In accordance with arrangements agreed on the Order of Business, Committee Stage of the Finance Bill, 1997, will adjourned until 2.30 p.m. We will now have statements on the situation in central Africa for 30 minutes. By agreement, the Minister will speak for ten minutes and other speakers will have five minutes. Item 3 will be taken at 4 p.m.
Great Lakes Region: Statements.
Acting Chairman
The debate will conclude at 1.35 p.m.
I welcome this opportunity to address the House on the current situation in the Great Lakes region of central Africa and, in particular, the recent debate regarding the engagement of Irish aid in Rwanda. I categorically state that no Irish aid money is or ever has been used to fund the purchase of arms or used for any military purposes in Rwanda or elsewhere. Suggestions to the contrary are completely without foundation. Aid to Rwanda is governed by the same fundamental principles which apply to Irish aid elsewhere in the world, that is, it is used to address the relief, rehabilitation and development needs of the poorest and most vulnerable members of society and to help bring about a peaceful and just society.
The Government has given £12.5 million to support emergency relief and rehabilitation in the Great Lakes region since 1994. This is the largest commitment ever made by any Government in response to an emergency in a region. This level of commitment is mirrored by our EU partners and by the international community as a whole. Just over £2 million of these funds have been dispersed through the Government of Rwanda. Impressions that this £2 million has been handed over unconditionally are ridiculous.
Irish aid funding dispersed through the Government of Rwanda has gone to specific projects in the areas of primary health care, the construction of houses both for genocide survivors and for returning refugees, support for women's groups and, in particular, support for the justice system through the training of magistrates, the provision of food and medical supplies in the prisons and the re-equipping of courthouses. The projects are in common with all Irish aid projects carefully planned in advance, systematically monitored during implementation and consistently evaluated.
Officials in the development co-operation division of my Department have visited Rwanda on numerous occasions in the past three years. I have been to Rwanda on four occasions, twice accompanying President Robinson, and have seen the enormous difference Irish aid money has made to the lives of people there.
I am in daily touch with Irish agencies working in Rwanda and have the benefit of their advice about circumstances there. I have been privileged to work closely with the Irish aid agencies which are fully engaged in efforts to rebuild Rwandan society. Agencies such as Concern, Trócaire and Christian Aid have been consistently and constructively engaged in Rwanda since the appalling genocide in 1994. My officials and myself are in constant contact with these agencies on a daily basis.
I pay tribute to the invaluable contribution of the staff of the agencies concerned. Their work is often done under very difficult circumstances. This debate should support and not undermine their excellent work. I value highly the support which agencies such as Concern and Trócaire have expressed for Irish aid policy of committed and constructive engagement in Rwanda. I am sure Senators heard Dominic McSorley saying yesterday on the telephone from the forests in Kisangani that it would be a tragedy if Ireland were to discontinue its engagement in the region, for the sake of the refugees and those who have suffered genocide.
Aid is an essential element in the rebuilding of shattered societies and economies. Rwanda is a traumatised society which has experienced genocide on a scale seldom witnessed. It is irresponsible to suggest Irish aid should be abruptly withdrawn from rebuilding Rwandan society and from genuine capacity building with Rwandan people. That is not to say Rwanda is a trouble-free country or that it is perfect. It is a deeply traumatised society suffering a scale of disaster similar to the Famine in Ireland, the Nazis in Germany and the Pol Pot regime.
The situation in eastern Zaire remains of grave concern. Since the voluntary and dignified return to Rwanda of 1.2 million refugees from Zaire and Tanzania in November and December 1996, attention has focused on the plight of the refugees and internally displaced people remaining in the Kivu region of eastern Zaire. These refugees, the majority of whom are now in the region around Kisangani in central Zaire, have been almost constantly on the move since last December. The influence of the militias, the Interhamwe and the ex-FAR, which perpetrated the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, continues to be a negative factor in the equation. This was recently acknowledged by Mrs. Ogata in her presentation to the UN Security Council. It has become abundantly clear in recent weeks that the humanitarian situation of these refugees is extremely serious and that many of them have been wounded in attacks or fighting.
Due to the rapidly changing scene aid agencies have been unable to provide a continuous supply of emergency food and medical relief to these refugees. It is vital that access be given by the ADFL forces in eastern Zaire to the international agencies and NGOs providing relief to these refufre gees. This message has been conveyed in the strongest terms to the ADFL and to those Governments in the region which may have an influence on Mr. Kabila as well as through the US State Department. Ireland, together with its EU partners and the United States, is today making a further démarche on these lines to countries neighbouring Zaire. Ireland has also made strenuous bilateral representations and I have made some on a number of occasions.
The recent human rights abuses against these refugees are of grave concern. I strongly reiterate the Government's categorical condemnation of any human rights violations. The facts of these abuses have yet to be ascertained and the perpetrators brought to justice. To this end, I welcome the decision of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to send a team of human rights monitors to eastern aire to investigate these allegations. The Government has approved an initial grant of £25,000 for this team and will continue to support human rights initiatives in the Great Lakes region. About a month ago, we released £500,000 to the UNHCR specifically for the relief of refugees in the Kisangani area before their plight became an item in terms of media coverage and interest.
The Government's overall approach to the various issues and problems in the Great Lakes region must be seen in its broad political context. Recent developments in Zaire suggest Mr. Mobutu's 30 year rule is finally coming to an end. Mr. Kabila and his ADFL forces have serious responsibilities for the protection of the human rights of all citizens and refugees in Zaire. This has been made clear both by bilateral contacts and through our EU partners. We have also issued a démarche today through the European Union to the neighbouring countries in the region which are seen to support the end of Mr. Mobutu's reign and the prospect of democratic government in Zaire. We want the transition to be peaceful, including a commitment to elections and an avoidance as far as possible of widescale fighting, especially around Kinshasa. This has been referred to as a “soft landing” for Mr. Kabila.
Some fighting took place yesterday around Kinshasa where the soldiers of Jonas Savimbi and UNITA seems to have allied with Mr. Mobutu's forces. We do not yet know the extent of the casualties. Kinshasa, which I have had the privilege of visiting, is a large but poor city of five million people and the retreating Zairean soldiers have unfortunately looted, pillaged and raped in every place from which they have retreated. It is important that there is a peaceful transition and handover and a cessation of hostilities as quickly as possible, not only for the sake of the people in Kisangani who face grave difficulties but also for the sake of hundreds of thousands of displaced Zaireans. The prospect of fighting in such a large city as Kinshasa would be fraught with the possibility of a very large number of casualities.
I thank the Leader of the House for allowing this short debate and the Minister for coming to the House. Words fail me when I attempt to discuss the problems in the Great Lakes region, especially given the horrific scenes of death and torture in the area which we have witnessed over the past few years. The problem in Zaire is the most recent one we have had to face. John O'Shea's request that we stop sending aid to Rwanda was overstated but was said for the right reasons. However, I do not agree with what he is trying to do. This Government and previous ones have been even-handed in their approach to aid for the region. Whereas I prefer to see aid going directly to people rather than through Governments, seed money had to be spent on various necessary projects in Rwanda. Unfortunately, the fact that they assist the Rwandan Government means they might not be seen as even-handed. Nonetheless, it was the right thing to do. I am glad the Minister and the Government are maintaining aid to non-governmental agencies and to the Rwandan people because that is the only way the full benefit will be received.
I am disappointed President Mobutu has not resigned and handed over the reigns of Government to whoever takes power, most likely Mr. Kabila. The latter's forces cannot be exonerated from blame for what they have done in eastern Zaire. There is no point pretending they are separating those who have committed genocide from the remaining refugees because it is nonsense. We have seen the pictures of women and children who have been killed indiscriminately. Mr. Kabila cannot exonerate himself from blame by suggesting that those committing the crimes are not under his control. They are and there is no point in his saying otherwise.
I am equally disappointed to hear the Minister say that UNITA and Jonas Savimbi support President Mobutu. It goes against all common sense for a country returning to democracy by attempting to form a government of unification between UNITA and Government elements. If that is true, we should do something immediately. I have long been a supporter of UNITA and its objectives but if it intends to get involved in Zaire we must cry stop.
I do not know how we will deal with the crimes against humanity that have been committed in the area. There is no easy way of doing so. In addition to the money we send for relief and rehabilitation, we should examine the possibility of training a corps of African humanitarian workers so that when problems arise in Africa, native workers can become more involved. The staff of the UNHCR comprises too many people from the western world and too few from Africa. That problem must be examined carefully in the future, particularly when changes are made in the structure of the United Nations. The same problem applies to Irish aid groups. Rather than always sending out Irish aid workers, they should also train a corps of African humanitarian workers to work with them.
I wish to put on record the approval of the vast majority of Irish people of the Minister of State's efforts in this area. We should also put on record our thanks to Concern, Trócaire, Christian Aid and other voluntary organisations for their efforts in focusing public attention on what is happening in the Great Lakes region. Public awareness of these events is most important.
Daily we watch television coverage or read newspaper reports of events which resemble what happened during the Famine in Ireland, during the Second World War and under the Pol Pot regime. To this day the Irish still blame the British Government for its failure to act during the Famine. We believe it must assume 99 per cent of the blame for that disaster. However, at least at that time the British Government did not have television and the type of information we now have about what is happening in Africa. During the Second World War there were no television cameras to focus on what was happening and there was not the same amount of reporting. We, however, are fully informed about what is happening in Zaire and Rwanda. The western world and other nations in Africa are also aware and we must hang our heads in shame for allowing such events to occur. The crimes fly in the face of God. It is horrific that they should happen.
The United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague reached an important decision yesterday. I endorse Senator Lanigan's remarks about Kabila. He is aware of the excesses being perpetrated by his troops. The message must be conveyed to the troops and leaders of armies who are responsible for such atrocities that tribunals will be established to deal with such crimes. They must be made aware that if they conduct themselves in that manner and allow such atrocities to take place they will pay the penalty before a system of justice which will entitle them to a fair trial but which, if they are found guilty, will ensure they spend the remainder of their lives in prison. That message must be conveyed. However, that is a long-term objective.
In the short term we must ensure that Irish aid continues to go to Rwanda. I have seen the levels of starvation and deprivation at first hand. I visited many camps where refugees are living in circumstances which would not measure up to the standards expected by the Irish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. If that society discovered animals kept in similar conditions it would correctly seek to prosecute the people responsible. I have seen people dying in such conditions and a continued effort must be made to improve those surroundings.
When Saddam Hussein was causing trouble in Iraq we saw the might that could be mounted by the European and American Governments to oppose him. If a tenth of that effort were made in Rwanda it would help to resolve what is a crying shame and a sin.
I welcome the Minister of State's statement and I hope it is widely publicised. There has been much misinformation about what is happening to Irish aid to that area.
In the struggle for Africa at the end of the last century and at the beginning of this one, the division of Africa into its constituent countries was made by European powers with little concern for the local inhabitants. Unfortunately, the African people are now reaping the whirlwind of what is happening on an ethnic and tribal basis. We have a grave responsibility to continue our efforts in the area. The fact that we were not involved as an imperial power is no reason for us to wash our hands of it. While I understand the concerns expressed by John O'Shea of GOAL, I support Senator Lanigan's observation that his case was over-stated. I hope the Government continues to send aid.
I am involved in the International Red. Cross and that organisation insists it is essential that aid continues to be sent into this area where the most appalling violations of human rights are taking place. There are grave dangers not just for those who live in the area and for refugees but also for aid workers. The Minister of State must make further efforts to ensure there is not further violation of the Red Cross symbol. Yesterday, ten Zairean Red Cross workers were killed near the town of Kenge, which is about 200 kilometres east of Kinshasa. This was not an isolated case and I fear there will be many others. Irish aid workers are working in the area and it is most important that a firm statement is made about the violation of the Red Cross emblem. That emblem is the only thing on which aid workers can rely.
Ireland was an early signatory to the Geneva Convention. The Government recently published the Geneva Convention (Amendment) Bill which would have given effect to the 1977 additional Protocols regarding the movement of populations as a method of war, which is happening in Zaire. I am sorry we will be unable to ratify those Protocols because of the imminent election. However, I hope the next Government will ratify them as soon as possible. The events in Zaire and Rwanda have been the most appalling example of the use of populations as a means of war. Refugees are moved from place to place and deadlines are given to the UN for such movement. No consideration is given to where the refugees will go.
I will support any action the Government might take with regard to the justice system. This is one of the most problematic aspects of what is happening. People who have been involved in the genocide of their neighbours are returning to those areas. We have seen the consequences of that in Bosnia. There is a feeling of betrayal by the international community because of the lack of action in that regard. I know one person was convicted yesterday. There is a tremendous sense of betrayal in Bosnia by the lack of concern for justice for those murdered, raped and who had their possessions taken. We have to remember that that citizens of Rwanda are as entitled to justice as the citizens of Ireland.
I would like to see Ireland supporting the proposed international criminal court which is to be set up to deal with war crimes. Perhaps it might have a deterrent effect in situations such as this. I am glad the Minister made her statement and I support what has been said by Senators Lanigan and Enright.
I compliment the Minister for taking the initiative in making this public statement in response to the growing concerns expressed by a number of people, not least John O'Shea. Members are aware — certainly those of us who serve on the Joint Committee of Foreign Affairs are — of the continuing compassion and humanity she has shown in dealing with this difficult problem in Africa.
I am somewhat proud that Ireland, the small country that it is, should be such a large player in this area. Our influence extends far beyond our geographical size, not because of the amount of money we give but because of the lack of baggage with which we come to this problem.
I would like to take up the theme mentioned by Senator Henry in relation to the judicial process. Has the Minister any indication of whether Kabila will honour any of the agreements he had made? I ask that because he was somewhat intractable and obfuscating to some degree with the UN monitors before he agreed to allow them into the interior to investigate. He has set them a time limit which seems questionable. One does not put a time limit on an investigation into human rights abuses. It raises very serious questions about his credibility. He is a mysterious man with a mysterious past which has not been fully documented. Questionmarks have been raised about his origins and political philosophy. Indeed, does he have a political philosophy? He is now leading an army which is a bit of a rag bag army in one regard. Admittedly, the core of it is a fighting force that has had some spectacular successes in eastern Zaire. The original intention was primarily to concentrate his attention on the eastern Zairean area which is located close to Rwanda in order to stabilise the situation there from a Rwandan point of view. He is about to become the leader of a huge country with a population, as the Minister correctly stated — though I was not aware of it — of five million people.
I wonder what contingency plans, if any, the EU or the Irish Government in their discussions have had about what will happen once Mobutu falls and the new administration is put in place. We will be dealing with a man who is effectively a guerrilla fighter. I am not sure if he has a very developed sense of political ideology or philosophy on what he will do.
I do not know.
I do not think anybody knows. One can only rely on our experience to date which does not inspire confidence. Senators Henry and Enright made the valid point that we have already had world experiences in Bosnia and Cambodia etc. Where despite our technology and our modernity, western Governments have been seen to be somewhat impotent, possibly because of ingrained business and economic interests or because of a real impotence. With Zaire, Rwanda and the whole Great Lakes area being the melting pot it now is, will it be possible, in the absence of a common foreign policy with the European Union and considering competing interests, particularly France, to have a co-ordinated approach? Will we be able to go in and make sure from day one that Kabila will not allow the excesses outlined by the Minister to continue. War cannot be glossed, there is no nice way of saying war is terrible. Excesses happen even in the most disciplined armies.
John O'Shea has some real concerns. We all know John; temperamentally he can overshoot the mark in the way he says things rather than in what he says. Perhaps he is his own worst enemy to some degree when he comes shooting all cylinders. He has some real concerns in this area. I and many others have communicated with the Minister in this regard. I know the Minister has addressed those problems and I am fully supportive of the Government's line on this and of Senator Lanigan's proposal that we continue with the aid. I wonder how the Minister will address the concerns expressed.
Sitting suspended at 1.35 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.