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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 13 May 1997

Vol. 151 No. 10

Agriculture Industry: Statements.

I welcome the opportunity to return to the Seanad to discuss our most important national industry. The past 14 months have been difficult for certain elements of the agricultural sector. The House of Commons announcement in March 1996 was a watershed causing beef prices to fall substantially and causing problems in many of our traditional markets for beef and cattle.

Farm incomes in 1996 were very close to the record level achieved in 1995 despite a 13 per cent decline in output value in the beef sector. Incomes would have been much lower were it not for the BSE compensation packages which I negotiated last June and October. Some sectors, such as the sheep and pigs sectors, enjoyed very good outturns throughout 1996 while the milk sector held its value at the high 1995 level. Cereal producers had a good year as lower prices were somewhat compensated by a very good harvest.

Revaluations of the Irish green pound occurred on the 8 November 1996, 11 January 1997 and 29 March 1997. This was a new and unwelcome experience for the agriculture sector since it had the effect of a significant reduction in CAP support prices in terms of Irish pounds. However, the regulations provide for a system of aid in such situations and at the Council of Ministers' meeting on 17 and 19 March I secured agreement for the payment, in 1997, of EU funded compensatory aid to producers in the milk, beef, cereals and sugar sectors in respect of the first two revaluations. The compensation will amount to £46.1 million in 1997, £30.7 million in 1998 and £15.4 million in 1999. I am planning for the payment of this compensation to producers in the coming weeks.

In relation to the further revaluation of the green rate, which occurred on 29 March 1997, additional EU compensation aid amounting to £25.4 million in 1997, £16.9 million in 1998 and £8.5 million in 1999 has been agreed. There would be some amendment to these figures if the Irish green pound were to devalue between now and 30 June but it is not clear at this stage whether or not that will happen.

The green rate applicable to the CAP reform premiums, including payments under the accompanying measures, was not affected by any of these green rate revaluations. These premia do, of course, now account for a very significant part of farmers' incomes.

As regards funding from the national Exchequer, I received the agreement of the Government for the payment of £17 million to the beef sector because of the particularly adverse market conditions being experienced by that sector. This represents a significant gesture by the Government at a time when there are very many demands on the Exchequer. The scheme of payments requires Commission approval but my aim is to have payments made as quickly as possible.

The current problems facing beef producers result from a combination of factors, the most important of which are the continuing difficulties on the beef market arising from the BSE problem, the cuts in export refunds to enable the European Union to comply with the GATT Agreement and, as I have already mentioned, the revaluations of the Irish agricultural conversion rate. All of these factors are closely interrelated.

As far as the BSE problem is concerned, the announcement in the House of Commons on 20 March 1996 indicating a possible link between BSE in cattle and CJD in humans precipitated an unprecedented drop in beef consumption right across Europe and created enormous concern in many of our important third country markets. My Department immediately recognised the extent of the problem and, together with An Bord Bia and the diplomatic service, undertook a major diplomatic offensive to protect the position of Irish beef exports both on European and third country markets. High level delegations at official and political level visited all of our major international markets to reassure the authorities there of the safety of Irish beef and beef products. The success of these efforts can be seen from the fact that Irish beef exports to international markets actually increased by almost 40 per cent in 1996 relative to 1995. This stands in sharp contrast to the position following the 1990 BSE crisis, when Irish beef exports fell dramatically and virtually all of our eligible steer beef production was sold into intervention and it took a number of years to recover our position.

Apart from my efforts to keep open important markets, which I will come back to later, I also successfully lobbied the European Commission to introduce emergency intervention measures at an early date in the crisis. The Commission agreed to temporarily waive the 340 kg intervention carcase weight limit and to extend intervention to grade 04 steers. In addition, export refunds were increased by 12 per cent in May 1996 in order to improve the competitiveness of European traders on third country markets. All of these measures helped to provide substantial support for the market at a time when it was most needed and I am satisfied that they prevented a collapse in prices. I also persuaded the Commission, during the autumn and again earlier this year, to maintain the intervention support system at a higher level than the Commission had originally intended. For example, I intervened directly with Commissioner Fischler last December to ensure that grade 04 steers remained eligible for intervention and the intervention weight limit has also been maintained at 360 kg as a result of my efforts and those of my Department. I should also point out that the additional classes which were added to the intervention system at the beginning of the BSE crisis in April 1996 have been removed from intervention in all member states except Ireland and Northern Ireland. This disproves the contention of those commentators who argue that Ireland does not have any influence with the Commission in the management of the beef market.

The major success last year was the negotiation of the two BSE compensation packages last June and October amounting to £100 million for Irish farmers. By any standards, this was a very sizeable package of aid and it has made a very substantial contribution to relieving the hardship endured by producers arising from the sharp drop in cattle prices following the commencement of the BSE crisis. The June package was worth approximately £70 million to Irish producers and was paid in September and early October. The second compensation package, which was worth £30 million, was agreed in principle by the EU Ministers last October but was not formally accepted by the Council until December. I have already announced the arrangements for the payment of this package and payments should commence this week. The House will recall that I decided, for administrative reasons, to run this scheme together with the agri-monetary compensation package which became available as a result of the revaluation of the Irish green pound last November and again on 11 January.

Many of the current problems in the beef sector stem from the fact that the beef surplus in the European Union is significantly greater than the quantity of subsidised beef which can be exported to third countries under the GATT Agreement. That, in a nutshell, is the kernel of the problem. While I fully recognise that the European Union has to comply with the GATT ceiling, I do not agree that cutting export refunds is the best strategy to achieve this objective.

When the problem first arose in January I succeeded in persuading the Commission to reduce the period of validity of export licences in order to ensure a more orderly approach from the trade to applications for export licences. I hoped this approach would avoid any further upsurge in applications for licences and accordingly the need for action on export refunds. However, this proved not to be the case and there were a number of further occasions when applications reached very high levels. Unfortunately, the Commission believe the most effective way to dampen down demand for licences is to reduce export refunds and they have done this on three occasions since the beginning of the year. As I have already said, I do not share the Commission's view that this is the best strategy and I have suggested instead that a more effective mechanism would be to apply reduction co-efficients as is the practice in the case of tendering for intervention. The Commission is extremely reluctant to adopt this course of action because of its bad experience when it was applied to intervention tendering in the early nineties. On that occasion traders responded to the application of reduction co-efficients by submitting enormous tenders.

Regarding revaluation of the Irish green pound, the strengthening of the punt is a direct reflection of our buoyant economy but, unfortunately, it has a downside in that it reduces the level of support prices available to Irish producers. Members will be aware that the upswing in the value of sterling has also affected the situation. Clearly, in view of the importance of the intervention system and export refunds in supporting the market in the beef sector, particularly in Ireland, the successive revaluations of the Irish green pound combined with reductions in export refunds have imposed downward pressure on cattle prices here.

Fortunately, compensation for this was forthcoming and the European Union has approved two aid packages which I have already detailed to compensate producers for the fall in prices. I am very pleased that the Government acceded to my request to top-up these packages by a further £17 million from national resources. Subject to the approval of the Commission, I intend to use this money to fund a £50 per head payment on all male cattle and heifers slaughtered in the period 1 April — 10 June. Finished heifers sold through marts will also qualify. Because of this applications for heifers will only be processed after 10 June and where two applications are received for the one animal we will make payments to the first owner of the animal. This package reflects the strong commitment of the Government to beef producers.

I also wish to point out that I negotiated a reduction in the trigger of the deseasonalisation premium last June to ensure the retention of this premium for 1997 and future years in the face of strong opposition from many member states who see this premium as a special export subsidy to Irish beef producers. This premium will be worth approximately £20 million to Irish producers this year and is equivalent to 7p per lb. In addition the adjustment which I negotiated to the extensification premium last October will be worth £15 million to producers this year without any reduction in stocking densities or ratios.

The cumulative effect of these various income support measures is significant. The two BSE compensation packages for income losses in 1996 arising from low prices amounted to £100 million. The agri-monetary compensation packages including the £17 million from our own resources are worth approximately £49 million while changes to the DSP and the extensification premium are together worth £35 million. In other words, in the course of the last 12 months I have negotiated a range of measures worth £186 million to beef producers which by any standards is significant and without precedent. Obviously these measures will make a significant contribution to protecting producers' incomes in the course of this year. They are also a clear reflection of a constant stream of activity to deal with the problems in the sector.

Of course, the long-term solution to the problem is to rebalance the beef market in the European Union. A recent study by the Commission concluded that the measures which the European Union took last October to reduce beef production combined with the destruction of beef from animals over 30 months in the United Kingdom should restore balance to the market at least temporarily from 1999 and that it will be possible to dispose of intervention stocks within the GATT ceiling by 2002. While this study is based on a reasonably optimistic assumption about beef consumption it does nevertheless indicate that there is some light at the end of the tunnel. Clearly, in view of our dependence on market supports and export markets, it is in our interest that market balance is restored as soon as possible. I am very pleased that the measures which as President of the Agriculture Council I piloted through the Council last year have set the framework for restoring the market to balance at least for a period from the end of 1998 to 2001.

I am pleased to have this opportunity of setting out the position regarding beef and cattle exports to key markets since the BSE problem erupted. The beef industry in the EU and worldwide markets were thrown into chaos. Consumption fell to one of the lowest levels recorded in recent times and important third country markets were closed. In a word it was one of the most serious difficulties to beset any product. Given the extent of the BSE crisis the export performance of Irish cattle and beef industry in 1996 was better than expected and the reliance on intervention was on the lower side of projections made at the time. Since 20 March 1996 the Government has, as already outlined, spared no effort in dealing with the situation. The full services of my Department, the diplomatic services, An Bord Bia and other Departments and Government agencies have worked effectively together to protect our most important industry. The net effect of this offensive is that we are trading normally on a wide range of international markets.

Russia is by far the most important third country market for Irish beef. This trade is covered by a veterinary Protocol concluded in November last which, inter alia, categorises counties according to their level of BSE. The dire predictions made at the time have not materialised and the Protocol has worked well. Russian interests have signalled their commitment in the long term to trade in beef from Ireland and a figure in excess of 100,000 tonnes is forecast for 1997. Further discussions with the Russian authorities are envisaged in June when members of the Russian Government, hopefully accompanied by Dr. Avilov, will visit Ireland in order to have the situation reviewed.

Egypt is the largest market for Irish live cattle and our second largest third country market for beef. Imports of live cattle from Ireland were banned in January with provision for a review date after six months. New veterinary requirements were also introduced in respect of beef but agreement was quickly reached on a revised veterinary certificate to accompany beef exports thus allowing that trade to continue.

I travelled to Egypt last week with a view to reopening the live cattle market. The meeting was positive and arrangements are being made to finalise a Protocol which will enable the trade to resume in the near future. It has been suggested that the market would have reopened anyway after the six month period. This was not the case and was not the view of anybody with a knowledge of the situation on the ground. Without concerted high level political pressure a framework for amending the ban would not have been secured.

I visited Libya in July 1996 and met a technical delegation when they visited here in March this year to observe our controls first hand. I am continuing my efforts to have this market reopened and believe that positive results from Egypt will have an important bearing on that market.

Iran is an important, if seasonal, market. Again, considerable effort has been devoted to re-opening that outlet. Technical discussions are continuing with a view to agreeing an acceptable veterinary protocol.

In terms of volume the United Arab Emirates market takes between 6,000 and 8,000 tonnes of Irish beef per year. While Qatar, Jordan and Oman import smaller amounts, they are useful and lucrative outlets and have some strategic value. Following active lobbying the UAE authorities recently lifted their restrictions and a veterinary certificate to accompany beef exports has been agreed. I understand that Qatar will follow suit in the coming weeks. It is to be hoped that this in turn, will be followed by Oman. Jordan has also imposed a ban but it is hoped to establish a joint technical committee to review restrictions.

Regarding BSE, the most immediate issue we have to face is restoring confidence within the industry and thus bringing the market back into balance. I have succeeded in obtaining funds from the Commission to assist in this respect. The hypothesis posed by the UK announcement on 20 March 1996 was whether the new variant strain of CJD could have been caused by the consumption of offals from UK beef before 1989 when the ban on the consumption of such offal was imposed. There is as yet no proof of such a link, but as long as the possibility exists it is my primary concern to protect consumers against any possible risk to human health however remote this may be. To that end I have excluded every bit of those parts of cattle, which laboratory experiments show may carry the BSE agent, from the human food chain. These include the brain and spinal cord. As a result we can guarantee that Irish meat is perfectly safe, having also, of course, undergone an ante and post-mortem veterinary inspection. It is important also to remember that BSE has never been found in muscle meat.

The greatest protection we could give our consumers is to eliminate the disease from the national herd. As everybody knows, we depopulate the entire herd, track down the progeny and birth cohorts of the affected animal and slaughter them, and render all the resultant carcases into meat and bonemeal, which we have currently stored pending destruction. The cost is borne entirely by the Exchequer and amounted to £7.3 million in 1996 — a figure which could rise to £12 million this year. These actions will, no doubt, eliminate some potential cases and allay consumer concerns but essentially, if we want to get rid of this scourge, we must eliminate the root cause, that is, the feeding of contaminated meat and bonemeal. I have, therefore, introduced regulations since last October, which I hope will separate entirely the production and use of cattle feed from other feeds in which meat and bonemeal is incorporated. It is now an offence — and I intend to have the full rigour of the law brought to bear on cases — for anybody farming cattle or sheep to have mammalian meat and bonemeal or feeding stuff containing such meal on their premises without a licence. My Department's inspectors are actively carrying out inspections to ensure that these regulations are carried out to the letter.

Testing for the presence of meat and bonemeal in ruminant feed is carried out by the microscopy test, which is the most sensitive test available. Because of the very minute nature of the fragments of bone detected by this method, it cannot distinguish between poultry bone, which poses no risk as far as BSE is concerned, and mammalian bone. I have, therefore, made an order requiring a licence for the use of poultry offal as an animal feed ingredient and I hope by these measures to eliminate any risk of contamination of ruminant feed by mammalian meat and bonemeal. Because of the long incubation period for the disease the results will not show through until four or five years' time.

My Department is committed to the highest possible standards of food safety. Consumers are entitled to be able to rely on the integrity, quality and knowledge that Irish food has been manufactured and produced to the highest international standards of safety and hygiene. Food safety arrangements are extremely effective and I intend that they should remain so. My Department has identified the need for additional safety measures in areas such as animal traceability, quality assurance and residue testing. In this context the safety of beef will be assured through the implementation of the national beef assurance scheme, details of which will be announced shortly.

The enforcement of food safety involves a comprehensive approach by several Departments and Government agencies working together. All of these improvements, together with extensive existing legislation, will ensure that Irish food continues to enjoy a good reputation in terms of safety and quality.

Turning to the dairy sector, let me remind the House that the performance of the sector during 1996 was quite strong against the background of weakening world prices from their historically high levels in 1995. Output in the dairy sector in 1996 was valued at £1.2 billion which was a rise of 6 per cent over 1994. The situation which prevailed in 1995 was one of great buoyancy in the international market for dairy products, contributed to in no small way by demand for butter from Russia. The buoyancy in the market was reflected in prices paid to Irish producers. Milk prices during 1995 and on into 1996 show this clearly.

During 1996 international markets began to weaken as a result of a combination of greater competition from New Zealand and the absence of major Russian purchases. The effects of this are now being passed on to Irish dairy producers as milk prices come under pressure. There are also the effects of currency developments which gave rise to revaluations of our green rate and, in turn, to a weakening of the support and subsidy levels. The fact that this came at a time of greater reliance on these supports meant the effects were even more apparent than might have been the case in different circumstances.

In relation to the revaluation of our green rate, I have already announced the payment of compensation to dairy producers to take account of the effects of the revaluations and arrangements are in place at present to pay an amount equal to approximately 1.9p per gallon to all producers who delivered milk during 1996/97. This will go a good way towards offsetting the negative pressure on milk incomes during the current year. For example, a producer with deliveries of, say, 30,000 gallons would receive in the region of £570. While it is extremely difficult to predict with accuracy how the market situation will develop over the coming year, I think it is fair to say that the likely outturn for 1997 will be considerably better than forecasts made earlier. The EU supports are in place and will function as required during the year.

Turning to the broader picture, an examination of future policy for the EU dairy regime is about to get under way within the Council of Ministers. The existing quota regime is in place until the year 2000 and it is necessary to consider the most suitable policy framework for the period thereafter. It will be a long process but one which must be given all the time and consideration it deserves. The pivotal position occupied by milk within the CAP and its importance to the economies and rural societies of member states, will ensure that any changes to the existing regime will be considered very seriously. There are external forces which may impact on how the EU conducts its dairy policy, such as WTO and the likely enlargement of the European Union. What is needed now is calm deliberation and analysis of all the options so that all concerned within the industry, at farm level and beyond, can plan their operations for the years ahead with the maximum certainty.

The current development strategy for the food industry covers the 1994 to 1999 period and is proceeding satisfactorily. A key feature of the strategy is its integrated nature. In addition to capital investment, support is provided for research and development, marketing and promotion, and human resources. Committed public expenditure under all measures up to the end of 1996 totalled some £105 million from national sources. The strategy is subject to a current midterm review. I regard this as a very important exercise that will allow account to be taken of changes in the industry's environment and appropriate adjustments to be made to the support mechanisms. My aim is to ensure that the industry will have the capacity and capability to respond to future opportunities.

Numerous factors will influence future developments in the food sector. These include those relevant to agriculture such as further trade liberalisation, CAP adjustments, EU enlargement and the single currency. In addition to taking account of such factors, the industry must also remain responsive to trends at retail and consumer level. Such trends may well include increased emphasis on animal welfare and environmental concerns, increased purchasing power in the hands of multiples, and an increased role for the catering sector in overall consumption. These, allied to continuing priority for safety and quality, are likely to be the critical considerations.

The food industry has shown its resilience in the face of challenges and its responsiveness to opportunities. The growth in the consumer foods and food ingredients sectors is indicative of its adaptability to changing demand. Such adaptability will remain a key success factor. I am confident that the integrated and cohesive nature of the current development strategy will help to ensure that it is retained.

Last year was a good one for tillage, with grain growers achieving excellent yields for spring barley, winter wheat and high quality malting barley. I was very pleased to see that the good result of 1995 was surpassed and that national production recovered to over the two million tonne mark for the first time since CAP reform, which is a very encouraging outcome. It is worth noting that this was achieved while we remained some 52,000 acres below our national base area. The output value of the 1996 crop is estimated to be £130 million. When arable aid payments of some £90 million are added we see a very satisfactory outcome for growers again in 1996.

It is most important that we continue to aspire to production levels which will ensure our self-sufficiency in grain. The single set-aside rate of 5 per cent, which I was able to have adopted during our Presidency, and the continued facility of eligibility transfers within holdings should, given favourable weather conditions, help to maintain or even increase production again this year.

I am aware of concerns expressed by producers about the possibility of an overshoot of the national base area, which would give rise to penalties under the arable aid payments system. In keeping with the commitments given in Partnership 2000, I am seeking a change in EU regulations which would enable the targeting of penalties only at producers who contribute to any overshoot of the national base area. My Department is at present drawing up a register of grain growers in anticipation of the necessary legislative changes being adopted. This register would contain an area which, for existing producers, would receive either total or partial protection from penalties.

Approximately 23,000 hectares of ware potatoes were planted in 1996, an increase of 2.6 per cent over the previous year. It proved to be yet another difficult year for producers. The availability of old season potatoes from refrigerated stores, coupled with imports and the delayed maturing of first earlies, had an adverse affect on prices obtained in 1996 by early potato growers. Crop yields were generally satisfactory. However good yields throughout Europe adversely affected producer prices and many growers were obliged to dispose of stocks at uneconomic prices. Average prices obtained in the September 1996 to May 1997 period were approximately 40 per cent down over the same period in the previous year.

There is urgent need for reduced plantings in 1997 throughout Europe if supply is to match demand. It is reckoned that total EU plantings must be reduced by 7 per cent to 1.45 million hectares if growers are to achieve reasonable returns.

Our seed potato industry, which is small in comparison with some other member states of the EU, is facing a formidable challenge to produce and supply adequate quantities of the varieties demanded by growers and consumers. Seed producers must increasingly be prepared to enter into binding contracts with ware potato growers to underpin successes already achieved. The fact that Ireland is recognised under the EU seed potato regime as a high grade seed area should assist further development of our seed potato industry. The recent increase in the acreage of foundation and super elite stock grown for certification is a promising sign and should lead to an increase in the area grown for seed certification in 1997.

At the end of 1996 detailed discussions took place with the various social partners on a new national programme, following which agreement was reached on Partnership 2000, to which the farm organisations are signatories. This agreement addresses three essential economic and social challenges: maintaining an effective and consistent policy approach in a period of high economic growth; significantly reducing social disparities and exclusion, especially by reducing long-term unemployment; responding effectively at national, sectoral and enterprise levels to global competition and the information society.

The primary objective of macro-economic policy is identified as to secure and strengthen the economy's capacity for sustainable employment, economic growth and social inclusion. In this regard it was agreed that fiscal policy should incorporate the following: an action programme on social inclusion involving extra expenditure of £525 million; tax reductions of £1 billion; annual growth in gross current supply service expenditure to be kept as close as possible to 2 per cent in real terms; and a general Government deficit of not more than 1.5 per cent by 1999, and a debt/GDP ratio of 70 per cent by the same year.

Partnership 2000 includes a chapter on action to develop agriculture, food and forestry and a section on rural exclusion, which elaborates policy on a wide range of issues. It also contains a number of commitments on special tax relief for agriculture, as well as for general taxpayers and business.

The 1997 budget implemented the following agriculture tax measures which are, together, worth over £25 million a year to farmers. The flat rate VAT refund for farmers was increased from 2.8 per cent to 3.3 per cent. A special capital allowance provision will allow farmers to write off 50 per cent of expenditure on necessary pollution control investment in year one with the balance written off at 15 per cent per year for six years and 10 per cent in the final year. This is worth £800,000 in 1997 and £2.5 million in a full year. Farmers will also benefit from the increase in agricultural relief from capital acquisitions tax from 75 per cent to 90 per cent of the value of land, buildings, livestock and machinery transferred by gift or inheritance. The existing 25 per cent stock relief — for income tax — which was due to come to an end has been extended for a further two years to April 1999. Young farmers will benefit from the extension of two measures which were due to lapse and which are, together, worth £5 million in a full year. These are the extension for a further two years to April 1999 of 100 per cent stock relief for young trained farmers and the extension of the special stamp duty relief for young trained farmers for three years to December 1999.

In addition, farmers will benefit from the general taxation reductions, including: the reduction in the standard rate of income tax from 27 per cent to 26 per cent and the widening of the standard rate band by £1,000 for married couples; the increase in the personal allowances by £500 for a married couple and other allowances; and the increase in the income tax exemption limit to £8,000 for a married couple under 65 years of age.

Agri-business will also obtain benefit from the budget, including reductions in corporation tax to 36 per cent and 28 per cent for small companies on the first £50,000 of company income; the earnings limit for the lower, 8.5 per cent, rate of employers PRSI has been increased; the reduction in the tax wedge on personal incomes should assist firms to recruit; and new firms will benefit from the provision of relief for expenses that arise before a company commences trading.

Before I conclude, I want to say a few words about the outlook for the future. With regard to the remainder of 1997, it is difficult to give an accurate assessment of likely outturn for the full year. As Senators will be aware, 1997 prices for both cattle and milk are behind 1996 levels. Sheep producers enjoyed record prices during the first three months of the year and, although these then dropped back as is traditional for post-Easter slaughterings, recent prices have again stabilised. Pig prices were back on the very high 1996 levels but have recently been rising and are expected to continue to rise because of an outbreak of classical swine fever on the continent. Present cereal prices are also down. On the other hand, I believe that the record levels of direct payments made in 1996 can be matched in 1997, and perhaps even increased, while input costs are likely to fall.

The record shows that this Government has shown strong loyalty and support to the agricultural sector, especially the beef sector, during difficult times. Considerable progress has been made in preparing the sector for the challenges which lie ahead, and particularly that we have a dynamic market-led food industry.

I thank the Members of the House for their patience. Unfortunately, I must attend a series of meetings this evening and I can only stay for some of the debate; but my colleague, the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Deenihan, will be present. He will conclude the debate and report any observations made.

This is an important debate because agriculture is in a crisis. I am amused that the Minister concluded his speech as follows:

The record shows that this Government has shown strong loyalty and support to the agricultural sector, especially the beef sector, during difficult times. Considerable progress has been made in preparing the sector for the challenges which lie ahead, and particularly that we have a dynamic market-led food industry.

The farming community in general would not agree that the Government has shown loyalty to the agricultural sector because of the differences which are evident in this Rainbow Coalition to which I will refer.

Ireland is a member state of the EU and it is heavily dependent on the beef and dairy industries. The special position of the beef industry is recognised in several European Protocols and nine out of ten bullocks raised in Ireland must be exported. Exports are destined for European countries and third country markets and there must be a balance between the live trade and the finished products.

The industry is experiencing a severe crisis at present but, regrettably, political support and sympathy does not exist when and where it is most needed. The composition of the Government gives a clue to the reason for this. I note that Senator Townsend, who was vocal in his demands for a debate on agriculture, is conspicuous by his absence this evening. Listening to the address of the Leader of the Labour Party to his party conference in Limerick recently, farming families must have felt let down when he ignored agriculture — he did not mention it once. Last night when the Tánaiste was asked the issues facing the electorate on "Questions and Answers", he did not consider agriculture to be one of them. The Tánaiste did not mention rural Ireland or rural issues, never mind the crisis in farming. Apparently, the Labour Party is entirely oblivious to it. As Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, has done nothing to assist our largest industry to maintain its vital market share of foreign markets.

The Democratic Left Leader and Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, is so accustomed in his prejudice that, in response to a question about the difficulties of farm families on a recent television programme, he said: "The farmers are rolling in it". Farmers are the victims of the political bigotry and bias of the Left-wing parties in the Rainbow Coalition. They are not rolling in it. Some farmers might be earning big money but 90 per cent of the farmers who are dependent on agriculture are on the bread line, as the Government knows well. What is the Government doing about it? Nothing.

The litany of broken promises to farmers by the Government and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry can be explained by the political cowardice of Fine Gael. No other sector of society has been so let down or ignored by Government. The collapse in farm prices, the closure of foreign markets, the repeated costs in export refunds and the failure to deliver on the promise of matching compensation for green pound revaluations add up to a litany of lost opportunities and broken promises.

The Minister has run from one photo opportunity to another and neglected the real work which needs to be done in Brussels, Cairo, Tripoli, Tehran and Moscow. This aspect has been omitted from the agenda. He is unable to use his clout at Cabinet and in Brussels. It is regrettable that farmers, the industry, co-operatives and the PLCs are the losers.

On 14 and 20 April, the IDA issued statements to the effect that it would hold the Minister to a specific commitment he gave to livestock farmers to deliver Exchequer funding to match EU money provided in respect of revaluation compensation. In April, an article in the Farmers' Journal stated that a £17 million package of national green pound compensation was announced in the Dáil by the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates. It also stated that details of this were given at an IFA beef farmer meeting in Dublin. The article went on to state that approximately £50 per head would be paid for bullocks and heifers slaughtered in export factories and abattoirs during the period 1 April 1997 to 10 June 1997 and that the compensation is likely to be paid in July following the submission of applications in late June.

I contend that £17 million will not match the money received from the EU. Approximately four times that amount should be provided. I cannot understand why £50 per head will be paid for bullocks and heifers slaughtered in export factories and abattoirs in the period 1 April 1997 to 10 June 1997. I welcome this development but what about the cattle slaughtered from 1 January to 1 April? Why is £50 per head not being paid for these animals?

I recently raised a matter on the Adjournment, to which the Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, responded, asking whether the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, could guarantee that the prices prevailing before Christmas would be maintained in the new year. He could not do so. The prices were not maintained and farmers suffered losses during the period from December to March. Why were these individuals not compensated? They incurred losses of 7p per lb. which meant that the slaughtering scheme was of no value to them. At that stage I warned that factories had a captive market. However, the Minister has only now become aware of this and he stated that the factories are engaging in price fixing. I informed him that this was the case last December but he did nothing about it and farmers suffered. There is no way farmers, particularly those raising beef cattle, are being well served. The Minister must tackle these problems.

There is a spin-off to this issue because farmers must purchase meal to finish their cattle. However, had they known last December that the prices would not be maintained they would not have kept their cattle. We are now informed that these people will not receive compensation and it will only be paid in respect of bullocks and heifers slaughtered in export factories and abattoirs during the period 1 April 1997 to 10 June 1997. I appeal to the Minister and to the Minister of State to reconsider this matter and include bullocks and heifers slaughtered from 1 January onward in the compensation scheme because farmers have produced such animals at a loss.

The sooner the better this Administration realises that farmers and their families are the backbone of the country. This has been the case throughout history. If they are removed, the entire structure of rural Ireland will fall apart. Unlike most countries in Europe, farmers in Ireland are central to the stability and future of the economy. They have made a major contribution to the development of Ireland's agri-business and have never been slow to reinvest generously in farm buildings, equipment and machinery or to upgrade systems and everyone has benefited as a result.

Farmers and their families maintain a key presence in many industries. Where would the tourism industry be without farm guesthouses which provide good food for tourists who marvel at our beautiful landscape and the good work being done? If farmers trying to eke out a living and pass on their farms to their children cannot look to the Government for support in a time of crisis and difficulty, morale will be sapped — it is currently at an all-time low. Regardless of how the figures are considered, farmers and their families are central to our hopes for prosperity. However, under the left wing dominated Rainbow Coalition there is no hope. The agricultural Celtic tiger which Fianna Fáil fed and nurtured is becoming anorexic and will soon fade away. The roar of that tiger has not been heard in rural Ireland. The Minister of State lives in a rural area and he should ensure that farmers benefit from the current boom.

Fianna Fáil is conscious of the importance of farmers and their families to the economy. It has always been the party of farming families, villages and small towns. The schemes and programmes that matter to farmers, education schemes, the Operational Programme for Rural Development, the Leader programme, etc., were put in place by Fianna Fáil which has roots in rural Ireland.

Fianna Fáil negotiated the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy which provided the most farreaching initiatives for farmers, including the ten month and 22 month beef premiums under which cattle farmers obtained an additional £420 per head. Fianna Fáil also negotiated the extensification and deseasonalisation premiums and the ewe premium for sheep farmers. While this has not been dismantled, it has been torn apart and reduced by £6.50 in the current year. Hill farmers need this premium more than most. I note that the Minister made only passing reference to sheep farmers. He stated that they were enjoying good times but they might be obliged to appeal to him to when things are not so good. We cannot neglect any sector of agriculture and we must ensure that progress is monitored.

It is no coincidence that the farm prices crisis coincided with the term of office of the left wing dominated Rainbow Coalition. Farm incomes are under serious threat and many farmers will leave the land; it is estimated that 3 per cent have already left. Beef farmers, particularly beef finishers, have been badly let down. They have no hope and the opportunity was not taken to ensure that the generous package negotiated in Brussels filtered through to them.

The position regarding live shipping is clear. If we do not regain these markets in the next six to eight weeks, again there will be serious problems in the autumn. There was euphoria in the House last week when it was announced that the Minister had negotiated the resumption of live shipments to Egypt. However, according to his earlier contribution, the Minister hopes that such shipments to Egypt and other countries will be resumed. It is important that he does his utmost to ensure that shipments of live cattle to these countries resume. We must also deal with the problem of shipping live weanlings to Europe. I hope the Minister will use his influence with his colleagues to ensure that full shipping facilities are made available for the transport of weanlings in the autumn.

I do not know whether it is because there is an election in the offing, but the Minister is very active at present. However, it is sad that he was not as active heretofore to ensure the survival of farmers, particularly the live export contingent. The rural development initiatives and supplementary measures to boost alternative enterprises and off-farm activity will be worthless if the commercial heart of agriculture is unprofitable. Pre-election gimmicks may win votes but they will not stop the slow death of rural Ireland. Halting that decline and restoring confidence in farming is the task confronting the Minister and the Government and their record to date does not inspire confidence. We need fewer photo opportunities and more action.

Much has been said about the role of the Celtic tiger but that tiger is silent in rural Ireland. It is not only farmers but rural communities in general who are experiencing terrible difficulties. There can be no doubt about the strong bias of this Government against farming and rural Ireland. When discussing water charges weeks ago, I was amazed that the Minister for Social Welfare found it necessary to launch an attack on farmers by stating they wanted free water. Nothing could be further from the truth. They have been provided with water and will pay for it. Fianna Fáil stated people living in rural Ireland should be treated similarly to those living in cities. We were not just referring to farmers. The Minister never loses an opportunity to launch a blistering attack on the farming community.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry and the Minister of State entered office in a great year. There was good weather and prices and the Government lapped it up. Farmers were getting £1.07 per lb. for beef but today they get between 78p and 80p per lb., a reduction in income of 25 per cent. However, the reduction is almost 50 per cent when other factors are taken into account. Would any other section of the community tolerate that? I cannot understand why farmers and farming organisations are silent in this time of crisis.

Farmers were paid £1.20 per gallon of milk while today they receive 98p per gallon and they will be paid less next week. I was canvassing in west Limerick recently with the local Fianna Fáil candidate. I called to a farmer who generally votes for Fine Gael. He told me that a few days before, Senator Neville canvassed him but left in a hurry when he was told the facts of the farmer's problem. Is Senator Neville conveying the plight of farmers in west Limerick to the Minister? I am sure if he did, something would have been done a long time ago. It is too late to do anything on the eve of an election. The farmer maintains that because of the revaluation of the green pound his income will be about 25 per cent less in 1997 than it was in 1996. No other section of the community would tolerate this. The Government should recognise this. It is living in cloud cuckoo land. The Minister said he was fascinated by Ben Dunne drinking cider with ice when he was receiving £2,000 for his election fund but that does not mean much to farmers in rural Ireland. They will not be found near Ben Dunne. They cannot even afford to go to their local pub, never mind go to Dublin.

Farmers are visiting the clinics of every rural Deputy to ask for support to address the current fall in prices, a problem which they have not faced for many years. They face a loss of £22 per head in cattle prices and an average dairy farm faces a loss of £57 per week in milk prices.

We read recently about outbreaks of brucellosis in west Limerick. The Minister introduced the disease eradication scheme last year. I warned him at that stage about the introduction of such a scheme and he has to answer for that. Small milk producers account for 90 per cent of production. They are on the bread line and nothing has been done about it.

A recent article in the Farmers' Journal under the headline “Clawback yields no milk” stated:

The ten per cent clawback on land sales and leases introduced last October has failed to provide a reserve which can be distributed to priority category milk producers including young farmers and new entrants.

The Minister for Agriculture confirmed in the Dáil that as of the middle of last month the clawback has only succeeded in attracting 2,231 gallons into the reserve — the milk of two cows.

Farmers are appealing for more milk. The Minister should wake up to the situation and ensure rural Ireland does not die.

This debate is timely as we are on the verge of an election and it is good that we air our views on the agriculture industry. There is no doubt there are problems, as there are in every other industry. The Minister gave a comprehensive report on all factors affecting the industry and, more importantly, he gave a commitment to continue to support those in it.

Milk and beef are the most important areas in agriculture. The dairy industry is one of the strongest and most valuable assets in our economy. It provides milk for human consumption and a large volume of manufacturing milk. It also provides approximately 1 million steers for the export market. It is impossible to put a figure on the value of the national herd to the economy. In 1984 we came under the quota system. Since it was introduced, there has been a 9 per cent reduction in output. It created problems for people because it was necessary to maintain lower levels of production to stay within the system. Unfortunately, during debates in 1984, certain undertakings were given that if consumption rose in respect of milk products, markets would be secured in other areas and quotas would be extended. This has not happened and is not likely to.

I do not understand how other countries, some of which are in the European Union, increased production over that period. The Italian quota has increased by approximately 10 per cent and some new entrants, particularly Greece, have had a quota increase of 16 per cent to 18 per cent. This does not make sense when one considers that our producers, who have a serious transport problem, have faced a reduction in quota of 9 per cent. That is unfair. Other countries, such as Australia, have continuously increased their volumes of milk production during the same period. The GATT agreement was meant to prohibit any further increases in volumes of milk world wide. This has not happened and these issues must be examined.

Our position is serious as the cost of production has not decreased significantly. The cost of producing milk has remained almost the same for 1995, 1996 and 1997. There was a reduction of 10 p and more per gallon which equates to a 10 per cent decrease in the gross price of the raw material. In some cases, depending on one's level of borrowings, this represents a 20 per cent decrease in net price. While some areas of production and manufacturing can survive a price decrease of 20 per cent, very few can sustain that type of price reduction in net profits. I ask the co-ops across the country — we cannot blame the Minister — not to take advantage of this. They should ensure their level of profits does not increase when there are severe reductions in producers' output.

There is a large variation in the price of milk from one co-op to another. This is unsatisfactory and cannot continue. In February, March and April the variation can be as much as 10p per gallon. This is very unfair. While Senator Rory Kiely said that last month people received 98p per gallon, some people received as low as 90p per gallon. This is not the fault of the Minister or the Government. The co-ops, run by farmers, are taking advantage of a difficult situation. This is also important for beef production as co-ops provide a huge number of steers for export. This cannot be forgotten. I appeal to co-op managers, irrespective of where they are located, to allow a reasonable margin of profit to producers.

Following the announcement by the former British Health Secretary, Stephen Dorrell, in the House of Commons on 20 March 1996, the European beef market was plunged into disarray. In Ireland the immediate impact was a reduction in cattle price of 8p per pound or 65p per head. In addition, our beef export markets in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the Gulf States closed. Live export markets to Egypt and Libya were also closed. Following high level political intervention, the market in Egypt was reopened. We should thank the Minister and the Government for their great work in doing this. Through a combination of diplomatic and technical initiatives, our export markets to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States were also reopened. However, unfortunately, the important markets of Iran and Libya remain closed.

In August 1996, due to inadequate intervention support and the lack of price competition in the trade, cattle prices fell by a further 10p per pound. This cost farmers £80 per head. At this stage the total price reduction since March 20 was 18p per pound or the equivalent of £150 per annum. This is a huge reduction which in some cases represents the full profit on an animal. Exports to EU markets suffered significantly from the drop in beef consumption and a strong preference by consumers in individual EU member states for domestic products. As the largest net exporter of beef in the EU, this problem seriously impacted on Ireland.

As the number of cases of BSE increased above 1995 levels, the veterinary authorities in our largest export market, Russia, decided in October to exclude beef produced in Counties Cork, Tipperary and Monaghan. This exclusion was further extended in early February to Counties Meath, Wexford, Limerick, Cavan and Donegal. When this second exclusion zone is included, over 40 per cent of Irish steer beef was excluded from our largest export market. This had a devastating effect on the beef industry. The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry Deputy Yates, the Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, did everything in their power to try to avoid this. All negotiations took place at a high level but they were unable to solve the problem. I hope the live trade with Russia will be reopened in the future. I encourage the Minister and the Minister of State to lose no time in securing the opening of this market.

We are approaching midsummer when there is a large influx of cattle on the market, which could result in real collapse. Unfortunately, factories, like milk co-ops, are not playing fair with the people. I am glad the Minister has established an inquiry to see if a cartel is operating. It is extraordinary that every Monday morning one takes up the paper and finds there is not a difference of one penny per pound from one factory to another, even though 14 or 15 are involved. This is extraordinary. If the price of beef is reduced in any factory — for example, in Donegal — the same reduction is imposed in Wexford and Cork.

Prices are at a very low level. We should look at the price of beef in supermarkets and butchers shops and ask the consumer if he or she has gained as a result of the reduction in prices. Taking cows, heifers and steers into consideration, the average price of beef, in the last month in particular, is somewhere in the region of 76p per pound. If one asks any housewife what she is paying for beef, she is paying £1.10p per pound at the lowest level to £2.80p for the more expensive cuts. If supermarkets reduce the price of beef, there will be higher consumption. The consumption in Ireland has increased.

Extra efforts will have to be made in European markets. I am not criticising anyone because I know the difficulties which have existed in the past number of years. I believe we are over the worst of the BSE crisis, not only in Ireland but in Great Britain and across Europe. We must move in on markets now. There must be a shortfall in Great Britain because the slaughter as a result of BSE is very high. With the reopening of the live export trade to Russia and, hopefully, Egypt, and some extra effort on marketing, we can get a reasonable price for our beef by the end of the year. I and other people involved in agriculture have seen collapses in the past 25 years. Unfortunately, factories are inclined to take full advantage of this.

In early January 1997, the Egyptian Minister for Agriculture signed an order banning the importation of live animals from Ireland, France and Portugal. Having recovered to a price of 90p per pound in 1996, cattle prices immediately fell to 86p per pound by February 1997. The BSE problem resulted in the loss of the major beef export markets to Russia and Iran; loss of live cattle export markets to Egypt and Libya; the reemergence of our dependence on intervention support and the gross income loss of about £214 million. While compensation of £100 million was paid, for which we must thank the Minister and the Government, there was a net loss of in the region of £100 million. The crisis also resulted in major damage to consumer confidence, which we are glad has been restored and which we hope continues, and severe income difficulties of individual farmers.

We thank the Minister for his efforts in securing high levels of compensation. While we have been criticised by the Opposition for providing that compensation should only apply from April to 10 June, that is the time of the year when the last cattle are taken from their houses. Until February, prices were at 90p per pound but have now fallen to 80p per pound. We could go back to January and justify paying £50 per beast, but I am glad £50 per beast is being paid and that we are paying it on heifers. Heifer production constitutes almost 50 per cent of the beef industry but it has received little or no support — there are no ten or 22 months premia. I am glad the Government saw fit to include heifers as well as steers.

The Minister said in his speech:

Food safety arrangements [in Ireland] are extremely effective and I intend that they should remain so. My Department has identified the need for additional safety measures in areas such as animal traceability, quality assurance and residue testing. In this context the safety of beef will be assured through the implementation of the national beef assurance scheme, details of which will be announced shortly.

I encourage the Department to announce this scheme as quickly as possible. Whether one is selling beef in Ireland or any other country, traceability is very important.

Most of the cowboys, so to speak, in the industry are being eliminated from the market and any who remain should also be eliminated. They have been excluded from the farmers' organisations and the factories. It is the small percentage of cowboys who destroy the industry for the other producers. I am glad they are being dealt with severely and I encourage a continuation of such action because every county has its share of such operators.

We have a consumer driven market, and whether the consumers are Irish or foreign, they want to know what they are buying. We have the best beef in the world. I have eaten steaks in Germany, America and elsewhere but one cannot beat a good juicy Irish steak.

Senator Kiely said that Fianna Fáil introduced all the subsidies. In 1981, when the Minister for Agriculture was Deputy Dukes and I was Minister of State, we went to Brussels and secured the calf, ewe and lamb subsidies. Fianna Fáil secured other subsidies but the livestock subsidies were secured by the then Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dukes, and I who drew up the policies to get those subsidies which had to be matched by the Government.

Senator Kiely criticised Fine Gael for being afraid. We are not afraid of anything. Fine Gael has a proud record on agriculture. I have served in the Oireachtas for 20 years and my main interest in political life has been agriculture. I am conscious of the need to prevent the depopulation of rural areas and I am aware of the present problems facing agriculture. However, I am also aware that the Minister, Deputy Yates, and the Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, have a commitment to rural areas. If Fine Gael was not committed to these areas I would not be in the party.

We pressed for an opportunity to make statements on agriculture but I wonder about the value of the statements. The Minister read a 30 page statement and then left the House. It is not for me to be critical——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister explained that he had an important engagement and had to leave the House. The Minister of State is present.

I appreciate that is probably the truth. The Minister of State is capable, but I know the procedures well and I am not confident that the system works. Presenting a case to a Minister of State is not the same as the opportunity to put questions to the Minister. I am disappointed.

I listened to the Minister, Deputy Yates, when he was in Opposition. Nobody else seemed to have so many answers to all the problems of agriculture and he expressed them eloquently. At the time the media wondered whether he would become leader of his party because he seemed to be so brilliant. However, never has a Minister delivered less to the agricultural community at a time when the agriculture industry is in total crisis. It is the small farmers who have suffered most, those who are least organised.

Senator D'Arcy spoke of his concern for agriculture and rural Ireland. There has never been a move away from small farming and rural Ireland such as is taking place at present. We will never get people back on to the small farms because they could not sustain even half an income. People are desperately seeking other jobs and they are being encouraged to consider information technology or the hotel industry. Slogging on the farm in a pair of Wellington boots is not an attractive prospect, especially when one ends up without enough money to pay for equipment or electricity. Anybody who has experienced life in rural areas knows what I say to be true. Agriculture is on its knees and the small farmers will not recover. Whatever funds are available from the EU are going to the large farmers who can lobby strongly at EU level. The strong lobbyists have a far more powerful voice than the small hillside farmers.

A small sheep farmer who wishes to transfer a quota cannot do so without permission. If one small farmer wants to transfer a sheep quota to another he cannot do so. I have written to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry about such a case and I had hoped he would stay in the House so that I might put the matter to him. It involves two small farmers, one of whom cannot make a living. He decided to rent his land and quota to the other farmer but he could not do so due to the bureaucracy involved. The farm was not in the name of the first farmer but in that of his late father. The legal system would not let him transfer the quota. In effect he was tied up in red tape. I wrote to the Minister but he could not help me. That is the situation facing small farmers.

The Minister was a strong advocate of afforestation. People in rural Ireland are being told that we are overgrazing, overplanting and overfishing. The Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht has designated areas which the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry was encouraging small farmers in economic difficulty to plant. The two Ministers were unable to get their act together and designate land. John Brown, who lives on a small farm on the side of a mountain and has land which has been designated by the Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, has been left in limbo and the Minister will not even answer his letter after two years, and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates, is encouraging him to embark on afforestation.

Small farmers have never before encountered such confusion. This is happening in my county and other counties. There is a serious problem in the west because people are being driven off the land as never before. I had hoped the Minister would stay long enough to address some of my questions and problems, but there was no chance of that. It is a pity the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, who had all the answers when he was in Opposition, could not clarify the position tonight for the few who still depend on the land for their livelihood.

Other Senators referred to the confusion about the milk quota system. I am amazed the Minister is not in a position to take some action on that. I have raised this issue in the House before because nowhere is that confusion more clearly seen than in my area. On my way to this House I see tankers of milk coming from the North to Donegal. Will somebody write to me and explain how this works? Tankers of milk come from the North to creameries in Donegal to be processed, and on the same day milk comes from Northern creameries to be retailed in Dublin at half the price of the milk retailed in Donegal. There are no controls, suggested retail prices or suggested prices for farmers. It is a free for all. The previous speaker agrees with me on this. I maintain that the confusion is greater in the areas close to the Border.

I would like to return to Donegal having had an opportunity in the Seanad to ask the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry some questions. I would like to try to explain to the people of Donegal how a tanker of milk from the North can be processed in the South and retailed at different prices. Those who send bulk tankers of milk from the North also process milk which they send to the South, including to Dublin. There must be some control, regulation and price guidance. I understand that we operate in a free market where prices are determined by supply and demand. However, there is a lack of concern for the very poor who depend on milk as part of their staple diet.

I will not continue with this because I do not believe I will get a satisfactory reply. I am expressing my anger but nothing is being delivered. This is not the kind of debate on agriculture I would have liked — I would have liked the Minister to challenge me and tell me I am wrong or to give me an answer. This is not a debate but a speakers' corner. I am disappointed.

I would like to receive a letter from the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry telling me whether there are any controls on the milk industry or if it is a free for all. Have the Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry never had an opportunity to get together to sort out which land has been designated and which land the Minister would like to have planted? Is there an agreement on who will be paid compensation, how much they will receive and when it will be paid? Those are very simple questions and if I cannot get an answer, what chance does John Brown, living on the side of a mountain in Donegal, have? He has no chance. I am wasting my time here; I will leave this matter to the judgment of the people in the next few weeks.

I am glad of the opportunity to contribute to this debate. Farmers are not fools; they live in the real world and can differentiate between fact and fiction. Many of the problems, and potential problems, facing the agriculture sector stem from the CAP reform and the EU GATT agreement, both of which were signed, sealed and delivered before 1992 when Ray Mac-Sharry was the EU Commissioner for Agriculture.

We hear a great deal about the crisis in the beef industry. However, the farmers were protesting at the gates of Leinster House before the BSE scare was announced in Britain. There is no point blaming the BSE scare for the crisis in the beef industry because it predated the scare, although the scare made matters worse. We all saw at the beef tribunal how the beef industry was managed. We know that backhanders and the nod and the wink were the order of the day. When one of the major players — or crooks — at the beef tribunal was asked why he sold beef out of intervention, he said they were all at it, in other words, they were stealing beef by the shipload. It is a reflection on our beef industry that we still have an industry after all that happened during that time and how it was managed.

However, certain steps could be taken. The IFA is not satisfied with the way the beef management committee regulates and decides on export refunds. It would prefer if that was done on a monthly basis rather than at the end of the year when big reductions in export refunds result in big reductions in prices at the wrong time of the year. Another mechanism would be helpful.

The sale of prime Irish beef in Russia for 25p per 1b. cannot continue nor can the situation where a beef producer received a cheque for £205,812.74 under the slaughter premium scheme when he was paid for approximately 4,000 head of cattle. Change will be inevitable, but it must be managed in a way that will not damage agriculture.

Many people believe that there should be no live exports. However, at times when there were none, beef plants always formed a cartel and screwed the farmers to the ground. A balance must be struck; there must be live exports to promote competition.

New Zealand is able to export lamb to the EU more or less as it wishes, subject to a quota. Sheep farmers tell me that it would be helpful if such imports were regulated, perhaps on a planned monthly basis.

With regard to cereals, the present system of area aid payments to growers, where last year six growers received £2 million between them with the largest receiving £232,297.46, does very little for the smaller grower. That must be looked at.

With regard to the £20 million merger between Guinness and Grand Metropolitan, it will not be reported in any of the newspapers, including the Irish Independent, that this year Guinness will buy its raw product, malt and barley, for approximately £80 per ton, which is the same price as it paid 20 years ago. Its raw material is being subsidised.

It will not get mine for £80 per ton.

I congratulate the farmers cooperatives and the dairies on the way they have handled milk. They have increased standards and hygiene and have worked for the national interest. People can buy dairy products anywhere in the world with confidence, knowing that it is a very good product. If those in charge of beef had taken the same approach it is doubtful if that sector would be in such difficulties today. Between 25 and 30 per cent of milk is produced by dormant milk producers, who do not keep or feed cows. They lease their quota to others and pay up to 35p per gallon for the privilege of producing milk. There is something wrong with that.

There is a big debate over quotas. Many say they should be abolished to allow farmers to produce more milk. However, this would create problems. While it is almost inevitable that they will be abolished over the next ten years, it must be done in a managed way to ensure that people do not suffer loss.

People working for Greencore in Counties Carlow and Cork are in the seventh week of their strike. The company made a profit of £50 million last year, of which £28 million was made from its sugar sector. Some of the workers in the sugar plant in County Carlow are paid so badly that the Department of Social Welfare has to subsidise their wages with family income supplement. People on a flat week, who do not work overtime, etc., earn less than county council road workers. Companies making that kind of money should not, and cannot, be allowed to treat their workers in this way. Some work anti-social hours because they can earn more if they work shifts and on Sundays. However, many earn very little. By contrast, the executive directors have a cosy cartel and have arranged share options among themselves. Recently, when a director retired they divided his income, which included approximately one million shares, between them.

Earlier, Senator Rory Kiely alleged that because I was not in the House I was not interested in agriculture. At the time, I was trying to ascertain the present position on the strike. I have been informed that, in an attempt to break it, the company is importing sugar from Holland and France which it is assembling in a shed in Kinsealy Lane where the sanitary conditions are far from what they should be.

In importing sugar, Greencore is giving a foothold to foreign companies which will be very hard to break when the strike is over. Perhaps there is a hidden agenda here in that the company may be attempting to close down one of the sugar factories in County Carlow or County Cork. It would be driven by greed in this regard and would not have a social conscience.

The sugar industry is in very bad hands at present. Not only do the workers have a grievance, but the growers are also in dispute with Greencore. The company has been brought before the EU with regard to malpractices in the distribution of sugar. The actions of the executive directors remind me of the actions of those in charge of the beef industry some time ago when they paid themselves well and used their workers as slave labour. The survival of the sugar beet industry as we know it, where sugar is produced from beet grown by farmers, is at stake. We are on the slippery slope and Greencore is not doing a good job in that regard.

The Minister has done a good job over the past few years. The next five years will be critical for agriculture because change must be managed. The person who holds the portfolio in the next Government must have a good track record and know what is involved. There is nobody better than the current Minister and it is in the national interest to reappoint him after the election. Fianna Fáil's only policy on agriculture appears to be to blame the Labour Party and Democratic Left. That is not good enough nowdays.

I am sure Senator Dardis's location on the Front Bench this evening is a sign of things to come.

The acting Chairman should not read any significance into the fact that I have invaded the Fianna Fáil benches this evening.

The Senator has made it to the Front Bench.

It may be a temporary little arrangement.

I welcome the Minister. Much to my surprise, I agree with much of Senator Townsend's contribution, with the exception of his closing remarks about the Minister. I hope there will be a change of Minister after the election.

The Minister's address to the House was profoundly depressing. Anybody with any decency and sense of fairness would have at least conceded that there is a problem. There was no such concession in the Minister's statement. I was again confronted by a document produced by spin doctors which purported to show all the efforts made on behalf of the industry. I acknowledge that some efforts have been made, but I expected the Minister to make some concession with regard to the crisis which attracted 1,000 people to a meeting with him and other spokes-persons in the Red Cow Inn.

It was extraordinary that the Minister said at the outset that farm incomes in 1996 were close to the record level achieved in 1995. Figures published by the Irish Farmers' Association, which quote Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry and CSO statistics, show a change of -25 per cent between April 1995 and April 1997, a more relevant period, with regard to product prices for cattle. The product price for milk was down by 10.5 per cent and by 11.7 per cent for cereals. It was down by 10.7 per cent for sugar beet, by 5 per cent for sheep and by 13.6 per cent for pigs. There is a fundamental contradiction between the Minister's statement and the figures purported to be those of the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry and the CSO. I am interested to know how those contradictory sets of figures can be resolved.

I on behalf of my party and Senator Rory Kiely on behalf of Fianna Fáil have sought this debate for several months. On 10 April last, my party tabled a motion which stated:

That Seanad Éireann calls on the Government and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry to take urgent and effective action to deal with the income crisis in farming, and in particular, the collapse in the cattle trade; to seek the full restoration of the EU export refunds and the extension of the special beef premium; to negotiate the reopening of export markets which have been closed to live cattle and carcase beef and to bring forward proposals to compensate farmers affected by revaluations of the green currency.

I sought an emergency debate on that matter but the Cathaoirleach ruled it out of order. However, the House should have debated a substantive motion this evening and not just had bland statements about this industry which is in crisis.

The theme of the Minister's speech was welcome to this wonderful world, where nothing is wrong and all this activity has taken place on behalf of producers. There was not even a nod in the direction of the crisis which is forcing people off the land and destroying the winter fattener industry. The Minister made a remarkable statement in recent weeks to the effect that we should consider returning to grass based summer production. I come from County Kildare where there is an active winter fattening industry. That was an extraordinary statement. The inference is that we should return to pasture based peasant agriculture which we hoped we had left behind when we joined the EU. Millions of pounds have been invested in capital spending on buildings and equipment for a winter fattening industry which is of huge importance. The inference of the Minister's statement is that all that money was spent in vain and the national investment, which was supported by domestic and European funds, was a waste of time.

The Minister mentioned high level delegations. One has a vision of delegations comprising Ministers and officials flitting all over the world and bringing back good news. When the BSE crisis struck, I was one of the first people who said Ministers should get onto aeroplanes and go abroad to talk to our customers and try to ensure that our markets were protected. However, that did not happen and we paid a price. It is late in the day to launch some of the initiatives mentioned by the Minister. They should have been launched much sooner.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry should attend food shows, represent the country and assist in the selling of Irish produce. He should also meet his counterparts to ensure that closed markets are reopened. However, I wonder about the necessity of bringing Irish journalists on trips which are aimed at selling Irish produce to foreign markets. I do not understand the logic behind that, unless it is to bring home public relations stories on behalf of the Minister. Am I correct that the trip to Cairo was paid for by Bord Bia and that the Minister specifically requested the board to include a journalist who was omitted from the original list? If I am correct, that is profoundly depressing. I am a practising journalist and I have been brought to places by various commercial companies and the Department. However, I do not understand the relevance of bringing Irish journalists on a trip to Cairo aimed at selling Irish produce to foreign markets unless it was for a public relations spin.

The Minister said there was a 40 per cent increase in Irish beef exports. He said the Department recognised the extent of the problem and it undertook a diplomatic offensive in conjunction with Bord Bia and the diplomatic services. The Minister said the success of these efforts can be seen from the fact that Irish exports to international markets increased by almost 40 per cent in 1996 relative to 1995. Was the 40 per cent increase due to that initiative? I suggest it was a direct result of the crisis in March 1996 and nothing else.

The Minister said he intervened directly with Commissioner Fischler last December to ensure that grade 04 steers remained eligible for intervention. It is not clear whether the Minister was on his knees at the time but he intervened directly with the Commissioner. I regard it as an obligation on the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry to intervene directly with Commissioner Fischler, the Commission and everybody in Brussels on behalf of this industry. There is also an obligation on the Minister to try to get export refunds restored to the beef industry. It is not good enough to tell 1,000 farmers in the Red Cow Inn that the crisis is due to GATT and nothing can change. That is the case with regard to EU export refunds. However, Senator Townsend rightly identified the obscenity of the position where some people are receiving large sums of money in the arable sector. It appears that because the price of cereals did not fall to the extent expected in CAP reform, it can be changed because money will be brought back into Europe but it cannot be changed if money is leaving Europe. That fundamental contradiction must be resolved.

The Minister said this disproved the contention of those commentators who argue that Ireland does not have any influence with the Commission in the management of the beef market. If there is such influence with the Commission, why has it not been used to ensure that the ridiculous system of GATT management in terms of quantities and export refunds is rectified? That would have a beneficial effect on Irish farming.

During his meeting in the Red Cow Inn, the Minister said fiscal policy was not decided in Kildare Street. That is correct because it is decided in Merrion Street by the Department of Finance, although there is collective Government responsibility for it. However, the Minister mentioned it at the end of his speech from which I presume we are meant to interpret that he is personally responsible for it, although he is not. The major tax concessions are wonderful. The people to whom Senator McGowan referred and the people I know are not worried about paying tax but about surviving. Despite the rosy picture painted by the Minister, there is £120 a head less being given for beef animals than was given before Christmas. There was a £144 a head or 18p a pound reduction between March 1996 and March 1997. That reality should have been recognised in the Minister's speech.

The Minister said we must comply with the ceilings proposed by GATT because it is a formal international agreement but he did not agree that cutting export refunds was the best strategy. None of us agrees it is the best strategy, but the question is what will be done. Perhaps he admitted there was a problem when he said there was light at the end of the tunnel. He also said there will be further discussions with the Russian authorities in June to review the situation. Will that be before or after 6 June? Will those talks take place in Kavanagh's pub in Enniscorthy, in Dublin Airport or both?

Who is benefiting from the money which has been secured from the European Union to fund Irish agriculture? If that £30 million a week was given to producers, 2,000 to 3,000 would not be leaving the land each year. The Minister made huge play of the lack of competition in the industry and what the meat factories were doing when he spoke at the public meeting. He has since referred this matter to the Competition Authority. However, he did not mention it in his speech this evening. Why has he remained silent? Why did he not mention the need for live cattle exports to ensure competition in the industry, which was correctly identified by Senator Townsend, and the fact that support moneys must be passed on instead of being swallowed up in the system?

Currency is also a factor. Farmers can operate if the currency is stable, but not if there are constant revaluations and devaluations or if the Minister for Finance sends out a signal which has a catastrophic effect on the market, although I accept that effect has been beneficial in the case of our export industry and farming.

We need a national plan for the beef industry. We had a plan for the pig industry, which was sponsored by the IDA and which, to many people's surprise, achieved many of its objectives. However, if a Martian saw our grass, beef and farming systems and he knew there were 380 million people in the European market, he would question why this industry is not thriving? The reason is that there has not been a coherent national strategy at technical, marketing or support level to ensure the industry moves in the right direction. We should have immediate traceability and there should be computer backup. There should be an assurance campaign and production systems which can be promoted by Teagasc. There is a realistic expectation that despite instability in the market, efficient people can survive and prosper. I suspect if we allowed Grand Metropolitan and Guinness to take over the Irish beef industry, they would make a better fist of it because they would see the 380 million mouths in Europe and they would realise that if they increased their market share by 2 or 3 per cent there would be huge national benefits. We must take a commercial approach and not reduce people to peasant farming.

How do we explain EU policies which are isolated from each other? One EU policy states that calves should be slaughtered while another states that suckler cows should be subsidised. How do we square slaughtering calves with subsidising suckler cows? That does not make sense. How do we have a scheme for environmental protection when, because of a European system which encourages people to put more sheep on the mountains, there is environmental degradation on the mountains on a scale not seen for generations and which will take generations to rectify? How do we reconcile those two policies? Politicians, Departments and civil servants make policies, but they can be changed. If policies could not be changed, what would be the point of having a system of government?

There is also the issue of the disposal of special risk material — the heads and spines of carcasses. There is a £3 per head levy, but damage is being caused to the environment because people are burying carcasses in fields. There is no consistency in this regard.

The Minister said the dairy regime must be examined. There are two categories of people who should be accommodated within the revised policy. The first are those who can survive and produce a lot of milk at low cost in a hostile international environment. They should be allowed to do so because it is in the national interest to keep the volumes going through our processing plants so that the unit cost will come down and we will be able to respond to international market signals to produce more milk, rather than allowing New Zealand or America to take up the slack. The Irish dairy industry must be compelled to invest in those areas because that is where the extra milk will come from. That is the reason we need high level commercial people to exploit the market. There is also an obligation to protect the small weak farmers who cannot survive within that environment. I do not see any inconsistency in allowing those things to happen and it is possible under the GATT rules.

The Minister stated that he aimed to ensure the capacity and capability of the industry to respond to future opportunities. We all agree with this. He said his Department is committed to the highest standards of food safety. One journalist describes this as a culture of voluntary blindness. We have to realise that as regards the BSE crisis the consumer rules. Even if there is no quantifiable connection between BSE and CJD, the variant strain of BSE, and meat and bone meal, the consumer wants BSE free meat. If there is no proven connection between the use of anabolic steroids, not angel dust, and the quality of meat it is the consumer who demands hormone free meat. The consumer will decide and we better get that message through our heads.

There should be a register of cereal growers. The area aid maps scheme is a disgrace. The Dutch potato industry markets its potatoes. The Irish seed potato industry should be like its Dutch counterpart. The reason the Dutch potato industry has a better health status is its people marketed their product throughout the world and sold potatoes. We can talk about having the best potatoes in the world but if nobody knows it we are wasting our breath.

I am delighted to be able to comment on this very serious crisis. It is almost too late for this Government to do anything about it. Much valuable time has been lost through months of indecision but it was not through lack of prompting by the Opposition benches in both Houses.

I am very critical of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring and his use of the Government jet. The same Deputy complained about the use of the Government jet by the previous Fianna Fáil Government. That Government negotiated billions of pounds that have been squandered by Departments since this Government's inception in 1994. The media has not highlighted the issue of Deputy Spring and his use of the Government jet. The Tánaiste has spent more time abroad than he has looking after the agriculture industry at home. He should have been trying to secure live export markets. Very little has been done for this sector. For a few months we had inadequate shipping facilities for live cattle exports. The press releases in The Farmers' Journal, the midweek farming section of The Independent and The Examiner were indoctrination at enormous expense.

Last week in the Dáil there was a parliamentary question on the cost of a Minister's photographer. I wondered why the poor people of Ireland made this country free. Some Ministers are squandering taxpayers' money on photographers instead of getting on with the job.

I know the Minister, Deputy Yates and Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, who is present, come from a rural background. I do not think they got the support from Ministers Spring and De Rossa and other members of the Government that they should have in trying to cope with the major problems in the agriculture industry. All we have is indecision. Last week we had an announcement that the Minister, Deputy Yates would meet the Egyptians. Contradictory statements were made by the Labour Party spokes-persons in various constituencies. Nothing happened over the past few months but at the eleventh hour a meeting with the Egyptians has been arranged to take place in a few weeks time. It would be far better if the Taoiseach dissolved this Government immediately because he will not be back to collect the seal of office.

The various farming sectors and their families are very annoyed because their livelihoods are at stake. The spin-off industries are also at stake and the way in which they have been handled is a disgrace. Media coverage is of little use to the farming community who wants to pay its debts, educate its families, meet mortgage repayments, etc. The agriculture industry is very important but the people involved seem to be very greedy. There were many shady business deals prior to the establishment of Greencore. The people involved are not so green because they are watching the money in their pockets rather than looking after the farmers. There is great anger at the manner in which the sugar beet crisis has been managed. There have been meetings on this issue in every county. What is Greencore's agenda?

Blame can be levelled at the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry. The TB and brucellosis eradication scheme has lasted for the past 50 years, yet we still have both diseases. This is a national scandal. No one will take the blame for it. Civil servants either receive golden handshakes, retire or move to Brussels leaving their mistakes behind them. I know of an instance where a herd of dairy cows was destroyed because a cattle dealer who rented grazing land brought every known disease into the area. The whole parish was nearly wiped out. The Department, under successive Governments, was warned to tighten up on these areas. Some Members did not know what we were speaking about because they were not from a farming background. Billions of pounds have been wasted by the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry because nobody cares. God speed the day when someone will be made responsible. Whether those responsible are in the private or public sector they will be booted out the door without any compensation.

The Fr. Brendan Smyth controversy brought down a Government and almost brought down a subsequent Government when hidden files relating to the case were discovered. The Government under Deputy Reynolds was brought down because a civil servant did not carry out his duties properly; the present Taoiseach was almost deposed because the same civil servant was not doing his duty properly. That civil servant got a golden handshake of £85,000 and a pension. God help Irish taxpayers. That is where the lack of responsibility lies. The same is happening in other Departments.

I remind the Senator that we are discussing agriculture.

This is a statement on agriculture. I am comparing the lack of responsibilities on the part of many senior civil servants who are the guardians of the public purse and the nation's affairs. Nobody seems to care. I do not like it and neither do many young people. There is much indecision in agriculture as well. Many advisers in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry would not know a bullock from a greyhound. They get spin doctors to bring out statements but farmers are not fools. When they see their income disappearing they know what the problem is. The problem in the sugar beet industry has not yet been sorted out. I am disappointed with the manner in which the Government has handled this issue over the past nine months. The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister for Social Welfare and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry have a responsibility to ensure transparency, accountability and unity of purpose in this area.

It was said earlier that Fianna Fáil had no agricultural policies when in office but the record shows otherwise. The then Deputies O'Kennedy and Walsh, former Agriculture Ministers, together with Commissioner MacSharry reformed the CAP. The experts in the Farmers' Journal and in some of the farmers' organisations decried what Commissioner MacSharry did saying that he would destroy agriculture and that the cheque in the post was not acceptable. If the cheque in the post had not been available in the past year and a half, there would have been another famine in Ireland. Small and medium sized farmers would have had nothing to live on. This is the kind of hypocrisy with which we must contend.

The sooner this Government is dissolved the better. It is too late to undo the neglect which has occurred at the expense of the farmers of this country. If this matter is not sorted out in the next two months we will have a crisis similar to that in 1974 when the meat factories ripped off the farmers, and they are ripping them off now. They have no conscience and it seems that a cosy cartel is in operation there. It is a disgrace. I know the Minister has made soundings in recent days that a special group is looking into the issue but it will probably report this time next year when the crisis has passed. Consultants will probably be employed at enormous cost to show the Minister where the factories are and what bullocks and store cattle look like. It is a scandal that the meat factories are making a bad situation worse.

If the Minister or his Minister of State can do anything in the days ahead — I think their days are numbered and I am not being spiteful, bitter or sarcastic about that — they should do it. Many months have been lost when action should be taken, not alone for the farmers and their families but for other workers whose jobs depend on agriculture.

I want to add my voice to the concerns expressed about the problems being experienced in this area. I was very disappointed by the negative statements in the Minister's speech. I thought he would come into this House, prior to an election, and punch home the fact that he was doing the right thing and that positive progress was being made. It is worrying when the Minister comes in here and starts making statements to the effect that there is some light at the end of the tunnel when he should be saying there is a blazing light at the end of the tunnel and the tunnel is opening.

The Minister said he understands Qatar will lift restrictions in a couple of weeks and that it is to be hoped Oman will follow suit. He also hopes that Jordan, which has also imposed a ban, will be persuaded to lift its restrictions. Is the farming community going to live in hope for the rest of its life? The Minister was hoping and praying for some light at the end of the tunnel and he said that although the process would be a long one it must be given the time and consideration it deserves. How much time does he want?

At the end of his speech, the Minister told us what the budget meant to the farmers and how much they would gain in the widening of the tax bands and the increase in tax free allowances to £500 and £1,000. Surely he is aware that 50 per cent of Irish farmers will not benefit at all from this as they do not earn enough to even come into the tax bands. The Minister has made an entire series of negative assumptions. He says he will meet the Russian delegation again in June. Will he visit Wexford as he did on a previous occasion?

The Minister of State, Deputy Deenihan, and I come from the same county and he is aware of the problems there. He knows that the west has been decimated in recent years by young people leaving farms and seeking work in Dublin, England, etc. We must introduce a positive policy to keep those young people on the land where they belong. They should be working on the farms as their mothers and fathers did. They are different to the Minister of State, Senators D'Arcy, Byrne and myself because they are living in an age where they expect to earn a positive income. There is no positive income coming from farming which will encourage young people to stay on the land.

Farming is in decline. I am not blaming the Minister for the BSE crisis and the other problems which are not of his making — these things happen and the Minister must deal with them — but I am blaming him for not taking the kind of positive action to secure markets, etc., to make a positive contribution to farming which is our most important industry. I have often heard it said that when the farmer is down, the country is down. That statement might seem strange to people working in other sectors but it is true. The agricultural sector is going through a very tough time at the moment, not through any fault of its own, but because of bad handling by the Government and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry. It is fair to say that this Government does not give agriculture the same priority and urgency it does to other sectors. Without that priority, we are going to dig ourselves into a very deep hole.

The Minister seems to solve everything by going to Brussels and lobbying the European Commission. Is that how things are done now? I thought the Minister would go to the Commission with a positive group of solid people, including representatives of the farming community, the IFA, ICMSA and so on, to put up a strong fight. This country has been blackguarded for far too long by the EU which constantly reminds us of the billions of pounds which it gives us.

I have always made a parallel between fishing and agriculture. Ireland contributes £2.1 billion to the EU from its fishing waters. The EU makes a big deal about giving us £6 billion or £7 billion in Structural Funds over five or six years. However, this is only a pittance in comparison to what we have given them. Since the London Convention of 1964 member states have fished our waters but no compensation has been given to our fishermen who are gradually getting smaller catches and greater penalties and quotas have been imposed. If the EU thinks it is doing us great favours it should start adding up our contribution.

I do not see how compensating farmers will solve the problem. It will solve it this year and get them over problems in the short term but what we need is a proper agricultural policy. Agricultural advisers, who made mistakes in the past, told farmers they needed big milking parlours and huge silos with the result that farmers borrowed large amounts of money. This happened under Fianna Fáil Governments also. We can see these big sheds, silos and milking parlours in ruins and unused along the Dingle peninsula. I am only guessing but I would say that, in the last ten years, half of those making a good living from farming in the Minister's and my areas have now left it. Only the shells of buildings are left.

One question posed on last night's "Questions and Answers" programme was what the big issues in the forthcoming election will be. I could not believe it when everything was mentioned except agriculture. This is the problem: the Government, Ministers and Members are focused on other issues.

The spin doctors drew up the questions.

Rural Ireland and agriculture will be forgotten and the attitude seems to be that the sooner it is out of the way and compensation is received for farmers the better. The emphasis is on compensation rather than finding markets which can be exploited if there is the will to do so and a strong Minister to act. I have nothing personal against the Minister or any other Minister, but I see the problems in agriculture and they are bigger than the Minister thinks. His speech tonight was negative and full of doubt, offering a little light at the end of the tunnel. He had nothing positive to say.

The Minister referred to the £100 million received as compensation for the BSE crisis last June and October, saying that "by any standards, this was a very sizeable package of aid and it has made a very substantial contribution to relieving the hardship endured by producers". However, it has not ended the hardship which the Minister acknowledged exists. I have always admired the Minister but he looked a beaten man in the manner in which he delivered his speech tonight. He wanted to get the speech out of the way and get on with his business.

I ask the Minister of State to do whatever he can in the last days of this Government. I wish him well in the election and hope he is returned because he brought legislation through the House of which he can be proud. I do not know much about the detail of agriculture, such as weight and prices for beef, but I see what is happening and I was very disappointed with what the Minister said and the manner in which he delivered his speech.

Despite what Opposition Members have said the Minister gave a very comprehensive overview of the agriculture sector, including agri-monetary compensation, the beef sector, the beef and cattle trade, food safety, the milk sector, the food industry, the tillage and potato sector and Partnership 2000. I will confine my remarks to my areas of responsibility and take this opportunity to outline the progress made.

Having a clear cut policy on rural development is now more important than ever and my Department has an increasingly important role in this. The main development in this regard in recent years has been implementation of the Leader programme. This is the EU initiative based on the bottom-up concept of involving the local community in its own development. I am happy to inform the House that following the success of Leader I, I negotiated the operational programme for Leader II with the European Commission to provide for the extension of the programme to all rural areas.

Thirty four local action groups and two sectoral based groups with a rural tourism remit have been approved to implement local business plans which they have drawn up. Today I announced additional allocations of funding to the groups approved to implement the Leader II programme. An additional £14.5 million was allocated to the 34 area based groups involved bringing to £87.5 million the funding available for the implementation of local business plans throughout the country.

The Leader programme has proved a tremendous success in providing a role for local communities to involve themselves in the development of their own areas. The approved groups have responded to the opportunity presented to them by demonstrating clearly that they are willing and able to participate in and contribute to that development.

Leader II has been operating for about 18 months in all rural areas. Having established themselves in their areas the groups are well advanced in the implementation of their business plans. One of the key features of the programme is its role in community development and we have insisted that each group undertake a programme of animation and capacity building in their communities to encourage and facilitate the development process. I am confident that this is an activity which will support rural communities and improve their ability to engage in local development long into the future.

Following the mid-term review of the programme my Department is seeking European Commission approval for a number of proposed changes which, if approved, will improve the delivery and impact of the programme. We are also embarking on the programme of networking activities which will facilitate the exchange of information and experience between groups. I am confident that the additional funding which has been announced, the proposed changes in the operating rules and the networking arrangements will provide a major boost for the Leader programme and will enable approved groups to make a worthwhile contribution to the development of their areas.

On a more general policy level, the rural development policy advisory group which I established in December 1995 to advise me on future policy is on the point of finalising its report. This is a wide ranging review of the situation in rural areas and of the problems, issues, needs and opportunities for our rural communities. The report puts forward its views on the vision of a society which we should strive for and the types of strategy and policy responses needed to achieve it. I am planning to have the group's report published and widely circulated in the next few weeks. I am confident that the deliberations of the group will provide a very valuable contribution into the debate on the future of our rural areas.

The National Social and Economic Forum also published a report recently entitled Rural Renewal, Combating Social Exclusion. This contains an analysis of the current situation and a range of policy recommendations to achieve greater social inclusion in rural areas. The three core recommendations of the report are: that a Department of Agriculture and Rural Development should be established to take the lead role in policy matters relating to rural development; that a standing committee for rural development policy review and advice should be established; and that the Government prepare a White Paper on Rural Development. The report of the National Economic and Social Forum has been referred by Government to my Department to co-ordinate the Government response to the recommendations.

An interdepartmental working group has been established and will be reporting back to Government on the issues raised in the very near future. I can assure the House that rural development policy has been high on my list of priorities. I am pleased the work of the rural development policy advisory group in particular, together with the other recent contributions, will form the basis for a comprehensive integrated strategy for rural development which will sustain our rural communities well into the next millennium.

A considerable degree of co-operation exists in the development of cross-Border projects in the agriculture and rural development areas under the various EU operational programmes, community initiatives and the International Fund for Ireland. This co-operation is given focus through the steering committee on cross-Border rural development, which was established by the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference in 1991. This committee, which is representative of senior officials of the Departments of Agriculture, North and South, concentrates its discussions on national structures for promoting rural development, including Leader and the operational programmes which do not have an existing cross-Border forum.

Under Leader II, the transnational co-operation measure, which is particularly suited to encouraging joint project activity between groups here and in the North, was launched in January. In addition, under the Leader networking arrangements, it is the intention to promote and encourage regular contacts and exchange with the body responsible for networking in the North. The other main areas of contact and co-operation between the two administrations come under the International Fund for Ireland and the European Union INTERREG initiative.

I want to mention the rural environment protection scheme (REPS), which is another of my areas of responsibility. REPS is beginning to play an increasingly influential part in family farming. This is largely because of the part played by REPS in the household income of many family farms. This becomes evident when one considers that there are now approximately 25,500 farmers approved for REPS payments. Some 9,000 of these farmers have also received their second year REPS payment, while 700 or so have also received a third REPS payment. Overall, REPS payments of close to £122 million have been paid to participant farmers to date.

There is also a significant increase in the interest and commitment being shown by all farmers, and not just those in REPS, towards the protection of the rural environment. Farmers have recognised that their land resource and the wider rural environment are finite resources and as such must be protected against practices which will downgrade the quality of the environment for themselves and others. REPS has played a major role in concentrating farmer thinking in this regard and it is clear that most farmers now practice farming in accordance with REPS principles. Farmers must recognise also that the principles of sustainability and environmental farming will become increasing considerations in family farming.

All the indications at EU level are that an increasing emphasis is being placed on the protection and conservation of the natural environment. This is evident from policies such as those applying under the Habitats and Birds Directives which have been the subject of recent implementing legislation by the Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht. These directives require the Minister to designate Special Areas of Conservation (SACs) and Special Protection Areas (SPAs).

It has been accepted that where existing farming practices have to change as a result of such environmental designations, a system of compensation should apply. It is proposed that compensation in respect of SAC and SPA designations will apply through an enhanced Rural Environment Protection Scheme, or through a scheme operated by the Department of Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht. The proposed compensation systems to apply are subject to the approval of the European Commission. Discussions have now commenced with the Commission to this end and my Department is hopeful that an appropriate compensation system can be agreed in the coming months.

In my time in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry I have taken a keen interest in the organic farming sector and its development. This is a sector which I see as having tremendous potential for development. In my view, organic farming is a long way from achieving its development potential in spite of great strides having been made in this area in recent years. The attachment of a specific organic farming supplementary measure to the rural environment protection scheme has given the production of organic produce a tremendous boost. REPS offers attractive financial incentives to farmers already engaged in organic farming, while an even greater level of incentives is available to farmers converting to an organic farming system for the first time in accordance with REPS. The attractiveness of the REPS organic measure can be seen when one considers that there are now over 600 registered, active organic farmers compared with the 175 farmers registered in 1990 when my Department first established its organic farming unit. However, it is clearly of little value to have on paper 600 or possibly more organic farmers if the ensuing levels of produce, that is, food products of good marketable quality, are not significantly increased.

To facilitate the orderly development of the organic sector and in particular the improved distribution and market availability of the increased levels of organic produce arising from REPS and from the increased consumer demand for such produce, my Department has secured funding from the 1994-1999 Structural Funds for a special scheme of grant aid geared towards the development of the organic sector under the headings of marketing, promotion and capital investments. Applications have been received in respect of the 1997 tranche of this scheme and these applications are being assessed at present.

Further funding will be available under this scheme in 1998 and 1999 to assist other organic development projects. The orderly and careful application of funds under this scheme should ensure that sound structures are put in place to secure an increasing market share for organic produce. Incidentally, my Department recently held a symposium on organic farming in Portlaoise, which was very well attended. This presents compelling evidence that the organic sector is gaining significant momentum.

The scheme of early retirement from farming, which was introduced in January 1994, is helping to redress two of the main structural defects in Irish farming, namely, farm sizes and the age profile of farmers. It provides a generous pension for farmers who retire and hand their lands on to younger farmers, very often the family successor.

At the end of April 1997 some 5,999 farmers had qualified for pensions totalling £54.3 million annually. In addition, 189,600 hectares had been released under the scheme to young trained farmers, resulting in an average increase in their farm size from 31 to 49 hectares, which in itself is a significant structural improvement. Over £94 million has been paid to date to retired farmers under the scheme, the average annual pension being £9,057. The success of the scheme can also be gauged by the target of 7,000 participants being reached this year, one year ahead of target.

Horticulture is a sector which has potential both as a mainstream farm activity and as an alternative supplement to other mainstream activities. Its labour intensive character ensures that it retains a significant role in the overall economy. A capital grants scheme for investments in horticulture was introduced early in 1995 under the Operational Programme for Agriculture, Rural Development and Forestry 1994-1999. In 1996, 112 projects were approved, involving £1 million in aid. Approved projects were aimed at increasing volume, value and efficiency, improving quality or presentation, or enabling the producer to introduce a new product or to take advantage of a new market. A further round of applications involving 300 projects is now being assessed. In total, over 1,000 applications have been received since the commencement of the programme. Other on-farm investments are catered for under the farm improvement programme, which is now confined to the horticulture sector.

The reform of the common organisation of the market in fruit and vegetables, proposals for which were under discussion since late 1995, was completed under the Irish Presidency in July 1996. The new arrangements for the sector apply from 1 January 1997. The main trust of the reform is the strengthening of the producer organisations, which should benefit horticulture in Ireland.

I want to refer briefly to an important Bill to control horses in urban area which I introduced in the Seanad, that is, the Control of Horses Bill, 1996. I hope the measures which will be put in place by this Bill will soon be brought into effect by the local authorities. It is up to the local authorities to put in place the by-laws. I am confident that the provisions of this Bill will ensure that the problem of wandering horses in urban and, indeed, rural areas will be controlled at last.

The Government remains committed to the development of the greyhound industry, which has made significant progress under my stewardship in the past two and a half years. Over the past three years almost £9 million has been made available in grant-in-aid to Bord na gCon and invested, with considerable impact, in the development and marketing of new facilities. The success of this approach, matched, as it has been, by the vision and hard work of Bord na gCon, is evident in the fact that the downward cycle in the fortunes of the greyhound industry has been reversed. The year 1996 has seen increases in attendances of 9 per cent, in tote betting of 27 per cent, and in bookmaker betting of 1 per cent. 1997 is showing similar growth trends. Attendances are up already by 60 per cent, tote betting is up by 64 per cent and bookmaker betting is up by a similar margin. The industry is thriving.

With all due respects, in my part of the country there are about five or six greyhounds. There are more cows and calves.

The Minister without interruption. Senator Kiely, I would ask you to desist.

The Government plans to continue with this assistance in an effort to ensure that the rate of progress achieved so far can be sustained and the industry is enabled to develop to its full potential. Other changes brought about directly by this Government to assist the industry include a reduction in the VAT on greyhound feed from 25 per cent to 12.5 per cent in 1995 and the granting of an exemption from tax on income from stud fees was introduced in 1996. I consider these to be of major benefit to the industry.

Government approval was given late last year for my proposals on new greyhound legislation and the drafting of the Bill has already commenced. The Bill will include provision for a new greyhound racing authority to replace Bord na gCon. It will be slightly larger than the existing board and will be broadly representative of the various interests in the industry, including the greyhound fraternity in Northern Ireland. It is also planned to establish a new independent control and appeals board with a legal person in the chair and to provide for veterinary or scientific expertise on, or available to, that board.

In March of this year I held a very successful Greyhound Industry Forum at Shelbourne Park which gave those involved in the industry the opportunity to make a meaningful contribution to future policy formulation. I arranged that a panel of experts attend the forum to speak on areas, including artificial insemination, conditions for trainers and breeders. This forum gave those involved in the industry the opportunity to listen to the views of people with experience and expertise in various subjects affecting the greyhound industry, pose questions and have their views heard.

I want to refer to some of the points raised by the Senators. Senator Kiely, in particular, raised the issue of the £17 million compensation. I remind the Senator that this is the first time this level of compensation was given to the farming population by an Irish Government since joining the EU. The £17 million is confined to cattle slaughtered between 1 April and 10 June because the main fall in prices took place after 1 April.

Prices fell before that.

Senator Kiely desist. The Minister without interruption. I think the Senator knows he is out of order.

The Minister had better look at that again.

The Minister without interruption.

I am trying to be helpful.

The farmers who are benefiting, some of whom are in the Senator's constituency, are very grateful for this compensation.

Other farmers would be grateful too.

I suppose one cannot satisfy everybody. Before that date, cattle prices, while lower than in 1996, were roughly in line with expectations. In other words, producers received the kind of price they expected when they purchased the cattle last autumn. The £17 million compensation must be seen in the context of all the compensation packages. Apart from the £100 million BSE compensation package, the agri-monetary packages for the three revaluations since last November amount to £31 million. In addition, the changes negotiated by the Minister last October to the extensification premium are worth a further £16 million per annum. It should also be remembered that the Minister negotiated the extension of the slaughter premium into 1997. This is of tremendous benefit to winter finishers.

It benefits the factories, not the farmers.

I would ask the Senator to desist.

In particular, they will benefit those who slaughter cattle between 1 January and 1 April. The Senator would probably appreciate this. He should accept and admit that but for the retention of the slaughter premium we would have a far worse crisis at present. All the compensation which the Minister succeeded in getting in Brussels is worth over 40p per pound to the beef producers.

They were there already, for three or four years.

When one adds this to the current price, it is evident that they are doing far better than in 1992 before the CAP reform was introduced.

Senator McGowan suggested that the Minister and I have done nothing to help agriculture while in office. A quick glance at the Minister's speech, together with what I have said, would disprove that contention. Let me take one statistic to show the results of our efforts. One should look at the developments in direct payments, for example. These reached a record level of over £900 million in 1996. The Minister was responsible for those negotiations in Brussels. Even if he was accused of going on his knees to the Commissioner, coming home with the money was what counted. He did a very good job. There was an increase of over £240 million over 1994, a massive 35 per cent increase. In the past 12 months alone, Minister Yates negotiated compensation packages of £185 million.

The people of north County Kerry did not see much of it.

The Minister without interruption.

Approximately £40 million has been spent on direct payments in north Kerry.

Senator McGowan also referred to the transfer of ewe premium quota. The rules governing the transfer of quota are set down by Brussels and are relatively straightforward when there are no problems relating to the legal title to the quota. The example highlighted by the Senator is not a good one because the problem in the case in question does not appear to have been caused by the procedures surrounding the transfer of quota but rather by the absence of proper legal title to the holding on the quota. My Department has done everything in its power to simplify the procedures. This year a brokerage system was introduced which enables us to put farmers wishing to transfer a lease quota into contact with people in their area who want to purchase or lease quota. This service has been well received by the farming community.

With regard to Senator Dardis' statement, it is not true that the Minister did not admit that a problem exists in the agriculture sector. Senator Fitzgerald accepted this by stating that the Minister's statement contained too much doom and gloom. If Senator Dardis had read the Minister's speech carefully, he would be aware that not only did the Minister concede that there are problems in the beef sector but he attempted to identify and explain the reasons for those problems. I remind the Senator that these include the BSE crisis, the successive reductions in export refunds and the revaluation of the Irish green pound.

We differ fundamentally from the Opposition in that we try to identify the source of these problems and do not attempt to pretend that they can be solved with a wave of the Government's magic wand. No one on the Opposition side made a sensible or realistic assessment of how these problems might be addressed. I did not hear one statement aimed at easing the problems faced by beef farmers.

How did they survive in the past?

Despite Senator Dardis's protestations, the basic problem of the beef sector is that the BSE crisis has reduced beef consumption to the extent that the GATT ceiling on subsidised exports is now a major constraint. There is no simple or obvious solution to this problem.

The Senator also referred to the Minister's statement that exports to third countries increased by 40 per cent in 1996 compared to 1995. This remarkable performance is directly due to the efforts of the Minister, the Department, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Bord Bia in the immediate aftermath of the BSE crisis to ensure that these markets remained open. This is in sharp contrast to the position in 1990 when, in the three years following the BSE crisis in that year, virtually all of our steer beef was sold into intervention. These facts speak for themselves and Members will accept that, at that time, the majority of beef was being placed in intervention and very little of it was being sold to Egypt, for example.

Fortunately, we have retained the market for our beef in Egypt and we have succeeded in increasing our exports to Russia. These markets were kept open by the Minister and me. I visited Russia and was informed that a decree was ready for signature which would close the Russian market to Irish beef. Working through the Russian Government I was able to stall the issuing of that decree which would have ended Irish exports to Russia. It would have been difficult to restore those exports. I invited a delegation of technical experts to Dublin and, following their visit, instead of exports from the entire country being banned only those from three counties were halted. Had that not happened, the beef industry would have collapsed.

The ban has been extended to other counties.

That happened subsequently but more beef is being exported to Russia than ever before.

The Minister of State's job is to have the ban lifted.

Will Senators please desist from interrupting?

Other speakers made passionate contributions about the agricultural community but they did not raise any particular points. I thank Senator Fitzgerald for his good wishes in respect of the forthcoming election.

I meant what I said.

I am aware of that.

There is no fear that the Minister of State will not be re-elected.

I thank Senator Kiely for his remarks and I hope his namesake feels the same way.

Kerry and Páidí Ó Sé for the final.

I will give every possible assistance to Páidí.

Senator Byrne made an impassioned plea and he accused some of the excellent civil servants in my Department of various wrongdoings in the past. I take the opportunity to state publicly how impressed I am with the civil servants working in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry, who are people of high standing. I enjoyed working with them. They were co-operative and supportive at all times. I reject any allegation about their standing, honesty and quality. It is regrettable that people have decided to target officials of the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry, and its former secretary, a Kerryman, who retired recently, for very unfair criticism. I stand over decisions made during my time in the Department, which, at all times, were in the best interests of the farming community and above board.

I am glad that I had the opportunity to speak on this motion. Unfortunately, if one is to judge by the numbers present on the other side of the House, the Opposition has very little interest in it.

There were more Members present on this side of the House than on the Government side.

It is an Opposition motion.

It is not a motion; the debate involved statements on Agriculture.

In any event, I appreciate the opportunity to reply to those statements.

When is it proposed to sit again?

At 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

The Seanad adjourned at 9.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 14 May 1997.

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