Each speaker has five minutes. I call on Senator Mooney.
Situation in Bosnia: Statements.
I thank the Leader of the House for allowing Members, at short notice, the opportunity to participate in this debate. I want to add to the voice of my colleagues in expressing outrage at the military take-over of Srebrenica by the illegal Bosnian Serb Army. I also condemn the horror of ethnic cleansing perpetrated on innocent civilians of that city. The separation of young boys and men from their wives and children and the subsequent bussing of women and children out of the city is reminiscent of the selections by the Nazis on the Jews during World War II and the transports which ultimately led six million innocents to their death.
As a student of World War II history, I wondered why the previous generations stood by and watched this slaughter of the innocents. I could never understand why the allies never bombed the concentration camps once they had clear evidence of what went on there by 1943. The only answer I could come up with was that the interests of the great powers lay in pursuing a narrow military solution so that the war would end, and end quickly.
I must confess that I am ashamed to be part of the present generation which not only stands idly by, but does not have the moral fibre to co-ordinate a military response which is the only language understood by the war criminals who call themselves the Bosnian Serb Army and their political masters in Pale.
Earlier today my colleagues rightly criticised the French Government for its decision to resume nuclear testing in the Pacific but ironically, the French are the only voice in Europe calling for a coordinated military response, and they are prepared to back it up. Theirs seems a lone voice, with the rest of the European Union taking a position similar to that of Neville Chamberlain, the prewar British Prime Minister, who said of the rape of Czechoslovakia in 1938 that it was "a far off country about which we know little".
I unreservedly condemn the feeble response of our European partners, especially those who are prepared to allow their soldiers wearing the blue helmets of the UN to be shot at and humiliated by a rag-bag army of former communist reactionaries.
If the UN is to take a more pro-active role in settling disputes between nations in the new world order ushered in by the end of the Cold War it must be given a specific mandate. While I respect the UN General Secretary, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the time for diplomacy is past. The women and children, the old men and the fighting soldiers of Bosnia deserve better from their European neighbours. It is incomprehensible that in 1995 Europe should have to tolerate such sickening scenes of brutality and discrimination. To paraphrase the late John Healy, it is time somebody shouted "stop".
Ireland is a peace loving nation which has endured much. I am a pacifist by nature and inclination. I urge our small, neutral country to take a more active role and call for an emergency meeting of European Foreign Ministers to develop a joint response to the events of recent days in Bosnia. One may ask what we can do as a neutral nation in Europe at the behest of the major military powers. What can we do to minimise the horrors of the last few days and the continuing horror in Bosnia-Herzegovina?
An article in the Irish Independent of 2 May 1995, by Ms Anne Cahill who had recently returned from Mostar, described how “Western prejudice and procrastination contributes to the possibility of renewed all-out conflict, following the failure of the ... truce”. A point is made in the article, which might be taken up by the Minister of State and the Tánaiste, that it is alleged that: “EU millions are lying unspent as committees [of the EU] disagree on where the institutions should be built and on who should be treated in new hospitals.” According to Ms Cahill:
The EU is treating both sides like bold children saying if they cannot agree, then neither side can benefit. Of course it only takes one side to disagree — and both sides suffer ...Dr. Nedzad Imanovic, a dental surgeon in the city of Mostar, on a visit to Ireland last week said the EU has the resources but refuses to spend money, while non-governmental organisations come with great plans and ideas, but no money to implement them.... The Bosnian Muslims must pay a deposit on any goods being brought through Croat held areas while the Muslims in many instances are buying their arms from the Serbs — on whom they then turn them.
Ms Cahill informs us that Mr. Robert Fisk warned at a meeting in Cork in April that: "... the UN's abandonment of peace making in favour of containment in Bosnia and the attitude towards the Muslim Bosnians has forced fundamentalism on these people who were never before fundamental." She goes on to state:
Bosnia had a seat at the UN where it was recognised as a sovereign state, but now there is a sense of international collusion in its deliberate demise — in carving it up and giving sections of it to the dominant or more powerful nationals of that region that are allied with one of two neighbouring states — Croatia and Serbia.
The unwillingness of the Muslim Bosnian Government to enter into a new truce is an indication of that group's new found self-confidence and the belief that they are fighting for survival.
That might be transposed to this country considering our history of colonial oppression and injustice, when we cried out to the rest of the world to end the injustice perpetrated on a small nation struggling for its independence, identity and sovereignty. The people of Bosnia Herzegovina are crying out to the world community to respond to the injustice and inhumanity being shown to them. It is past time to stop standing idly by and take a more active role.
I am glad to have the opportunity to participate in these statements. The Government is very concerned about the developments in Bosnia.
The safe areas regime in Bosnia was established as a temporary measure by the United Nations Security Council in 1993. With some 40 people dying daily in Srebrenica from military actions and starvation, the council's Resolution 819 of 16 April 1993, demanded that Srebrenica be treated as a safe area. An agreement between the Bosnian Government and the Bosnian Serb military commanders on the demilitarisation of the safe area was signed on 17 April 1993. Subsequently, by Resolution 824, the Security Council declared that Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zepa, Gorazde and Bihac should also be treated as safe areas by all the parties concerned.
The Security Council resolutions demanded that all parties should ensure that the designated towns be free from any armed attack; that Bosnian Serb military units be withdrawn from these areas: and that all parties should allow UNPROFOR and the international aid agencies unimpeded access to the safe areas. In Resolution 836, the Security Council further expanded UNPROFOR's mandate to enable it to deter attacks against safe areas.
However, UNPROFOR's ability to discharge its mandate has been circumscribed by the limited resources with which it operates. To deter aggression through strength at the safe areas would have required a very much larger force than the 7,600 additional troops authorised by the Security Council in 1993. UNPROFOR has always been severely constrained by the military activities not only of the Bosnian Serbs but also the Bosnian Government. The Secretary General has underlined that unprovoked attacks launched from within the safe areas are inconsistent with the basic concept which underlies that regime.
However, while there have been consistent violations of the safe area regime since its inception in 1993 the events in Srebrenica are the first occasion in which the Bosnian Serbs have completely and forcibly occupied a safe area. Following days of increased tension in and around the Srebrenica enclave, the situation deteriorated on 7 July when the Bosnian Serb Army, the BSA, shelled the town itself and Potocari in the north. On 8 July further shelling preceded a ground assault on the safe area by the BSA forces.
Approximately 40,000 refugees evacuated Srebrenica in face of the BSA advance and gathered in Potocari where food and fuel supplies were reported to be sufficient for only 36 hours. There were reported to be some 80 to 100 wounded among the refugees. Bus loads of refugees have begun to arrive in Tuzla and other towns. There are reports that the BSA has detained young male refugees and that a number of female refugees may have been raped by Bosnian Serb soldiers.
The forcible occupation of the safe area of Srebrenica by the Bosnian Serbs and the subsequent events there represent flagrant violations of United Nations Security Council resolutions and constitute a substantial deterioration in the situation in Bosnia.
Ireland joins its EU partners and the rest of the international community in utterly condemning without reservation the actions of the Bosnian Serbs. The Government fully supports the declaration by the EU of 12 July and the Security Council's Resolution 1004. The Bosnian Serbs must withdraw from the safe area; the parties must fully respect the status of the safe area and the safety of UNPROFOR and ensure its freedom of movement; the Bosnian Serbs must release immediately and unconditionally all detained UNPROFOR personnel and allow unimpeded access for the humanitarian aid agencies to the safe area. The Secretary General must use all resources available to him to restore the status of the safe area.
Our immediate priority must be to get food, water and medical supplies to the displaced population and to ensure the security of the Dutch peacekeepers. Ireland is in close contact with UNHCR and the ICRC with regard to the humanitarian situation and is ready to respond positively at short notice to any requests for additional resources to deal with the tragic situation of the civilian population.
Beyond the immediate humanitarian requirements that might be identified by the UN or the Red Cross, the overall objective of the international community must be the restoration of Srebrenica as a safe area, on the basis of Security Council Resolution 1004 and a genuine implementation by both sides of the demilitarisation agreement of April 1993. EU Ministers will be urgently examining all aspects of this issue at the General Affairs Council meeting on 17 July.
The appalling events which we have witnessed in Srebrenica underline in the starkest possible terms the imperative need for a comprehensive political settlement for the range of problems in former Yugoslavia based on two key objectives — the mutual recognition of the states in the region within their internationally recognised borders and full protection for the rights of minorities. At this critical juncture the comprehensive statement adopted by the Cannes European Council of the principles and objectives that will guide the Union's policy in relation to the conflict in former Yugoslavia is both timely and important. The mandate given to the new EU co-chairman of the international conference, Carl Bildt, is both clear and decisive.
It is vital that we continue to make clear to the Bosnian Government and the Bosnian Serbs that military operations must cease and that negotiations must begin on the basis of the contact group's plan. Pressure must be intensified on the Bosnian Serbs to accept this plan and the international community must continue to isolate the Bosnian Serbs politically, diplomatically and militarily until they do so.
We must bring home to both parties that the prospects for political solutions will not be advanced by further fighting, in which the civilian population of the region will continue to be the principal victim. Continued military activities run the risk of precipitating a withdrawal of UNPROFOR with disastrous consequences for the civilian population as a whole. I welcome the decision of the UN Security Council to equip UNPROFOR with a rapid reaction capacity which will provide UNPROFOR with an increased number of options for security and freedom of movement. However, ultimately UNPROFOR can only fulfil its peacekeeping and humanitarian mandate with the consent and cooperation of all the parties. The attacks on UNPROFOR personnel, which are of the gravest concern to the troop contributing countries, must be brought to an end if the continuing presence of the peacekeeping force is to be assured.
Ultimately peace and full respect for the rights of minorities, including the fundamental rights of all refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes in safety, will only be brought to the region when the parties themselves demonstrate clearly that this is their objective through serious and constructive negotiations on a permanent political solution.
I assure the House that this matter is of the gravest concern to the Irish Government as it is to the Irish people. The Tánaiste has been keeping in touch with the situation and he will raise it at the General Affairs Council of EU Foreign Ministers on Monday. We will do everything in our power to bring about a satisfactory solution.
I thank the Leader of the House for providing time to make statements on this very important issue. It has given the Minister of State the opportunity to make the Government's position clear on a matter on which there is total unanimity, not just in this House but among the Irish people.
As we speak in the calm of this beautiful Chamber our fellow human beings, mainly Muslims, are being massacred, ravaged and raped on the continent we share. As Minister for Foreign Affairs I paid an official visit to Yugoslavia, as it was then, and met people who are now Croats, Serbs and Muslims. It is tragic to think that this massacre and inhuman, savage suffering is being meted out to innocent people on the historic continent of Europe. I welcome the fact that the Minister has taken this opportunity to express in the strongest and clearest terms the Government's rejection and condemnation of the savagery being perpetrated on innocent women, young men and children by the Bosnian Serb army. The word "army" is too kind a term to apply to individuals who conduct such barbarity.
The attitude of the United Nations is, to say the least, inconsistent. It is fine to say that we cannot undertake direct military intervention. We all recognise the limitations that apply to the United Nations. However, if the reality is that the UN can operate only by consensus of the member states and of the warring parties, we must point out the inconsistency that the United Nations has also imposed an arms embargo on Bosnia. It is one thing to say that the UN cannot intervene directly; it is another to prevent people defending themselves against the most savage barbarity. I protest that the United Nations, either through inactivity or inconsistency, is unwittingly depriving people of the right to defend themselves against such barbarous attacks.
We have heard of United Nations safe havens and United Nations rapid reaction forces. If ever the English language has been stretched to the limits of credibility it has been by United Nations resolutions. What is or has been safe about Srebrenica even before the Serbs moved in and cleared out the population? Let us avoid the use of the term "ethnic cleansing". It is a euphemism for the most horrendous savagery — murder, barbarity, rape and plunder. We should use the proper words rather than shelter behind terms such as "ethnic cleansing". Srebrenica was never a safe haven.
The time for our debate is limited.
As nobody else is offering and the debate is not ordered to conclude until 2 p.m., I am sure the House will agree to allow Senator O'Kennedy more time.
Acting Chairman
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I appreciate the Leader's response. Sarajevo was never a safe haven. How can we call places safe havens when people going out for basic necessities, such as water, can be struck down savagely in front of their own people? Why do we use terms such as "safe havens" to describe Srebrenica and Tuzla? Let us recognise that nowhere has been safe. If the international community is ineffective in protecting and defending these innocent people, at least let us not prevent them from protecting and defending themselves. That is all they ask at this point.
We have failed utterly in our duty to try to bring about this degree of calm. The reaction of our EU colleagues has been less than urgent. I am aware of the difficulties and procedures which arise when one wants to arrange a meeting of Foreign Ministers. However, informal meetings of Foreign Ministers have occasionally been arranged for less urgent issues at shorter notice. This issue cries out to high heaven for immediate and urgent action.
I welcome the Minister's statement of total and unqualified condemnation of the actions of the Bosnian Serbs against these innocent people. I hope what is perhaps a puny attempt on our part to bring this matter to public attention and the Government's efforts to motivate our colleagues in the European Union and United Nations to take more effective action will have some effect. Otherwise, what we are witnessing now may spread far beyond Bosnia. We will then be talking about an ethnic revolt way beyond the boundaries of Bosnia and the former Yugoslavia because Islam will not sit back and watch what is happening for ever.
I welcome the Minister to the House. I join other Senators in expressing my concern at the plight of the innocent people in Bosnia. We have all been shocked by the ongoing suffering of ordinary civilians in the so called safe havens. In the past, when we saw the atrocities which were committed in the concentration camps, we all pleaded innocence and said we did not know what was going on. However, we are all shocked by the daily television pictures of the plight of ordinary individuals and the atrocities which are being committed against them in Bosnia. We seem to be standing by, letting it happen and doing nothing about it.
As a member of the EU and the United Nations, Ireland has a huge responsibility for the fate of these people. We cannot ignore this fact. The Tánaiste emphasised his commitment to the role of the United Nations in Bosnia in the delivery of aid, the enforcement of the no fly zone and the protection of safe areas. These are measures for the United Nations to guarantee the security of the civilian population.
This is not happening and countless atrocities are being carried out daily in the so called safe havens, which themselves have legitimated ethnic cleansing. The United Nations mandate is not being implemented and it does not seem to be considered a matter of urgency by any of the EU member states, with the exception of France as mentioned earlier, or UN members. Nobody seems to have the guts to stand up and say we must deal with this urgently. It greatly concerns me that the entire issue is being allowed to drift.
The House will go into recess next Wednesday and we will not have another opportunity to raise this matter. I thank the Leader for facilitating the debate today. We must insist that the UN immediately enforces its resolutions in Bosnia and that the ordinary civilians in the safe havens are protected. Otherwise, we are being shameful in the neglect of our obligations and duties. In years to come people will look back and ask how we could stand idly by and effectively do nothing.
I thank the House for its timely debate on this important issue. The Government shares the concerns expressed by the Senators. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs is keeping in touch with the developing situation and he will formally raise the matter with his EU colleagues on Monday next when they meet at the General Affairs Council in Brussels. This issue will be the main topic on the agenda for discussion at the meeting.
Carl Bildt has been in contact with all the parties involved and he will report to the General Affairs Council. I assure the House that the concerns and anxieties expressed by Senators will be brought to the attention of the Tánaiste. He will express Ireland's concerns in a straightforward manner to his colleagues on Monday. The concerns of the House are well placed and will be taken into consideration.
I thank the Members who contributed to the debate. In particular, I thank the Minister who agreed at short notice to come to the House and inform the Members of the Government's position on this matter. The House is grateful.
I also thank the Minister. There is consensus in the Upper House on this matter and I hope the Minister will be in a position to convey this fact. The Seanad is the only House in session at this time and I hope this will enable the Tánaiste to indicate the feelings of the Irish people when he meets the other Ministers on Monday at the informal meeting.
I also thank the Minister. We appreciate that he agreed to come to the House at short notice and I again stress the urgency we all feel about this matter.
Sitting suspended at 1.55 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.