

Anyone who failed to wholeheartedly welcome the complete cessation of military operations announced yesterday by the Provisional IRA would stand accused of churlishness. The leadership of Sinn Féin and the IRA have travelled a hard road; it is a road I travelled with others many years ago. Along the way I discovered peace demands far more courage than violence. Peace demands the courage to be democrats, the courage to fight for one's beliefs on their merits, the courage to accept the knocks and setbacks of political fortune and the courage to engage in the minutiae of democracy — it requires the courage of the ballot box. Sinn Féin and the IRA yesterday took their first faltering steps in the direction of peace.

However, peace is more than the mere tenuous absence of war. Until Sinn Féin and the IRA declare that the cessation of military operations announced yesterday is not merely open-ended but permanent, there will remain a question mark over their aspiration towards peace. In the absence of an unambiguous permanent cease-fire it is understandable that relief at the halting of a campaign which has cost around 3,500 lives during the past 25 years should be tempered by unease on the part of Unionists.

It is now vital that both Governments make every effort to reassure Unionist opinion and to assure those sections of that community who support loyalist paramilitaries that they have nothing to fear from peace, nor have they anything to fear from calling a cease-fire themselves. Loyalist paramilitaries have always maintained their violence was primarily a reaction to IRA activities. They can now demonstrate the truth of that assertion by ceasing all violence and giving their community the opportunity to live in peace. In this regard there is a special obligation on the Irish Government and Irish politicians in general.

Let us not forget the Republic will also experience a peace dividend. I hope those gardaí who will over time no longer be stationed along the Border will be redeployed in rural communities currently suffering from under-policing and increasing crime.

Some of the decisions we will have to make along the road to normalisation will not be easy. Distasteful as it may be, we will have to face up to the need for an amnesty or early release for prisoners in Northern Ireland and we will have to make every effort to assist their integration into the community. We must also recognise the pain that will cause to victims of violence who will be asked to live side by side with their persecutors.

The cessation of violence announced yesterday by the IRA is just the first, albeit the most vital, step in a long process which will hopefully conclude with the formulation of a political agreement on the future of Northern Ireland. That agreement must have as its basis the principles outlined in the Downing Street Declaration. Democratic Left will be seeking an agreement which ensures that new politics develop in Northern Ireland. This is to ensure that in time other identities, such as class and gender, take priority over national identities and in determining political outcomes. That aim will only be achieved if we recognise at the outset the importance which both communities in Northern Ireland attribute to their opposing national allegiances.

I am glad to take this somewhat belated opportunity to contribute to this debate, taking place in the aftermath of one of the most important days in recent Irish political history. Yesterday's announcement by the IRA of a complete ceasefire will, one hopes, bring an end to the vicious cycle of violence which has scarred our island for the past quarter of a century.

On a personal note I welcome the IRA's decision because as a public representative living in the Border town of Castleblayney, I have a deep knowledge of life in Northern Ireland, spending a considerable part of my time there. People my age have never known a time of peace in the North. I am, therefore, extremely proud to be a Member of this House at a time when we see significant changes in the status quo there.

Patrick Pearse once said: "Lay down your arms lest they bring too much suffering on your own people". It would seem that today's IRA have caught the echoes of that old-style republican. The Nationalist community has seen many of its own buried as a result of the so-called troubles. Grief transcends all boundaries and hits Protestant and Catholic, Nationalist and loyalist alike.

The bloodletting since 1969 has seen 3,342 human beings suffer untimely and horrific deaths. That destruction of human life has no purpose or result. It never could do anything but cause deep sorrow and hurt to thousands of families living in Northern Ireland. Nobody wins by the bullet and the bomb.

The cease-fire is a momentous leap forward which should be welcomed by everyone. I cannot understand those who quibble with the wording of the IRA statement in an effort to reject it or reduce its significance. An end to the killing must be welcomed by all who truly seek peace.

However a change in the status quo in the North may be frightening to many. The obvious question is what happens next. It took a long time to get to this stage. Both Governments and their officials put in a considerable amount of work and effort to reach this historic juncture.

Congratulations are due to both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste who, for the past 20 months in Government, placed the issue of Northern Ireland at the top of their agenda. Thanks are also due to the leader of the Social Democratic Labour Party, John Hume. He stuck his neck out on this one and I am sure he often felt the cold breeze. His courage and perseverance are a shining example to us all. Praise is also due to James Molyneaux and other moderate Unionists who are brave enough to consider the possibilities which might allow the people of Northern Ireland to live in peace and harmony.

The initial Hume/Adams talks, the Downing Street Declaration, the Tánaiste's six principles and the lifting of section 31 have all been important steps on the ladder leading to this cease-fire. What happens now is crucial. I believe the cries for peace from the people living in the North will make it very difficult for anyone to resume violence and plunge Northern Ireland once again into conflict.

The road to reconciliation and mutual trust will inevitably be a long and difficult one. To quote aptly an Anglo-Irish poet, W.B. Yeats, "peace comes dropping slow". It cannot be easy to overcome centuries of differences but real effort must be made by people representing every shade of opinion. There will always be people in Northern Ireland who hold nationalist/republican and unionist/loyalist views and beliefs but they must try to understand where the other side is coming from and thus learn to live with each other.

As has been said, the people of Northern Ireland have so much in common and their common love of their home soil together with their common strength of character, make them a people different in many ways from those in the South of Ireland and those on mainland Britain. It is time for them to build on what they have in common in the best interest of present and future generations. For those who fear change for whatever reason, it should be remembered that time stands still for nobody.

This island has changed very much from 1690, a time to which loyalists cling and from 1916, a time remembered by Nationalists. Many people can point to incidents in the past which have coloured their opinion but I would urge them now to move on. Nationalists would do well to recognise that the orange state of Ulster is long gone. Equally vital is that Unionists see that the old regime of the republican state has changed from being isolated and conservative in every way and catering for one religion only. We in the South now enjoy a truly modern and open society which holds much more understanding and acceptance of the Unionist tradition. I hope Unionists in Northern Ireland will recognise that.

I would like to see true democracy in Northern Ireland which is sadly lacking. Its absence has only served to increase violence. True democracy values the rights of the majority but equally accepts and caters for its minorities. Northern Ireland must recognise that and I hope that changes there will provide equal opportunities and rights for all its citizens. I have argued many times in this House for the dismantling of the housing and education apartheid that exists in Northern Ireland and I sincerely hope I will live to see this happen.

It is time for both communities to push back their respective memories, fears and prejudices. Politicians representing the people of Northern Ireland have a duty to listen to the cries for peace and put their own parties' pride aside in an effort to move into meaningful talks with all concerned. I know there has been wrong and right on both sides of the community. The people who have suffered so much already will be required to give as well as take, but peace is a prize that can never be over-valued or placed out of reach simply because some choose to give their own pride priority. It must be worked at by all.

I earnestly urge all in the North to accept this enormous challenge for the good of all who live there and I personally wish them every success in their efforts.

I am very grateful for this opportunity to contribute to today's very important debate. I warmly welcome the IRA statement that there will be a complete cessation of military operations and I, too, hope that it will be permanent. I also hope that the loyalist paramilitaries will shortly follow their example and lay down their arms as it is only then that we can expect that all democratic parties, North and South, could participate in an all Ireland forum.

I wish to pay tribute to the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, John Major and John Hume in bringing us to this day and thank them all for their efforts. I have to pay particular tribute to John Hume, because, without him, it is unlikely that the IRA and Sinn Féin leadership could have been persuaded to lay down their arms. I also pay tribute to the vast majority of people, North and South, who refused to support Sinn Féin at the ballot box and refused to get involved in the campaign of violence. I am sure this has been one of the reasons Sinn Féin has at last seen the light and decided to lay down its arms and move towards the democratic process.

At last we now have the prospect of peace and, while accepting it will not be easy, I hope that democratic politics can move towards a just and lasting solution to the very complex problem of Northern Ireland. How many mornings have we in this Chamber condemned the atrocities and killings in Northern Ireland of the previous day or days and sympathised with the families of the victims? Can we now hope that there will be no need to do this again?

This announcement of a cease-fire is, of course, too late for the many thousands of people who have been murdered but, as Senator O'Sullivan said, they are all individuals and they must not be forgotten nor must the pain, suffering and loss of their families be forgotten. We must realise that tolerance and forgiveness will not come easy to all these people and that is why we must be patient and give them time to accept what is happening. We must be patient as we ask them to look to the future and not to the past.

We have seen great courage and forgiveness in many of these people like our colleague Senator Wilson and the manner in which he dealt with the death of his daughter Marie. He has been a shining example to us and to the men of violence of true forgiveness, generosity and courage.

The violence in the North became such an accepted part of our lives that the problems seemed to be beyond political solution. We can now see new hope today and we can be grateful to so many of our political and church leaders for bringing us to this day. We still have a long and difficult road to travel before peaceful agreement will be reached, but the cease-fire does present us with a great opportunity to commence meaningful negotiations.

We must try to understand the position of the Unionists against whom the IRA have waged a campaign of war for the past 25 years. It is probably much easier for us in the South where we have not experienced that violence. It is understandable that they are slow to accept the reality of what is happening and only when the benefits of the cease-fire become obvious to them can we hope for their support for this process. When watching television and listening to people speaking of this process last night I could understand their great fears and concerns. This would urge all of us to move very cautiously and with great restraint.

I want to pay tribute to a moderate Unionist, James Molyneaux. He has shown great courage at this time and deserves our patience, support and assurances. There is a great onus on both Governments to reassure the Unionists that no concessions have been given to the IRA and that the consent of the majority of the people in Northern Ireland will be a prerequisite to any change in its constitutional status.

Nationalists and Unionists will want any agreement to provide for a structure of Government that will ensure equal rights and opportunities for all. There is a great challenge facing us now that the violence has been set aside to come to an agreement that respects the diversity of all our people. We are a very small country and much of our energy and resources in the past 25 years have been diverted to the Northern Ireland problem. All of us, and particularly, those living in Northern Ireland, can now with cautious optimism look for a better and, above all, a peaceful future.

I wish to share my time with Senator Kiely.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

All my political life I have been a member of a party whose raison d'être was the reunification of Ireland through peaceful means, but there was never any chance of this as long as violence continued. I know the Six Counties particularly well because I drive through the area twice a week and I have, perhaps, more cousins there, Catholic and Protestant, than anybody in this House. I know how far apart, even within my own family, these people are. Now, at last, with peace there is a chance of rapprochement and dialogue.

Credit for this must go to a number of people — the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, Mr. John Major, Mr. Jim Molyneaux and, particularly, to people like Mr. John Hume and Mr. Gerry Adams — especially to Mr. Gerry Adams who managed to take the Provisional IRA from a path of violence to a path of peace. Above all else, the Irish people, North and South, owe a debt of gratitude to one man whose perseverance, tenacity and courage has made this possible, and that man is the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds.

It is a long time since the Holy Father in Drogheda called on the Provisional IRA to lay down its arms but it did not listen to him then. It is listening now and, please God, it will do it. After 800 years of conflict my prayer is that Seán MacDermott, God rest his soul, will be the last man to die for Ireland.

We have a chance for a dialogue at long last with the people we need to live with — our fellow Irishmen North and South. That is primarily due — and I say it without hesitation — to the continued and sustained efforts of the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds.

I am delighted to be in the House on what I consider an historic day and I am delighted that, after 25 years of violence, the gun has been laid down. It is sad that young people who were five or six years old when the troubles started and are now 30 or 31 years old have known nothing but violence until now. I am happy there is an opportunity for peace on this island.

All those concerned have to be commended for their efforts in bringing about peace, in particular Mr. John Hume, Mr. John Major, Mr. Jim Molyneaux and our friends on Capitol Hill. The granting of a visa to Mr. Gerry Adams was, in hindsight, useful as was the removal of section 31. As has been said, the credit has to go to one person in particular for bringing about peace and for his determined efforts in that regard, and that person is the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds, who is in the House. I would like to congratulate him publicly for the work he has done to bring peace to this island.

Many others will have to continue now with peace, in particular the leaders of some political parties in the North who have promoted violence through the years. I call on these leaders to help in the process of bringing the people of this island together. The benefits to be accrued will be enormous, particularly in industry and tourism. I have been involved in the tourism business all of my life. I spent many years in the United States. I have promoted tourism and the biggest problem we have faced with tour operators is violence on this island. We were continuously told there was a war on here. Now at least our tour operators and promoters and Bord Fáilte can promote a peaceful island.

We have a great future. I thank everybody involved in the peace process to date. In particular, I commend the Government, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste for bringing us this step further.

As the Taoiseach has arrived it is appropriate that I should call him to speak immediately. I welcome the Taoiseach to the House for this historic debate. I know well your heavy schedule and we are honoured and pleased that you can be with us. I congratulate you for your perseverance in your unrelenting quest for peace. You had the courage to dream and to make that dream a reality, and we are all pleased and honoured that you are here this evening.

I have no doubt that many people took their eye off the ball, as it were, but the Taoiseach had the courage to keep going despite many apparent setbacks and he has been rewarded. I congratulate him and I have pleasure in asking him to speak on this historic occasion.

It is my pleasure to return to the Seanad, especially for such an historic debate to make my contribution and to say how much I appreciate the accommodation afforded to me by the Seanad. Today's timetable got a little offside and I am glad the House has been able to accommodate me.

Twenty five years is the span of a generation and yet the last 25 years on this island have seen all too many lives cut short and all too many hopes diminished. Lives have been lived in the shadow of actual violence or its ever present threat. That is why every Irish person, at home and abroad, rejoices at the ending of the 25 year old IRA campaign.

This is truly the first day of a new era. We all hope to see the swift follow-on of an end to paramilitary violence on all sides and consolidation of this process by a gradual and general process of demilitarisation, and the elimination of remaining areas of discrimination and disadvantage. There is a heavy onus on all, on both Governments and all constitutional parties, to contribute actively to the consolidation of peace by a generous and flexible approach.

As the Government stated yesterday, there is now an historic opportunity to take the gun out of Irish politics forever and to achieve a new and far-reaching political accommodation in Ireland in a transformed atmosphere. The aim of both Governments is an agreed Ireland where the principle of self-determination is balanced by the requirement of consent.

Today there is a clearer realisation than ever before of the futility of attempting to resolve the differences between two communities by force or of coercing one community into the mould set by another, whether in Northern Ireland or in Ireland as a whole.

At last we have a real opportunity to break free from the stagnation and demoralisation caused by the prolonged violence over the past 25 years. We are prepared to recognise in practical ways without delay the electoral mandate of Sinn Féin, on the basis that the complete cessation of IRA military violence will immediately become and remain a reality, and that the commitment to the success of the democratic peace process proves definitive. As the commitment to cease military operations is unconditional, so is acceptance into democratic political life, and we fully recognise that political and other progress will depend on confidence building measures on all sides.

The Government, since the Downing Street Declaration, has made it clear at all times that we were not interested in half measures, such as temporary or conditional cease-fires, that what we wanted was a complete cessation and an end to the IRA campaign.

Yesterday's IRA statement is quite clear and unambiguous and can have only one possible meaning, that its campaign has ended for good. This is expressed in two ways in the statement. First, it expresses in a positive way its "definitive" commitment to the success of the democratic peace process. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, "definitive" means finally fixing or settling something, conclusive. In other words, by using the word "definitive" the IRA has made a firm, final and conclusive commitment to the democratic peace process. Furthermore, it announced a complete cessation of military operations. That means there can be no going back. As Mr. John Hume quoted yesterday, the dictionary definition of "complete" is something that has finished and has ended. "Complete" and "definitive" taken together mean permanent.

As I went into Setanta House last night the girl at reception had a small dictionary. I asked her to open the dictionary and to read out the definition of "complete". As she reached it so too did the cameras of BBC and ITV. She read out the clear definition on camera. I do not know whether that was shown on television. I am glad Mr. John Hume and I were thinking the same thing last night.

I regret that there has been some temporary controversy over the absence of the word "permanent". That matter should now be regarded as settled and resolved. The British Government has made it clear that it is not insisting on the use of the word "permanent" as such. The Secretary of State, Sir Patrick Mayhew, said on BBC 1 news at 9.15 p.m. last night — and I quote: "It is very simple for the IRA to say, yes, Mr. Reynolds is very right, he understands what we mean to say. But if they say that then that would be good enough for us." This morning on Radio 4, he put the same point slightly differently. I quote from a press agency report. He said: "It would be quite enough for Mr. Adams to say that the Irish Prime Minister, Mr. Reynolds — who has said he believes the cease-fire to be permanent — understands what we intended. He has got it right and we have got it wrong." I now draw attention to the article in The Irish Times this morning by Mr. Adams in which he says: “Albert Reynolds, Dick Spring, John Hume and others have responded positively and correctly to the IRA announcement. So have President Clinton and others in the US.” That disposes of the matter in the manner requested by the Secretary of State. There should be no further difficulty or debate.

Government officials were in Stormont this morning for a meeting with senior Northern Ireland Office officials, and took the opportunity to fully clarify the position in all its aspects. I am glad to note that according to the UTV News at Six p.m. this evening, the British Government is now happier about the terms of the IRA announcement. We should all be able to move forward, both Governments and the political parties, on the basis of a common and shared understanding of the situation and of the IRA's intentions as set out in its statement yesterday.

One of the purposes of the Downing Street Declaration, in the paragraphs in my name, was to remove the fears of Unionists of coercion or of forcible political and cultural assimilation. In the declaration I asked the people of Northern Ireland to look on the Republic as friends who share their grief and shame over all the suffering of the past quarter of a century, and who want to develop the best possible relationship with them, a relationship in which trust and new understanding can flourish and grow. The atmosphere of peace presents a new and unique opportunity for Unionists and Nationalists to build up this new relationship of trust and reconciliation in a vastly improved atmosphere, assuming loyalist paramilitaries respond favourably to the current position. This opens up a range of possibilities in human and economic terms.

Last December, in this House, I described in some detail the principles which guided Mr. John Major and myself to the Downing Street Declaration. I said it was a charter for peace in Ireland and that it set out to demonstrate to every shade of opinion in Northern Ireland that their political aims and ideals can be far more effectively pursued by purely democratic methods.

In the whole exercise leading up to the Joint Declaration it was a slow and patient task trying to reconcile important principles such as the right to national self-determination with the obligation the Government had set itself and affirmed in an international agreement to seek consent. There had to be movement away from simple majoritarianism as a political solution to the problem either in the island as a whole or within Northern Ireland. We also had to convince Republicans that violence served to distract from the problems at issue rather than resolve them and that there was an effective role for their position in constructive politics. The whole outreach exercise was fraught with risk, risk for me personally and risk for the Government. Yet without the effort of understanding and without constructive engagement, the stand-off and the violence might have continued almost indefinitely.

The continuing development of the peace process and, ultimately of a negotiated political settlement will be rooted in the balanced set of precepts and guarantees set out in the Joint Declaration. The Joint Declaration came about as the initiative of the Irish Government and set out on the one hand to address Nationalist grievances. Mr. John Hume was of inestimable value at this stage in conveying the real concerns of Nationalists and how they thought those concerns must be addressed in the context of the achievement of a normal society in Northern Ireland. In balance with this was a concern to address the fears of Unionists and loyalists that their identity, beliefs and values were not under threat. The Declaration aims to eliminate the siege mentality from both communities and with it any possible purported justification for recourse to arms.

The British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major, deserves our deep and lasting gratitude for his courage in agreeing to proceed with the initiative of the Declaration. Over the next few days and weeks as the substance of peace becomes fact, I firmly believe that the reality of an end to the IRA campaign will be equally clear on both sides of the Irish Sea. Peace represents a major political achievement for all involved — it is a victory without victims. There are no losers from this process, only winners.

In reaching agreement on the Joint Declaration, we also continued our parallel search for political progress. The peace process and the talks process have been complementary, and all Northern political parties, including Sinn Féin, have a part to play in shaping the final outcome of the talks. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, and his team of officials are owed heartfelt thanks for their work on both processes.

In securing peace it was important to eliminate distractions and show good faith. The perception or excuse of censorship was to some extent a distraction as well as meriting reform on the basis of freedom of expression. Accordingly, section 31 of the Broadcasting Act was lifted in January to focus attention on the context of the Declaration rather than extraneous issues. Similarly, we agreed with the decision of President Clinton to grant a short term visa to Gerry Adams last winter to allow him to meet directly in the US with influential Irish-American opinion which has been a crucial influence in advancing the peace process. I thank President Clinton for his constant support for the Irish peace process and the Joint Declaration, and likewise all our friends in America.

I take this opportunity to express the Government's deep appreciation of the continuing efforts of the US Ambassador to Ireland, Mrs. Jean Kennedy-Smith, who over the past few days has made a real effort, working long hours, to ensure yesterday's announcement was possible.

Throughout, the approach of the Government has been one of constructive engagement rather than sterile confrontation. The initial reaction of Northern Republicans to the Declaration was one of disappointment. However, the Government was not prepared simply to set out the Declaration on a take it or leave it basis. While the Declaration was not and is not renegotiable, we accepted that there could be a valid distinction between clarification and negotiation. We dealt with every difficult point or objection raised to the best of our ability. We responded to loyalist requests for clarification with the same thoroughness, honesty and detail. There were, needless to say, no backdoor political pacts or agreements, just as today there are no secret deals or hidden agendas.

The process of securing peace was at all times a delicate and difficult procedure. At times almost alone, apart from my Government colleagues, I kept faith in the possibility of peace. I knew if I wavered publicly that would universally be regarded as the end of the peace process. During this time their were suggestions of appeasement and naivety. Much has been made in other contexts of my ignoring advice. If I had taken much of the advice offered by pundits and some in Opposition parties, the delicate flower of peace would have withered on the vine.

I am particularly grateful for the steady support and understanding throughout of our partners in Government, and especially the Tánaiste, for an initiative that had begun before they joined the Government, as well as for the active part he and his officials played in developing it further. Both of us have at all times been determined to be satisfied with nothing less than a permanent peace. I was also grateful for the support given to the Declaration by all parties and by independent Members of the Oireachtas.

Because I was clear in my mind about the many benefits of peace, it became necessary to be clear about the steps necessary to achieve it and not to be deflected by short term considerations or point scoring. In the critical period ahead, where it is essential to consolidate peace quickly and to make it irreversible, I intend to apply the same activist and resolute approach. All of us, if we want peace, must be prepared to welcome into the democratic process those who are no longer associated with a campaign of violence. There is a new beginning. To that end, I propose shortly to initiate bilateral discussions with all interested parties on the establishment of the forum which I envisage will meet before the end of October.

Meanwhile, we will continue to work to bring to a conclusion the framework document on talks under discussion with the British Government. There will then be an opportunity for negotiations to take place involving all the parties in Northern Ireland in an open and constructive way. As someone who has had a lot of social and business contacts with the Unionist community, I believe I will have done the Unionist people some service if I have succeeded in helping to bring to an end the IRA campaign of violence which they see as primarily directed against them.

I would also like to pay tribute to the generally steadfast position adopted by the Unionist leader, Mr. Molyneaux, and his colleagues in resolutely dampening down attempts to arouse hysteria in the Unionist community both in December and now. The next task facing us is true reconciliation between the Unionists and Nationalists and the development of a pragmatic partnership based on mutual support and need. I repeat, we have no interest in pressurising or cajoling Unionists unwillingly into a united Ireland. Any such arrangement will eventually come about on the basis of broad agreement or not at all.

Nationalists are entitled to look for equality and parity of esteem in Northern Ireland and for recognition of their Irish identity. For continuing progress it is essential that Unionist leaders, too, are forward looking, prepared to educate their community on the need for compromise, just as John Hume and I have spent much time trying to persuade northern republicans to engage exclusively in the democratic process.

As President Clinton said yesterday, we are at the beginning of a new era which holds the promise of peace for all the people of Northern Ireland. I know that President Clinton, who has played a very important role in his support for peace, is envisaging economic assistance for reconstruction and investment in Northern Ireland and on both sides of the Border. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, flew to America this afternoon to meet President Clinton and to move this package along. The President is anxious to be seen to underpin the decision taken yesterday and to help Irish people to consolidate the peace process. President Jacques Delors of the European Union is also ready and willing to help on behalf of the Community. The peace dividend is in economic as well as human terms and the human dynamism unleashed will be complemented by economic dynamism.

Let us all make the most of a new opportunity, the opportunity of a lifetime. We owe it to the memory of the 3,000 dead — one of whom was Marie, the daughter of Senator Gordon Wilson — to make this new era work. I am very glad for his sake that the IRA campaign has come to an end and would like to thank him for his tremendous efforts for peace and indeed all those who have worked hard for peace over the past 25 years. I pledge my continuing commitment to a lasting, just peace and to the achievement of a comprehensive negotiated political settlement which will nurture and sustain peace and progress.

When I addressed the Seanad last December, I quoted Shakespeare in support of my concept of peace. I think he bears quoting again.

A peace is of the nature of a conquest;

For then both parties nobly are subdued,

And neither party loser.

This debate is scheduled to conclude at 8 p.m. and seven Members wish to speak. Can we have an extension of time?

I am sure the House will agree to that.

What concessions will we get for agreeing to this?

Peace in this House. I suggest one minute per speaker.

That is ridiculous. One cannot say anything in one minute.

We started the debate five minutes late. We should continue until about 8.15 p.m.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

However, we must curtail speeches to three minutes.

I join in paying tribute to the Taoiseach for his commitment and efforts in achieving this cease-fire. I am particularly encouraged by his statement that the fears expressed by the British Prime Minister and by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland regarding the permanency of the cease-fire have been laid to rest. Other people deserve tributes — the Tánaiste, Mr. John Hume and Mr. John Major. We must also recognise that Mr. Gerry Adams must have made a tremendous effort to persuade his people to agree to a cease-fire.

It is important now that confidence is built. We recognise the need to reassure the Unionist community who have, rightly or wrongly, deeply held fears. I am inspired by the comments made on television last night by members of the Unionist community, such as Mr. James Molyneaux, Mr. John Taylor and Mr. Smith, Lord Mayor of Belfast, who spoke from the Shankill. It is important that their attitude receives encouragement and support. We do not want a repeat of what happened to Sunningdale 20 years ago when people of courage, such as Faulkner, Fitt, Cosgrave and Health, attempted a reconciliation between the communities in Northern Ireland. They failed because of a lack of support. I hope support will be forthcoming now.

It takes time to heal wounds and there are wounds to be healed after the deaths of more than 3,000 people and the many thousands who were injured. I join in the tribute paid to Senator Gordon Wilson for his courage and forgiveness. I hope it will be an example to the people who have been bereaved during the troubles. However, some of us are old enough to remember how long it took to heal the wounds after the unfortunate events in the early 1920s. Let us, therefore, show understanding and support in bringing about the healing process that will be required.

The cease-fire is a remarkable achievement. I am satisfied that it is permanent. However, considerable support and understanding are required. I will conclude by repeating the words of John Hume — everybody should recognise that peace threatens nobody.

I had the opportunity in the aftermath of the last general election to accompany the Tánaiste and Leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Spring, to the first meeting he had with the Leader of Fíanna Fáil, Deputy Albert Reynolds. Immediately after that meeting I questioned my party leader and he said two things: "I believe I can work with Albert Reynolds", and "He is serious about the North. He not alone believes he can do something positive, he has started the process." From that day on, with the Taoiseach and Tánaiste working together, it did not make sense to the Labour Party Deputy Spring should be Minister for Foreign Affairs. We wanted him at home to look after us. But that combination had to be and I salute Deputy Spring for the work he has done — the Anglo-Irish Agreement in another Administration and the work he has done in this Government.

Today is the Taoiseach's day. He has done this State a signal service. Any of us who has seen the aftermath of the bombs and bullets, the pain and screams, the beatings and torture, knows that anybody who could bring that process to an end deserves the esteem and praise that has been heaped on him by people of all parties.

I commend most highly the statesmanlike speech of Deputy John Bruton in the Lower House yesterday when, in the crucible of the beef tribunal debate, he said he believed the Taoiseach when he said the conflict was over and that there had been no deals. That is statesmanship and I acknowledge it. Deputy Bruton was followed by the Progressive Democrats and Democratic Left who spoke in the same spirit which will win the peace for us.

The Taoiseach has undoubtedly stopped the war and I believe future generations will pay tribute to the fact that he did not lose his nerve. Let us call a spade a spade. After Letterkenny, if the Taoiseach looked over his shoulder I would have said there were many empty spaces because the chances were that this cease-fire would not happen. It is those who keep their nerve who count. I acknowledge all the tributes being paid to John Hume and others, but at the end of the day if the two sovereign Governments did not have a special relationship it would not have worked. I am 53 years of age and every Taoiseach and every British Prime Minister seems to have had a special relationship that came to absolutely nothing. This one happened to be real.

The speeches today have demonstrated how generous everyone can be and ought to be on this occasion. We salute the Taoiseach and his Government colleagues for their courage in holding the line. This is a day to remember.

I have never spoken in this House before in a debate on Northern Ireland. This was not due to any disinterest on my part but because of a reluctance to comment on a situation for which I felt I had no solution. Even to sympathise with families who had lost loved ones seemed like empty rhetoric. As has already been said in this House, sometimes our words, far from healing, can cause untold damage. Today it is more important than ever that the words that are spoken do not put this fragile peace at risk. On that basis I simply wish to add my thanks to the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds, the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, Mr. John Major, Sir Patrick Mayhew and Mr. John Hume for succeeding in a task which, for the past 25 years, had seemed impossible. As Senator Gordon Wilson said so eloquently, thanks be to God.

I congratulate the Taoiseach on his great achievement for the nation, north, south, east and west. The sun is shining today and it is the first day of peace in 25 years or more. There is hope for our young people North and South, who are unemployed because this peace will bring prosperity. I agree with previous speakers that we must all be very careful what we say. The media also should be careful in what they say in the days and months ahead because both the Taoiseach and the British Government are in a very fragile negotiating position. We should not do or say anything that could jeopardise that because we might regret it.

I congratulate the Taoiseach on the humble and dedicated approach he has made since taking office to stop the terrible tragedy in the North of Ireland. Without any fanfare he got on with the job even though, as recently as a month ago, people were saying that the opportunity for peace had gone. I also congratulate the Tánaiste, other Ministers and Mr. John Hume for their dedication. We also owe a debt to Mr. John Major and the President of the United States, Mr. Clinton.

It is the young people, particularly those in the North who have never seen peace, who will benefit, but we should be very careful of what we say. I heard interviews on the radio this morning which I thought were a bit loose, to say the least. Interviewers were trying to make people say things that should not be said at this dangerous hour. That is irresponsible. The same thing happened on television last night. You would swear everything was going to happen overnight, that one only had to press a button and everything would come together, but it is a long hard road. I wish the Taoiseach and his Government every success in the months ahead.

I would not like this historic occasion to pass without saying a few words of congratulation to the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds. Speaking as a Longford man, as you all know, nobody had heard of Longford a few years ago. I was in Longford last weekend and I want to say, on behalf of the people of north Longford including Ballinamuck and Drumlish, how proud we are of the Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds and what he has done. I agree with those who said the Taoiseach persisted in his efforts even though many people advised otherwise. He had the courage to say all along that everything would come right and it did. Nobody realises what his family has gone through. His wife and children have had to put up with a lot of pressure. It is a 24 hours a day job with the phone ringing all the time. Mrs. Reynolds says that the Taoiseach does not need sleep and I am beginning to believe she is right. His is an incredible achievement which is recognised here and around the world. He will go down in history with people like Nelson Mandela, F.W. de Klerk, and President John F. Kennedy, for having achieved more than anybody could have hoped. All credit is due to him.

This is a proud moment for all of us. It is a humbling and emotional time for the Taoiseach and for our friend and colleague, Senator Wilson, with whom we feel great empathy on this historic day. Of course I welcome this peace initiative, not to do so would be churlish. However, just welcoming it seems inadequate. As Christians, we have all learned the phrase "blessed are the peacemakers". I have often wondered what a peacemaker looked like up close, and I have thought about many of the people to whom Senator Bohan referred. To Senator Bohan's list I would add President Gorbachev. Many lives were saved with the ending of communism. I look at the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds, and say "blessed are the peacemakers".

This is also a moment for reflection. Senator Wilson would perhaps be familiar with the quotation on First World War memorials in which so many innocent lives were lost: "We shall remember them when the sun goes down."

We must look to the future. Both the Taoiseach and Mr. Hume have made the point repeatedly that the past is past. I am sure the Taoiseach would endorse the view that we must now win the peace. I hope the Government will move quickly to cement a nationalist political consensus. I am sure from what he has said that that will be done.

He will make the necessary moves to establish the forum for peace and reconciliation. As a guarantee of the Nationalist people's rights in Northern Ireland, it is vital that this consensus reflects the genuine fears of the Nationalist people, particularly following the irresponsible statements being made about civil war, among other things, by people who should know better. At the same time, it needs to be repeated, and the Taoiseach has said it, that there is no threat to the Unionists. At the outset of this process the Taoiseach said "Who is afraid of peace?" I ask people on both sides of the Irish Sea, and especially our Unionist friends and neighbours, who is afraid of peace? God bless the Taoiseach. I wish him continued success.

I wish to be associated with this historic day. As one who has represented the midlands and has come from the same constituency as our Taoiseach and as one who has known him down the years, I congratulate all who contributed to this historic day. I congratulate those in the Irish Government, in England, in the United States of America and the leaders in the North of Ireland who have been so courageous in working towards this day. We, in Fíanna Fáil, and in Longford-Westmeath are extremely proud that Deputy Reynolds, our T.D., is the leader of our country. As Senator Bohan said, history will judge him kindly in the years to come.

I know the Taoiseach as a man of great courage, understanding and, above all, great confidence. Many Senators have said this evening that his dedication, confidence and great patience played a big part in achieving this peace. We are very fortunate to have a man of his ability leading the Government, together with our Tánaiste, Deputy Spring. I congratulate the Taoiseach on his Government and on the way he has handled the negotiations. We are very proud of him.

It often happens that an individual is given a brief chance to build a bridge between a troubled past and a great future. It has happened many times in our own country but many individuals who were given that chance were not able to build that bridge. It takes an extraordinary and unique combination of personality and determination, such as the Taoiseach has, to build that bridge between a troubled past and a great future. It also takes a unique personal capacity for winning the trust of people who have not reposed their trust in many of us who have had responsibilities of Government over the years. All the members and leaders of Governments down the years would have named this great achievement as the most important contribution they could make to the wellbeing of all Irish people but for one reason or another, it did not fall to their lot. It fell to the current Taoiseach. It is an extraordinary achievement that he has been able to work on the trust which he established with the pan-Nationalist community, together with his Tánaiste and Government. I have no doubt, from the preliminary comments from the Unionist side, that this same trust will be forthcoming in those who are working towards a common cause in the search for the most precious gift of all, peace.

Our role — and if we have a role it will be a small one — can be one we have tried to practice since the Taoiseach introduced this most distinguished Christian, Senator Wilson, into our midst. Our role is to be one of tolerance, understanding and reassurance to our fellow Unionists, fellow Irishmen. Our contribution will be to let them know that whatever fears and apprehensions they may have, we respect them, believe in them and hope to share with them the future for which the Taoiseach has done so much to lay a firm foundation. Go neirí go geall leat, a Thaoisigh, tá toradh do shaothair tuillte agat. Míle buíochas.

It is a pleasure to stand here tonight to congratulate, compliment and to thank on behalf of all of us the Taoiseach who has shown a great deal of courage. During the Seanad campaign I met a Sinn Féin councillor and when I encouraged him to be courageous, he said that courage would have to come from our side too.

Heroes come in all shapes and sizes. Some people reach heroic stature because of acts of physical endeavour or because they put their physical self at risk. The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, Mr. Hume and Mr. Adams, in their own way put a great deal at risk. We are privileged to stand in this House tonight to compliment the leader of this nation because he has taken us to the threshold of peace, a peace we have all waited, longed for and hungered for for 25 years. I add my personal sincere and heartfelt congratulation to the Taoiseach.

Thank you, a Chathaoirligh. It falls on me to thank the Taoiseach for coming here tonight to the Seanad. I know it was his intention to be here to listen to all the contributions. He has the confidence of all those involved in the peace process. All who contributed tonight spoke in total support of his efforts to bring peace to this island. I assure the Taoiseach that the goodwill and good wishes of the Seanad are with him in his efforts to bring lasting peace to Ireland.

Thank you very much.

A Thaoisigh, I thank you very sincerely for coming and for staying for the end of the debate. It was truly a historic debate and despite a very heavy schedule we are proud and impressed that you should be with us. I repeat what I said earlier, which echoes the sentiments expressed by most of the Seanad here this evening. You had indeed the courage to dream, and to make that dream a reality. I thank you very sincerely.

Statements concluded.

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