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Seanad Éireann debate -
Friday, 15 May 1998

Vol. 155 No. 14

Finance (No. 2) Bill, 1998 [Certified Money Bill] : Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am grateful to the Seanad for taking this Bill and facilitating its speedy enactment. There is general consensus that the recent Government action in response to developments in the housing sector was required. Consequently, the measures contained in this Bill are a necessary and speedy response to ensuring that balance is restored to this market and that, more importantly, the sharp increase in house prices can be addressed and defused. I would like to stress that aspect of balance — there are winners and losers from the changes in the Bill. That is inevitable in tackling an overheated market such as the property market at the moment. Indeed, there are signs that the Bill has already had a dampening effect on house price inflation.

Before dealing with the specific provisions of the Bill, the legislative consequences of the Government's action, I would like to set out the motivation behind the Government response to the recent trend in house prices. This response has not been ad hoc. It is a well thought out and integrated package of measures from which we cannot pick and choose. Each element has a part to play in achieving the balance we are seeking.

The rapid escalation in house prices over the past few years has had serious adverse implications for first time buyers. Furthermore, excessive house price increases carry potentially serious implications for the wider economy in terms of possible inflationary effects and the dangers of excessive personal borrowing. It was necessary, therefore, for the Government to take action in this area and a comprehensive range of measures in relation to the housing market was announced on 23 April 1998 on foot of the economic assessment of the recent house prices developments.

There has also been evidence of the growth in unacceptable practices designed to ratchet up prices to the detriment of purchasers. As both Minister Molloy and I have said in the last few days, this Bill will help remove the driving force behind such sharp practices — that is, excess market demand.

As the House knows, the Government late last year commissioned a comprehensive study of the housing situation. The report on the developments in house prices by Peter Bacon and Associates has provided us with an independent, expert analysis of the situation which has become a matter of serious public concern. Furthermore, this report provides a sound platform on which to formulate a balanced, well targeted package of measures to address this critical issue.

There are two key priorities that Government must address regarding housing. First, the question of affordability of housing, especially for lower income groups needed to be tackled. I have made it clear that this Government is not prepared to countenance the possible development of a situation where the goal of home ownership might be pushed beyond the reach of a significant proportion of households who reasonably aspire to it. Second, the long-term strength, stability and balance of the housing sector must not be jeopardised by excessive overheating or distortions in the market of which recent price developments are symptomatic. The Bill is not anti-investor or anti-rental sector. It will certainly rebalance matters in favour of owner occupiers but demand for rented property and a fair return to investors will still remain.

The consultants' report has given clear recognition to the key priorities which I have just mentioned. The Government's package will help restore balance to the housing market. This package will also help to remove another significant factor that has been fuelling price escalation, namely, the expectation of further major price increases. The very publication of the report itself together with the Government's speedy response has, as I said, taken much of the heat out of the market. Furthermore, it is hoped that this package will restore a degree of parity between the various market participants, i.e., the owner-occupier and the investor.

The Government has formulated a selected range of actions designed to alleviate these pressures on both the demand and supply side which are identified in the report as causing overheating, bottlenecks or distortions in the housing market. The Government's response consists, broadly of a threefold approach.

First, measures to increase the potential supply of housing — this involves increasing the availability of serviced land by the removal of infrastructural constraints, promoting increased densities at appropriate locations, encouraging faster release of serviced land for residential development and also achieving better movement within the existing housing stock; second, measures to dampen excessive investor demand and thereby help restore better balance between supply and demand and third, measures to improve the position of prospective first time buyers.

The Government is not seeking in this Bill to undo the property market or to harm market participants. Even with the removal of interest deductibility there will still be a basic and strong demand for residential accommodation. To suggest that the demand for accommodation is entirely tax driven is not sustainable. Tax reliefs have played their part in stimulating demand and reviving the property market when it was flat. However, the case for continued favourable tax reliefs at the time of a property boom is far less convincing. The Bacon study makes it clear that:

. there are certain measures which if taken, would result in a better balance between demand and supply in the short term. In essence, rebalancing of existing fiscal incentives, which currently support investment demand in a number of respects, towards the promotion of housing supply to the end of the market where affordability pressures are greatest, is considered both desirable and feasible. there is evidence that changing patterns of housing demand are sufficient to support a growing and more diversified rented sector, for example, rental values appear to be well underpinned. What is in doubt is the need to encourage this demand by means of fiscal incentives, especially when the revenue foregone in this direction could be focused better towards increasing supply and choice to first time buyers who are facing affordability strain.

It is important to note that the proposals in the report were designed to allow investment in residential property to be determined by underlying market demand for additional rented accommodation, at a time when economic and social changes are leading to an increase in the depth and breadth of demand for such accommodation. Senators will know that I believe in such market forces. Where there is strong demand there is no need to add to this by distorting demand by unnecessary tax reliefs.

Clearly there are arguments and concerns about what we are doing. I am convinced that the dire prognostications of some in regard to the rental sector are overstated. There is a demand for rented accommodation; not just a notional demand but an effective demand. What there will not be are super normal profits. To the extent that those currently renting can now afford to buy as a result of this package, this will free up a certain amount of the existing stock of rental property. What we are doing is changing the balance of demand in the market while pursuing measures also to increase supply.

I would now like to turn to the specific taxation measures contained in the Bill. A number of amendments were made to the Bill in the Dáil and I will refer also to those. Section 1 gives effect to the changes in the treatment of interest on borrowings used to purchase, improve or repair rented residential property. The consultants recommended the removal of the deductibility of interest on borrowings for residential property against rental income for tax purposes. The Government has accepted this recommendation.

Accordingly, investors will no longer be entitled to a deduction for tax purposes against rental income in respect of interest on borrowings used on or after 23 April 1998 to purchase, improve or repair residential property. This measure, which will apply to individuals, partnerships and companies, will directly address the situation identified in the report that investors were to some extent replacing first time buyers in the market, a development which goes totally against the thrust of housing policy objectives accepted over recent decades.

However, as is only reasonable, pipeline cases have been catered for where a contract in writing was in place before 23 April 1998 to purchase an investment residential property and the borrowed money is employed for that purpose by 31 December 1998, instead of 30 September 1998 as announced in the Government statement of 23 April.

Neither will the restriction apply to borrowed money employed on the improvement or repair of a residential premises which, on 23 April 1998 or at any time in the 12 months to that date, was a rented residential premises and which was owned by the investor on 23 April 1998, or which was purchased by him or her on or before 31 December 1998 under a contract in writing entered into before 23 April 1998.

The disallowance of interest will not apply to rented residential properties covered by the provisions of the designated seaside resorts scheme, or the new rural renewal scheme. Neither will it apply to holiday cottages or holiday apartments in other parts of the country registered or listed with Bord Fáilte where the planning permission specifically states that the premises are not to be rented or leased for periods in excess of two consecutive calendar months at any one time. However, this latter exclusion will only apply to developments where planning applications were received by the planning authority prior to 23 April 1998.

The section also clarifies that Irish investors who invest in residential property outside the State will also be subject to the new restrictions on interest deductibility. Thus, such investment outside the State and investment within the State will be treated in the same way. However, in the case of rented residential property outside the State the restriction will not apply where a contract in writing was in place before 7 May 1998 — the date of publication of the Bill — to purchase the property and the borrowed money is employed for that purpose by 31 December 1998.

Section 1 also provides that where, at any time on or after 23 April 1998, a person turns their sole or main residence into rented accommodation, the restriction on relief for interest will apply from the date of the change of use, irrespective of when the borrowed money was employed. This measure is included to prevent people buying a house, moving into that house and retaining their original house for letting purposes. To have allowed that would have run counter to the whole thrust of these measures, i.e., to restore some balance in the housing market between investor and owner-occupier. I believe these arrangements are fair and reasonable in the circumstances.

Section 2, which was tightened up by an amendment in the Dáil, is an anti-avoidance measure designed to prevent the circumvention of the measures in section 1 by channelling the borrowed moneys through a company or partnership. If this situation had not been catered for, then a person could have obtained tax relief on interest on the borrowed money invested in the company or partnership, which could then invest in rented residential property.

Section 3 implements the Government decision to introduce a temporary reduction in the rate of capital gains tax on development land from 40 per cent to 20 per cent for disposals of serviced land zoned for residential use which are made between 23 April 1998 and 5 April 2002. The consultants recommended that in order to encourage the supply of serviced land zoned residential, such a measure was required.

The consultants were not specific in their definition of what should constitute serviced land and, consequently, I have decided to link the 20 per cent rate to the planning process. In my view this is a transparent way of implementing the Government decision. Therefore, in order to qualify for this temporary reduction in the CGT rate on a disposal of development land, planning permission for residential development on the land must have been acquired prior to the disposal and such permission must still be in force at the time of disposal. Furthermore, if the contract for sale of the land which has planning permission for residential development is conditional on planning permission other than residential development being obtained, then this temporary reduction in the rate of CGT will not apply.

This section also provides for a new 60 per cent rate of capital gains tax to apply from 6 April 2002 to disposals made from that date of development land which is zoned residential. This is in accordance with the recommendations contained in the consultants' report and will act as a further incentive to the early release of land suitable for residential development thereby increasing supply.

Section 3 also applies the 20 per cent rate to land with no planning permission acquired by local authorities. I made this amendment in the Dáil to ensure that such land would continue to be made available to local authorities at the right price. Not to have done so could have meant that owners might otherwise seek planning permission in order to get the 20 per cent CGT rate in which case the price could go up and there would be a delay factor in local authorities acquiring land.

On the issue of planning permission, there have been concerns that the requirement to have a planning permission for residential development to qualify for the lower rate capital gains tax will delay the release of land to the market. However, it will be sufficient in nearly all cases simply to obtain outline permission.

The requirements for documentation to accompany an application for outline permission are not very onerous. Only such particulars as are necessary for the planning authority to make a decision in regard to siting and layout are required. Therefore, a fully designed scheme is not necessary.

Where land is zoned for residential development and the necessary services are available, there should be no difficulty in acquiring outline permission. The existence of outline permission should make it easier for the purchaser to obtain approval for development as the issues of principle will have been decided at outline stage. Given that planning permissions only have a life of five years, linking the relief to planning permission will help to ensure that serviced residentially zoned land is actually developed which is, after all, our objective.

More than 70 per cent of planning applications are decided by planning authorities within two months. In the event of an appeal, there will of course be a delay. The average time taken by An Bord Pleanála to decide appeals is now running at 18 weeks. My colleague, the Minister for the Environment and Local Government, is taking action to ensure that in 1999, 90 per cent of appeals will be decided within four months.

Section 4 is designed to bring into effect, from 1 June 1998, the section 23 relief for the rural renewal area provided for in the 1998 Finance Act. While other reliefs for the area of a commercial nature require EU Commission approval, residential based reliefs are not of concern to the Commission. There is no reason, therefore, not to proceed now with section 23 reliefs in this case. I have also preserved, in section 1, interest deductibility for this region in regard to all residential rental income and I am sure few would begrudge this extra concession to this area. Whatever the causes of house price inflation, it certainly did not start in Leitrim and the surrounding areas.

Part 2 of the Bill contains the stamp duty provisions of the Government package. These measures were contained in the Financial Resolution passed by the Dáil on 28 April 1998, subject to one change in the case of pipeline cases. However, I will briefly outline the changes in the stamp duty code.

Section 5 of the Bill is a definitions section. Section 6 provides that the reduced rates of stamp duty on residential property and the imposition of stamp duty on all new residential property, bought by non owner-occupiers, will apply to all conveyances which take place on or after 23 April 1998.

Pipeline cases have been catered for where written contracts had been entered into prior to 23 April 1998 and the conveyance takes place by 31 December 1998. This is an extension of three months on the 30 September 1998 period specified in the Financial Resolution. Where these transitional arrangements apply, the existing stamp duty relief on new residential property will continue to apply to investors.

Section 7 and the Schedule to the Bill impose the new rates of stamp duty for residential property. These new rates are nil for residential properties valued at up to £60,000; 3 per cent for properties valued between £60,000 and £100,000; 4 per cent between £100,000 and £170,000; 5 per cent from £170,000 to £250,000; 7 per cent between £250,000 and half a million and 9 per cent for properties valued in excess of that amount.

Section 8 deals with the transfer of mixed property, namely, property which has both a residential and a non-residential element. In such cases, the Bill provides for the imposition of stamp duty as if it were two separate properties. In other words, the residential element will be chargeable to stamp duty at the new residential rates and the non-residential element of the transaction will be chargeable to stamp duty at the appropriate non-residential stamp duty rates. In this situation there will be no aggregation between the two rates.

Sections 9 and 10 provide for the apportionment of the consideration on a just and reasonable basis in the case of mixed properties. Section 11 provides that the existing stamp duty exemption for new housing not exceeding 125 square metres is restricted to owner-occupiers. In other words, if the purchaser does not intend to reside in the property and that property is not their only, or main, place of residence, then stamp duty will apply at the appropriate residential rate.

Sections 12 and 14 deal with larger new housing units. If the purchaser is an owner-occupier, then the existing treatment of levying duty on either the site cost or on 25 per cent of the aggregate cost of the site plus the building cost, whichever is the greater, will continue. However, if the purchaser is not an owner-occupier then stamp duty at the appropriate rate on the full amount of the transaction will be charged.

Section 13 is a technical matter dealing with mixed property and specifies that all details of how the consideration is to be apportioned must be supplied to Revenue. Finally, sections 15 and 16 in Part 3 deal with the usual "care and management" provisions and to the short title of the Bill, respectively.

At the outset I said that this Government has acted in a decisive and considered manner. While criticisms have been made about certain aspects of the Government's proposals, I am happy that the measures contained in this special Finance Bill are an appropriate response by Government and must be viewed, together with the other measures being taken, as an overall package.

The suggestion that building activity will cease because of these measures is unfounded. I have taken heart from media reports, as recent as yesterday, of sales of properties to owner-occupiers where, in previous schemes, a significant percentage of the sales were made to investors. This is evidence that there is sufficient demand for housing from those who wish to purchase as an owner-occupier. To suggest otherwise is to miss the point of the detailed analysis contained in the consultants' report.

I am sure Senators will be anxious to speak on this important measure and I am pleased to commend the Bill to the House.

Mr. Cregan

I welcome the Bill generally and note the Minister's particular concern in regard to first time buyers. Such concern is appropriate. Particular aspects of the Bill were seriously questioned in the other House, and rightly so.

I have been involved in local government for the past 20 years or so and I was very involved, during the period of the 1983-7 Government, in bringing about a climate which allowed people to purchase their own houses through measures such as the £5,000 grant scheme.

I am very conscious of what is happening in regard to house prices, particularly in the Dublin area. The cost of property in Dublin has been the subject of much discussion and I feel we are not going far enough in addressing the problem. The Minister outlined a reduction from 6 to 3 per cent in stamp duty for first time buyers purchasing a second hand house valued at £60,000 or more. What can be bought for £60,000 nowadays? I am not setting out to be argumentative for the sake of it but we must think realistically. I do not envisage a situation where a first time buyer could purchase a property valued between £60,000 and £100,000 and pay stamp duty on it at 3 per cent. Stamp duty on a £100,000 property would be an additional £3,000. Interest must be paid on that £3,000 over, for example, a 20 year term loan.

People are currently borrowing money on which they are paying a reasonable 6 or 6.5 per cent interest rate. Reasonable interest rates account for much of the massive growth in the economy and we must attempt to keep the economy growing. I hope that, over the next five to ten years, young Irish people will be able to avail of the opportunities presented by low interest rates which were not available to my generation. We now have an even greater incentive and motivation as we enter a broader European society. I have paid interest at the rate of 19 and 22 per cent in the past, rates which nobody found easy.

What will the extra 3 per cent stamp duty mean to the first time buyer? The issue of whether we should provide the small investor with an incentive to invest in a second or subsequent property was raised in the Dáil. For a long time only the elite could invest in property. There is nothing wrong with people investing for their futures, their families or in order to provide an income for themselves when they are older. We should not be afraid to let people invest money, particularly when it is being invested in this country.

Stamp duty has been reduced to 3 per cent on property between £60,000 and £100,000. Three per cent of £100,000 is £3,000 over the term of the loan. What does this mean for a first time buyer? If a first time buyer is paying 7 per cent on a mortgage, 3 stamp duty per cent represents £210 per year. That is all the first time buyers gains by this measure. If a house costs more than £60,000 the 3 per cent must be paid. The difference in repayments between a first time buyer and someone who is not a first time buyer is £210 per year or approximately 40 pence per day. Let us not give the impression that an enormous benefit is being conferred on first time buyers.

I return to a measure taken in the early 1960s. Local authorities were then very much involved in encouraging people to buy their own houses. I am sure many Senators benefited from the local authority 35 year loans of that period. In 1987 we allowed the Minister to remove incentives from the hands of Government and local government and give them to the financial institutions to provide finance for people to buy their own homes for the first time. That was a mistake. Why must a house loan be paid off after 15 years? I have had possession of the deeds of my house for the last seven years but I have no use for them. I know of another person who got married the same year as I did and got a 35 year county council loan. His repayments were something like £29 per quarter. He still does not own his house but he has lived very cheaply and will make his last quarterly payment this year. I worked very hard to buy a similar house. Mine was paid for ten years ago but what does that matter? We should try to provide long-term benefit to people who want to do things for themselves and buy their own homes.

Local authority tenants were given grants of £5,000 to buy their houses. I pushed for that measure during the 1983-7 Coalition Government. Local authorities got 5,500 houses back in a 14 month period. I admit the scheme was too good. We might have introduced a scale and bought back only a certain number of houses per year. Nevertheless, 5,500 people availed of the £5,000 grant, the £3,000 first time buyers' grant and an individual grant of £1,500 making total grants of £9,500 to become home owners. Local authorities regained ownership of 5,500 houses which were then available for new tenants who were not in a position to buy their own houses.

The abolition of stamp duty on second hand houses under £60,000 is not sufficient. We must ensure the benefit goes to the house purchaser and not to the builder. I do not wish to see builders advertising houses at lower prices because they are taking all the benefits. Between £60 and £70 million per year is being spent by the health boards in rent allowances for tenants in private rented accommodation; in some cases up to £100 per week is paid. Better use could be made of this money by helping people to buy their own houses.

Local authorities are involved in providing houses to a much smaller extent than previously. I do not say local authorities should provide all accommodation. It costs a local authority more to build a house than a private builder. Cork Corporation is now buying more cheaply in the private sector than we can build. For years we sold off properties but it is now time for local authorites to buy property. Builders no longer want to build for local authorities.

Many benefits could be provided for first time buyers but we must also motivate the ordinary small investor. I heard of a builder in Leixlip who put properties on sale for £100,000 at 2 p.m. and at 2.25 p.m. the price had gone up to £125,000. Builders should not be allowed to do that but there is no legislation to stop them. I do not know if the Director of Consumer Affairs has any power over such a practice. Last week a case was heard in court of a couple who had signed a draft agreement to buy a house for £126,000. A deposit of £2,000 was paid. The builder then put the price up to £165,000. The judge determined that the draft agreement was not binding and the builder was permitted to raise the price. I do not like this. The purchaser is entitled to some protection.

I like to encourage well motivated enterprise but I do not like to see a builder holding properties back until prices rise or putting his price up by £25,000 in 25 minutes because a queue of buyers has formed outside his door. That is capitalism at its worst. We cannot tolerate such treatment of a boy or girl who are starting out in life or of a little investor who wants to buy a property which might be useful for a son or daughter in years to come. I am a supporter of enterprise and I know the Minister is too, but people should not be permitted to renege on agreements. Legislation is needed to protect people in these situations.

More authority must be given to local authorities. I welcome the provision in section 3 to reduce capital gains tax to 20 per cent on land with no planning permission sold to local authorities. I wonder will the Minister succeed in having this measure implemented. The Minister is attempting to ensure that land will continue to be made available to local authorities at the right price. I am not sure if he is correct from a legal point of view, but I hope he is.

I am not sure if the methods employed by local authorities are always the best. I know of local authorities which are selling sites at the best price they can get. That is fine from a business point of view and I am glad to see local authorities behave in a business like way but some local authorities are asking enormous prices for sites of 0.125 or 0.25 of an acre from first time buyers. Some benefit must be given to people who are on local authority housing lists and who want to become house owners. It may, of course, be difficult to discriminate between such people and other buyers. It is also difficult to discriminate in favour of a person who is genuinely setting up home for the first time. There must be some way to give such a person a 35 year loan at a fixed rate of interest.

Now that the country is enjoying moderate prosperity we must set up a fund to provide benefits for genuine first time buyers. Can we demand that the banks do that? Why are banks and building societies not providing long-term loans for first time buyers? Can the Government not provide money for banks to set up such a fund? In saying that I understand the Minister has problems in the context of builders, but I make no apologies. There have been very lean times for builders, but they are now doing very well. We complain when people charge an extra 3p for a pint; I remember when there was price control on the pint. However, there is no price control on building, the cost of land or rezoning.

It is now said that more houses should be built per acre. It is very late to be saying this. Certain planning authorities are saying there should be ten houses per acre while others are saying 12. There should be a defined number of houses per acre throughout the country. After all it is possible to drive around the country in a day. There should be no distinction between authorities. We are now seeing if it is possible to build 14 houses per acre. We have many green spaces between parks that will never be used. In theory this is excellent but in practice it is not. The price of houses in such parks have increased significantly as builders say they can only build ten houses per acre. Is the consumer protection authority questioning any of this? Have we a right, as we should have, to do it?

The Department of Finance has played around with the issue of stamp duty. The 6 per cent rate has been reduced to 4 per cent while the 9 per cent rate applies to houses costing £250,000 upwards, an increase on the previous level of £170,000. This does not matter one way or other. In the end the Department of Finance will receive more money. I defy anybody to say otherwise. We introduced a rate of 3 per cent on houses valued up to £100,000 and 4 per cent from there on, but I believe the Department did not lose money. I am not saying it should but I see no reason it should be looking for more particularly when there are people who cannot make it alone.

I do not want people receiving rent allowance from the health authority. Why the health authorities and not the local authorities are responsible for rent allowance is a question for another Minister. The Minister should note that in 1995 we agreed that local authorities would take over responsibility for the distribution of money for rent allowance, but that this has not yet been done. Health boards should not be handling rent allowance. It should be done by one authority and the best people to do so are local housing authorities. They know exactly the people in need of rent assistance. Every type of person is receiving rent assistance and it is costing us between £60 million and £70 million per year; a short time ago the cost was £4 million. We should be getting better value for the money and giving it to people who want to do things for themselves and to whom every assistance possible, including tax and banking provisions, should be provided.

Is there any way the Minister can demand the banks put a certain amount of money aside each year to which the Department of Finance would add, for example, £10 million per year, to provide long-term loans for first time buyers? First time buyers should be given tax benefit, not builders or those who are not in need of it. People should be means tested and local authorities are best suited to do this; we did it in the 1960s. For example, a person who got married in 1962 is paying £29 per quarter for his house, and he will be making his final quarterly payment this year. He had a great life, paying back £29 per quarter for the past 30 years. It was excellent.

I have a county council mortgage for 20 or 30 years which costs £44.76 per month.

Mr. Cregan

Why should a person own their house by the time they are 45 years of age? I have a five bedroomed house and five of my seven children have left. Some nights ago I walked into my house on my own and did not want to be alone. It is a massive house and I do not need it. I am a strong believer in house ownership. We have the highest rate of ownership in the world. Is this right? I readily admit that my attitude might be wrong. Too many people own their own houses and are on their own. I would love to see the houses of those living on their own being taken back and subsidised and smaller, comfortable accommodation units provided for them. However, families say those who propose this are the worst in the world; that it is an attempt to get rid of one's mother or father. This is not what is being suggested; rather an attempt is being made to look after them. There was uproar when I suggested it in City Hall in Cork.

The Minister is paying £44 a month.

I am also paying a mortgage.

Mr. Cregan

The Minister should consider providing such assistance. At the moment we are flush with money. Money could be taken from the rent allowance budget, the extra stamp duty, etc., and a certain amount deposited with each bank with an outline of how the Department wants the scheme to work. Anybody seeking a mortgage who is earning less than £20,000 should receive money at 6 per cent or 4 per cent for the next 20 years. Can we buy money on the money market?

Deputy Noonan was correct when he stated there are excellent people in the Department of Finance and the Department of the Environment and Local Government who are much brighter than those who produced the Bacon report. We have excellent broadminded people in all Departments capable of investigating anything concerning money. We should examine the possibility of buying money cheaply to give to those who need a little assistance. Most people want to help themselves but some may need a little assistance.

We have helped the banks since 1987 — Pádraig Flynn, the current EU Commissioner, was Minister at the time — whereby all moneys are being loaned through them. Local authorities no longer do this. That was a huge mistake by those in Government.

I know there are no easy or immediate answers. Rents will increase by the autumn as investors look for and get more money. Fewer people can buy houses because they do not have the money. In the context of interest rates there should be certain facilities for first time buyers. I mentioned £20,000 but this should not be a cutoff figure. Those earning up to £25, 000 should get a little more or less. A maximum figure should not be introduced, because we could cut off those on £21,000. Those earning £15,000, or £300 per week, should be able to do something for themselves. They like being able to do for themselves but they get no assistance. We should be looking at providing long-term loans at fixed rates.

The Bank of Ireland made profits of £580 million in 12 months. This equals £11 million per week or £1.5 million per day for five hours for five days. We should look at exactly what we are creating in the context of our financial institutions. These people know how to squeeze when they want to and they have done so when the chips were down. There is a great deal of money in circulation at present, with everybody doing well; nobody sees it better than I do. However, the Minister should create a situation so that in ten years' time he can look back and say "I did that" while young people — our sons and daughters — will say they will be comfortable for the next 20 years. We should give them a long-term benefit and not be looking towards a short-term gain for the banks or anybody else. We have a duty to do what his right.

This is a very welcome Bill and I applaud the Minister for introducing it. I have spoken here on this matter on three occasions since January when I called for a report on spiralling house prices. The Leader allowed a debate which was very successful. The Bill is the culmination of much activity and investigation and, to some extent, of the Bacon report. I welcome the provisions in the report which address three issues, the first is the ability of first time buyers to buy better houses than they could previously. I appreciate Senator Cregan's point about the £60,000 limit, but the circumstances are better now. When we discussed this issue in the House, every Member said that the lot of first time buyers had to be improved because purchasing their own homes was beyond the reach of young couples, particularly in Dublin city, although this is also the case in other parts of the country.

People who had money to finance their housing needs were finding it more difficult to get private sites from local authorities to build a house or to buy a house in a middle class housing estate. That was happening in my local authority area. I raised this matter 12 months ago when I asked the county council to make sites available to people who were prepared to pay £10,000 or £12,000 and build their own house. We should send that message to all local authorities. The provision in the legislation which allows people to sell land to the local authority while only paying 20 per cent capital gains tax is welcome.

The local authority is the housing authority. I agree with Senator Cregan that the sooner the local authority system takes over all aspects of housing the better. There is no advantage in health authorities being involved in housing. I do not know what is happening in terms of rent relief but it is costing the taxpayers £70 million or £80 million a year. This matter should be addressed. We should give rent relief to those in need, but that is not happening. There is no accountability. I do not know how this has been allowed to get out of hand. The Minister should investigate this matter on the basis that those involved in the housing business should also look after rent relief because those who know people's needs will be in the best position to evaluate if someone is entitled to rent relief.

Supply is important and it should be addressed on two fronts. I have already mentioned serviced sites. We have restricted the opportunities of investors to tap into the entire market. We were all glad at times for developers to develop local authority sites. However, the pendulum swung too far. The Minister has now struck a balance. I was talking to my brother last night who has lived in this city for 25 years and he said the results are to be seen already. The Minister's measures have initiated a debate on this subject and people are beginning to home in on the investment difficulties they might have had in the future if things had continued as they were.

The Minister has addressed this matter in a practical manner, although these measures may not solve all the problems. He moved at the right time because, had it been left any longer, people who had expected to buy their own homes, cars and pay large mortgages would not have been able to do so. Once house prices reached £100,000, people could not hope to buy a house of their own. The Minister has released houses back into the market. He will not reduce prices but he has stopped them from spiralling out of control and brought stability to the market. That will help first time buyers.

Rural renewal has a direct effect on County Roscommon where I live. It also affects Leitrim, Longford, Sligo and the upper Shannon region. I welcome the Minister's decision on interest rates on rented property. If he had not done that, the rural renewal scheme would have been a waste.

There will also be difficulties if planning is not addressed. The Minister's intentions as regards rural renewal in the upper Shannon region are totally dependent on the attitude of the planners and the local authorities. Rural Ireland is under the thumb of copy book planners. They are suggesting guidelines for small rural villages and towns which are more suitable to Manchester or London. I welcome the Minister's intentions as regards the upper Shannon region but they will be stifled at birth if somebody does not speak to the planning authorities. They will not come to fruition unless the county managers, county engineers and county planners and officials are told that this Bill represents Government policy on renewal in this area and that there is an onus on them to deal with the planning aspects. That must be done sooner rather than later.

In 1994 I was involved in the urban renewal scheme for Roscommon town. Twelve months were wasted before we got planning permission and it was only granted when there was a public outcry. We lost a great opportunity in the first year and a half to progress the urban renewal scheme. The Minister has only three years to implement that scheme. Now is the time to call in the county executives and explain to them that the Government wants to renew this area and they must be accommodating in terms of planning permission. Nobody wants to destroy the environment but houses and enterprises must be built.

Some 100 years ago there were 150,000 people in my county; there are only 51,000 there now. A planner will say there are too many houses in a particular village. We have a public water and sewerage supply in many of the villages and towns yet the planner tells me that they are overconcentrated. What was the situation when there was a population of 150,000 and there was no water or sewerage, only a well and a bucket? These people are addressing the matter using guidelines which are not appropriate to rural areas. The Departments of Finance and the Environment and Local Government are not aware of what is happening.

I have strayed somewhat from Second Stage of the Finance Bill but I needed to comment on the sections dealing with rural renewal. I ask the Minister and his colleagues, the Minister for the Environment and Local Government and the Minister of State, Deputy Molloy, to discuss this matter.

I welcome the Bill. I will not go through all the sections of it but I have mentioned the three areas which I feel are important. I thank the Minster for introducing this Bill and I have no doubt it will enjoy the support of the House.

I thank Senator Finneran for curtailing his remarks because I asked him to be as brief as possible so that I could also make a contribution.

Mr. Cregan

Somebody is listening anyway.

Wait until we vote, Senator.

Is the Senator still Leader of the group?

I am the only Leader of the group.

Only on Fridays.

I congratulate the Minister, and not only for the production of this Bill. For many years I have wondered why the Minister of Finance has had to be accompanied on his visits here by 153 civil servants. In the past we have had competent Ministers who did not need the civil servants and, although there would be some behind them, there were always great armies of them outside. Today those armies were there again and I asked them what they were doing here, the Minister for Finance is capable of looking after himself, especially on a depleted Friday in the Seanad. I noticed when I went out later that they had all disappeared. They are all confident the Minister can take this Bill through on his own for the first time.

I am sorry to tell the Senator that they are back.

Maybe they deserted him and then changed their minds. They would be wrong to do so. The Minister has shown great competence and courage in introducing this Bill.

It is appropriate that this Bill arrives in the Seanad on the day when the media reports that inflation will run at 6 per cent by the end of the year. The reports are alarmist but it is possible that will happen. It is alarming that we might be entering EMU in breach of those criteria which we set ourselves. Nobody has pointed that out yet but it is a real possibility.

While the economy is in danger of overheating there are all sorts of strands and undercurrents which we do not understand about inflation such as the leading, lagging and hedging being done by companies, whether it will continue and if sterling will go up or down. We cannot predict if inflation will run to 6 per cent so it is irresponsible to use that figure.

The point about inflation, however, is that the inflationary figure yesterday which shows overheating in the economy does not include the one item which is so alarming to the public consciousness — housing. The cost of houses is rising faster than anything else, and it continues to rise. I suspect it will continue to rise despite what the Minister has done. The figure auctioneers quoted today, although not scientific as they would have an agenda, of 17 per cent already this year is alarming. Perhaps the Minister would consider including housing in one of the indices regularly quoted on inflation. It would not be something any Government would welcome because it would immediately push up the inflation figures, but it would be appropriate. I disagree with Senator Cregan. We are a nation which traditionally likes to own our own houses. That is a laudable social ambition, it is something every mother and father wants for their children. It is a target to which all Governments should aspire. Would the Minister consider putting housing into one of the indices which is regularly quoted?

The measures in the Bacon report are well thought out and integrated. They are a serious attempt to do something about a massive problem which is completely out of control. Houses are unattainable for young people, even for couples, unless they are very rich or their parents give them money or the banks give them far too much. It is a social problem which will come back to haunt us in the days when the banks are reclaiming these houses having lent too much, when interest rates go up.

The measures which Peter Bacon suggested and which the Minister so rapidly took on board are probably as good as we will get but the real question is the one Margaret Thatcher asked, the question every free marketeer asks, can you really buck the market? Can you solve this problem by tinkering about at the edges? The problem is one of supply and demand, there are too many people chasing too few houses. There are not enough houses available. Can you artificially create supply and reduce the demand? There is an attempt to create a larger supply by removing some of the artificial incentives which existed in various sections. That is laudable and the intention is right. There are cases when the market should be interfered with, when people are suffering a great deal of unnecessary hardship. The free market is a great philosophy but it is not an absolute. Governments have to intervene from time to time and this was a case where intervention was necessary. The question is, how can we stop it?

I am coming back to a question on which the Minister and I will disagree. If we had not entered the EMU, interests rates here would be higher today and this problem would automatically have resolved itself or would be far less serious. We are facing into an abyss because interest rates, as everybody knows, are going to be 2 per cent lower than they would otherwise have been by January 1999. They might go up in Germany and elsewhere, or there might be a crisis which would put them up, but our interest rates will come down 2 per cent artificially. All other things being equal they will be around 3 to 4 per cent and they will be at German levels next January. That is the most inappropriate possible measure to be taken in this particular housing market. Nothing is guaranteed to inflate the housing market more than our interest rates being forced down by EMU.

Interest rate falls are appropriate in Germany, France and other EU member states where the economies are sluggish and there is no property boom, but they are totally inappropriate here. This market could explode next year if that happens. People will go out and borrow at 4 per cent. They can borrow as much as they like. If they are getting multiples of income at 4 per cent they will look at their repayments and think anything is possible. Do not rely on the banks and building societies to say this would be foolish. They will dish it out in barrel loads as they did to the farmers in the 1970s and 1980s but what will happen next?

The property boom cannot go on forever. The only question is whether the landing will be soft or hard. When we go into EMU and if interest rates come down there will be a massive slump and there is nothing we can do about it. That is the major danger we face. A property slump after a huge property boom will be the first price we pay for the radically wrong decision to enter EMU at this time.

The efforts made with these measures are laudable because the Government cannot do what it wants. If it was master of its own destiny interest rates would have been increased by 2 or 3 per cent. However, it is not and, therefore, we cannot dampen the housing market. I have never understood the point of tinkering with stamp duty. Buyers have only so much money to buy a house. Whether they spend it on stamp duty or on the house makes no difference if they have limited resources. If a buyer has a limit of £100,000 that will include their stamp duty — they will not consider that they can spend up to £100,000 on the house and £10,000 more on the stamp duty because they do not have £110,000 to spend.

Reducing stamp duty will not reduce prices. It will give more money to the vendor and less to the Government. That is a recipe for overheating because the vendor will then be able to buy another house for a higher price. I have never understood the basis for fiddling around with stamp duty because a buyer has the same amount of money to spend. Reducing stamp duty only puts up the price and gives the vendor more money to spend on another house. It will make no difference.

However, a genuine attempt is being made to cool down the market and there will be an immediate, although not necessarily dramatic, effect. The measures on interest deductibility and others are logical and good but we should not pretend they will make a 10 per cent or 20 per cent difference in prices for first time buyers. To loosen up the market the Minister might examine the cost of moving house, if it is within his remit. Auctioneers fees of 2.5 per cent are crazy and VAT must be paid on them, legal fees of 1 per cent must also be paid and adding the cost of bridging loans and moving fees can push the cost of moving up to 20 per cent. The cost is prohibitive and is a bottleneck in the market which should be examined.

However, because we cannot resolve it this problem must be seen as the first and most obvious casualty of EMU.

This Bill represents a reasonable balance in seeking to address this problem. There are aspects of it about which I am not too happy, particularly the disallowance of interest on repairs and renewals. The Minister might address that element in his reply. The need for action is unquestioned. House prices are getting out of hand and, as Senator Ross said, too many people are chasing too few houses. There is also the concern about inflation. It was indicated yesterday that there has been a 4.5 per cent increase in prices on the monthly calculation. If such a rate were sustained, although I do not expect it will, it would constitute a 6 per cent rise on an annual basis. Those calculations do not include house price increases. There are worries about inflation and I am sure the Minister is aware of them and that the Department is considering ways in which to address them.

I was in the west recently and I met a hotelier who had bought a small country hotel with about 25 bedrooms and a nice bar and restaurant by a lake. He had sold his house in Dublin for £450,000 and bought the hotel for £425,000. That does not seem to be something that should happen.

It was a good business decision.

It was an excellent business decision on his part. It underlines the degree to which house prices have gone out of control relative to other properties.

Mr. Cregan

He did not have to work in his house to make a profit. He will have to work in the hotel.

I am talking about the property and my point is reasonable in the circumstances because up until recently one could not have done that.

The Government has a responsibility to provide owner occupiers with a supply of houses which are affordable to those with modest incomes. Home ownership is central to the Irish character and has been so for many years.

Profiteering is another aspect of the problem. The Minister will be aware of the court case in which somebody paid a deposit on a house which had not been built, and a few months later the price of the house was increased. The court held that there was no contract which bound the parties to the original price quoted and the buyer was unable to find the extra money to purchase. There is a case to be made for legislation to address this problem. It does not seem fair that when a person buys a property in good faith on the basis of a particular price the price will have increased when he or she seeks to close the sale, sometimes to the extent that he or she cannot get a mortgage.

The Bacon report is excellent and it has shown the way forward. The Bill is a good, reasoned response to that report. I acknowledge the hard work done by the Minister of State with responsibility for housing, Deputy Molloy. We need to find a level in favour of the owner occupiers and affordability at the lower levels to allow people to step onto the ladder, so to speak.

At a recent presentation by one of the banks I was disturbed to learn that 50 per cent of the houses in new estates in Dublin were not being bought by owner occupiers. That demonstrates the extent to which people have availed of the advantages open to them. We must acknowledge that those who are not owner occupiers form an important part of the market and ensure a supply of accommodation for those who cannot afford to buy their own houses. That should continue.

Financial institutions have a responsibility in this area. Senator Ross referred to instances cited in the newspapers and on radio of people seeking mortgages being told that their income is insufficient. They are asked by the financial institution with which they are dealing if they work overtime, receive travelling expenses or if they are willing to rent a room in their house. Those factors are used to doctor figures so the person can get a mortgage he or she cannot really afford.

I recall vividly what happened to the land market in June 1979. By chance I had the good fortune to sell agricultural land, which was not well drained and which had no zoning potential, for more than £4,000 an acre. I doubt it would have made half of that sum within six weeks of being sold. That is the extent to which a crash can occur. The Central Bank intervened then and the banks had to abide by credit guidelines which restricted the amount of money available. I do not think that will happen now, but it demonstrates that a huge change can happen overnight, and people tend to forget that.

The Minister was correct to mention winners and losers. I have spoken of the need for an adequate supply of rented accommodation, and the Minister will be aware of concerns raised by the Irish Property Owners' Association in respect of this. We do not want a return to the Rachmanism in the UK years ago. The private rented sector accounts for 6 per cent of the market, in comparison with the European average of 10 per cent.

I have a difficulty with the allowance on loans taken out for repairs. Senator Ross mentioned stamp duty and that it can be given away in the marketplace, and there is an element whereby generous allowances on house purchase prices mean prices will be pushed up. Obviously if allowances are withdrawn that has a depressing effect on the price. However, I regard repairs as a legitimate business expense and it is surprising that the allowance on loans taken out for repairs is not given. The Irish Property Owners' Association stated that all houses already in private rented accommodation, when sold, will continue to retain tax deductibility of interest on investment, which it is arguing for. What is the background and reasoning for the withdrawal of the repairs allowance?

Senators from practically every county within 60 miles of the Shannon and possibly more have argued their cases for inclusion in the pilot rural renewal scheme on the Order of Business every day. The area drawn is reasonable and this is a pilot scheme which will be subject to review. The reliefs in the area are good, which is why Senators from other counties, particularly Donegal, are anxious to have their areas included.

The Minister of State at the Department of the Environment and Local Government, Deputy Molloy, commented on revisions of the social housing options which assist home ownership. There will be significant improvements in the terms of the shared ownership in the local authority house purchase loan schemes. Those improvements provide for an increase in the effective income limit for the schemes for single income household from £15,000 to £20,000 and a reduction in the rent payable by shared owners who enter into their transaction on or after 1 May 1998 from 5 per cent to 4.5 per cent of the local authority's equity. There is also an increase in the maximum house purchase loan from £38,000 to £50,000 and from £43,000 to £55,000 on certain offshore islands. Those are welcome developments and I hope they have an impact on that end of the market.

I was surprised that the reduction in capital gains tax from 40 per cent to 20 per cent did not extend to land as well as investments and I welcome its extension. I note the Minister's requirement for outline permission rather than full permission; that should speed up the process. However, as Senator Finneran said, planning at the county council level is very important. People building individual houses and developers are greatly frustrated by the length of time it takes to get through the planning process. This is particularly evident in Kildare because staff in Kildare County Council are overburdened by the degree of development there. It is almost impossible to deal with files on anything other than an emergency basis; applications are put back with requests for additional information and decisions are made at the last minute. Something will have to be done about this and I appeal to the Minister to give the county councils with the resources to ensure they can deal with the large and increasing number of applications to the planning departments.

The supply of zoned, serviced land is critical in this matter. It is extraordinary that the Labour Party, which advocates cheap housing and the availability of housing for those on low incomes, would resist expansion in zoning, particularly in the Minister's constituency of north Kildare, in the most marked way. Those two positions seem quite contradictory. Nobody advocates indiscriminate zoning. There have to be green belts and proper amenities, but there is a huge demand for land in that area. Provided there are facilities to service that land, a reasonable attitude must be taken on zoning. There is an attitude of "not in my back yard" among people who live in comfortable housing estates in the area and who do not want others to share the same quality of life.

Councillors deal on a daily basis with individual house planning applications and the difficulty of building in a rural area. We do not want ribbon development, but it seems sometimes that there is inconsistency between EU policy of rural development, which advocates keeping people in rural areas and tries to prevent rural depopulation and the position of the planning authorities when an individual wants to stay in a rural area. We have gone too far in the direction of ensuring people will not be able to build in rural areas. European law allows the free movement of capital goods and people through the Single Market. Can a condition be imposed which says one must be working in the area and in certain circumstances one must be involved in agriculture in the area? How does that square with European law? I suspect it would be open to challenge.

Yesterday at the Mid-East Regional Authority meeting, a surprising statement was made by one consultant engaged in preparing a strategic plan for the authority. He said the number of households is growing at a much more rapid rate than the population and that leads one to question whether the standard development plan system of defining the number of houses per acre is too crude. There is a tendency towards bed spaces but in the circumstances, where the number of households is increasing at a much greater rate than the population, to base development on the density of houses per acre is crude.

Large estates were built in the 1950s and 1960s and now all the children have left. Relatively large three and four bedroom houses are owned by people who are retiring and wish to trade down in the area to smaller houses, but because of the planning at that time there are very few smaller houses. There is a case for a mixed approach to development rather than building similar sized houses in large estates.

I now turn to infrastructure and the need to ensure it is adequate to meet the increase in housing. The Minister will be aware of the objections raised by the Eastern Regional Fisheries Board to certain housing developments in his constituency on foot of what it believes to be the polluting effect of the Osberstown treatment works in County Kildare on the River Liffey. That underlines the need to ensure the proposed works for that facility are carried out as speedily as possible. I am chairman of an angling club and it is wrong that matter should enter the river causing fish kills and a reduction in the quality of the water, some of which is extracted for drinking purposes in Leixlip. Pressure will increase as the number of houses increase and it is critical that the proposed works for that facility be undertaken quickly.

I welcome the Minister to the House. I congratulate him, as did Senator Ross, on bringing forward the report. It was a great idea on behalf of the Government, which cannot lose on this. If the price of property decreases and builders complain, it can blame the Bacon report while it will take the credit from punters. If the price increases, the Government can also blame the report.

We disagree with some recommendations in the report. There is an onus on us to look after the first time buyer and he or she should get all the benefits. The most vulnerable people are those in the £15,000 — £25,000 wage bracket and the report did not pay enough attention to them. Will the Minister look again at the situation of the first time buyer? We put down a Private Members' motion which stated first time buyers should be allowed to buy secondhand houses, pay no stamp duty and receive the £3,000 first time buyer's grant. That grant should be increased since there has not been an increase for years.

There were many valuable incentives in the motion we tabled. First, many rural houses which are serviced lie idle and if the first time buyer received a grant and did not pay stamp duty, those houses could be acquired. It would also be a saving to the Exchequer because there would be no need to provide services. The Government should have accepted that motion but it shied away from it.

Second, there will be a shortage of rental property in a few years. A grave error was made by not allowing people to claim interest against the accrual of rental income. As Senator Dardis said, the cost of repairs should at least be offset against rental income and this should be examined. Senator Ross was correct when he stated financial institutions should set guidelines. They give out money and will be competing with foreign banks from 1 January 1999. Many small towns, such as Ballina and Naas, have 12 or 14 financial institutions where money can be borrowed and this is economic madness. Each of them must make a pound and they have prime properties in the towns. It will not be long before there will be an amalgamation of banks and building societies because until now the poor punter was paying the price through increased interest rates and charges. The EU has depressed Irish interest rates and made the market more competitive. I am delighted about that, but while competition is great and everybody realises it is needed, 14 financial institutions in any small town is too many.

The Minister should address these issues. I accept the majority of the findings in the Bacon report but it lacks in a few areas. However, it will generally be accepted by all.

I welcome the Minister to the House and also welcome the provisions in the Bill. There is a sense of déja vu involved given that amendments were tabled in both Houses, particularly in regard to rental income, stamp duty and capital gains tax. What lead to the valuable Bacon report and the Finance (No. 2) Bill was a crisis in housing whereby the initiative in the purchase of houses had moved from the owner occupier to the property speculator. Once home making becomes property portfolio investment, there is a crisis. There is no other way to define it.

Action had to be taken and I am pleased the Minister has taken some. We have yet to see whether this will be sufficiently comprehensive to cool the house property market so that the emphasis is on people rather than property, on young couples who are first time buyers rather than on people who already have a home and are purchasing a second, third or fourth house, for rental income.

It had been extremely attractive under section 23 to write off mortgage interest costs against income tax. The tenant paid the mortgage and, at the same time, there was substantial and dramatic capital appreciation on the property. It was a "win, win" situation for the investor who could not lose. In those circumstances, all houses coming on the market became valuable properties whose value escalated at a great rate. It is quite clear that combination was dynamite for the market and for the ability of young people without the necessary resources to get in at the ground floor.

One might say young people were discriminated against. All the incentives were in favour of the investor and there were few limited incentives for the potential residential purchaser. It was a vicious circle where it had become so attractive to purchase to rent — rents were increasing all the time because property was appreciating — that the first time home buyer was literally costed out of the market.

This had knock-on effects for local authorities. Building land was hard to get and it was expensive. Shared ownership schemes disappeared because people could not acquire houses within the price range and the local authority house purchase schemes dried up. Local authority tenants were finding it much more difficult to get accommodation. The homeless lists grew and are still growing. The housing lists and the homeless lists are growing in Dublin city — it is probably the same throughout the country — because of the extra costs and competition in the market for land to build houses.

On the main provisions of the Bill, I welcome the limitations set on section 23 relief on rental income. That is its most important provision. It will have far reaching consequences and will go a considerable distance towards cooling the market.

I welcome the changes to stamp duty in so far as they go. As Senator Burke and others stated, the first time buyer is not targeted sufficiently. It is a broad provision. Something more along the lines of the old home improvement grant could have been done in that direction, particularly in relation to second-hand property. There is a good deal of property in need of refurbishment scattered throughout the country but there is no incentive to that end. The incentive is not geared to the ordinary purchaser who wants to buy a home or refurbish a second-hand house.

The provision relating to capital gains tax is a bit of a mishmash. In the budget capital gains tax was reduced from 40 per cent to 20 per cent. Now capital gains tax on development land, which is 40 per cent, is being reduced to 20 per cent with the threat that it will be increased threefold to 60 per cent in the future when this crisis is over, whenever that is. That will not have any effect on the availability of land, but it will have a major effect on the profits which will be made by those who have serviced land to make available. They do not need a carrot at this point. Capital gains tax of 40 per cent was adequate because land is appreciating to such a degree. If there was the threat of a 60 per cent rate in four years, people would dispose of property. That the Minister will reduce the rate to 20 per cent and may then madly raise it to 60 per cent in four years is not a credible approach. I do not think for a minute that the rate of capital gains tax will be increased to 60 per cent. I hope the Minister will be around to discuss it again. I do not want to prove him wrong. I hope he is right.

Certificates of reasonable value for property were operated by local authorities some time ago. The idea is that there would be a stamp of reasonable value on a property. If one looks at the present figures, the cost per square foot of construction is £60 and the selling price works out at £360 per square foot, according to figures I acquired from Dublin Corporation. That is a mark-up of 600 per cent on the cost of construction. In addition, one must take account of the site value, which is perhaps another £60. Nevertheless, when one compares the combined costs of £120 with the mark-up price, the mark up is at least 200 or 300 per cent on the costs of labour, materials, etc.. Ten years ago the mark-up was about 10 or 12 per cent or a maximum of 15 per cent. Anything in excess of a reasonable mark-up should be penalised by the imposition of a tax because such a mark-up is way out of line with the market and it is artificial. We should look at that so that the cost of construction and the exorbitant prices charged are transparent.

The question of building land is an important issue. Once land is rezoned for that building, its value increases dramatically. We must ensure that the cost of servicing and other costs are included in the amount on which a person, who has received this windfall benefit, is assessed. We must find a mechanism so that we simply do not give land an extraordinary artificially increased value because citizens require land in the vicinity of cities and towns, in particular, for the purpose of building homes.

I do not know whether the Minister has considered it, but it certainly would seem appropriate at present to extend tax relief to tenants in private rented accommodation. Under the Landlord and Tenant (Amendment) Act, 1994, tenants received tax relief for rented accommodation amounting to £500. The Minister is not responsible for tax relief on rented accommodation, but it should be doubled to enable tenants to benefit from the increase in the cost of rented accommodation. We would also need to register all landlords.

A number of Senators referred to house prices being increased by the vendor even after a deposit had been paid and a price agreed to. This must be dealt with. Another issue to be dealt with is bridging finance which is used when a person sells one home and buys another. This type of finance is very expensive. I draw the Minister's attention to an article published in The Sunday Times dated 19 April which stated that a British home buying review group was established to consider bridging finance and the British law society have produced a formula to deal with bridging mortgages as well as increases in house prices after deposits and prices have been agreed to.

I welcome this legislation and hope it has the desired effect. I hope house prices will be reduced to a reasonable level and that houses will be built to be used as homes by citizens rather than for rental purposes.

I thank Senators for their contributions. The housing problem has exercised the minds of many Members in both Houses for a considerable time. Dr. Bacon tried in his report to put a package together. Any item in the package could be analysed individually but the sum of the package is designed to have a particular effect. Lest there be any doubt, Dr. Bacon, along with the Government, the Minister for the Environment and Local Government, his Minister of State and my efforts by way of the Finance Bill, are all endeavouring to distort the market for a period. I agree with Senator Ross who quoted a famous politician as saying "you cannot buck the market". However, as the Senator has stated on many occasions Governments can distort the market at certain times by way of a policy directive. The measures outlined in the Finance Bill will attempt to distort the market and balance it. Dr. Bacon did not start his report with a view to looking at the rental sector. His objective was to try to balance supply and demand in the short-term in order to have affordable houses available for first time buyers.

I agree with Senator Cregan who referred to people inhabiting large houses and the propensity for Irish people to own their own homes. Undoubtedly, Ireland has the largest number of house owners in the EU at a rate of about 70 per cent of the population. Throughout the rest of Europe people aged 18 to 30 years rent their homes and only buy their homes when they are much older. Housing policy here encourages house ownership among young people.

Successive Administrations have encouraged people to own their own homes here and I agree with this stance. However, an economist would say there is no economic benefit to be gained from tying up all ones capital when one needs money to educate ones family, etc. It could be said that the housing policy in the rest of Europe is better, but from a social perspective the desire of Irish people to own their own homes is a positive step.

I cannot predict how young people will view our housing policy over the next ten years. My generation and the preceding generations would have regarded home ownership as good. The idea is embedded in our psyche and is probably a result of our colonial past. None of us is far removed from the land. Past generations from rural backgrounds have passed on stories of being tenants and how landlords owned everything. In regard to house ownership we are unusual compared to the rest of Europe. It has been the objective of successive Administrations to encourage home ownership but in recent years house prices have increased beyond the means of many due to market conditions.

As in any business price is a function of supply and demand and if demand outstrips supply prices will rise. The same principal applies to currencies, houses, livestock, golf balls, etc. When demand for houses outstrips supply it is for a variety of reasons. Dr. Bacon gave a number of reasons for this in his report. One of the main reasons for the increased demand has been the growth in the economy over recent years. People are better off, large numbers of people are returning from abroad to purchase their own homes, there are large amounts of cash available from financial institutions, and interest rates have decreased dramatically. Like Senator Cregan I have paid interest on mortgages at higher rates. He compared his situation to that of a friend who took out a county council mortgage. I built my first house with a local authority mortgage but because of my income it was spread over 30 years. Later I got a second mortgage but I am still paying my first mortgage at a very low rate. All those factors have contributed to the present demand.

On the supply side a number of factors are holding it up. Senators Finneran and Dardis referred to problems relating to planning. Dr. Bacon put forward many recommendations on both areas. The Minister for the Environment and Local Government, Deputy Dempsey, and Minister of State, Deputy Molloy deal with matters relating to supply. I will deal with taxation. Some of the measures mentioned are dramatic and severe in order to balance the market.

Economists would offer different solutions but Bacon and Associates put all these factors together and came up with a total package. The Government, in deciding upon this, was faced with a choice. In all of the areas there are debates supporting both sides of the argument but we agreed to deal with it in a package and keep everything together. For example, I agree with Senator Ross regarding stamp duty. During the Finance Bill, in response to amendments tabled by Deputy Noonan, I stated my views on the effects of a reduction in stamp duty. This solution was proposed by the Fine Gael Party. A great deal of the money goes to the vendor and I agree with Senator Ross's examples of it. I argued this point very forcefully, but all the points dealt with by Dr. Bacon, including stamp duty, non-allowability of interest and capital gains tax reduction, have been dealt with as part of a total package. The Government decided to put such a package in place in order for it to have an immediate and dramatic effect. There is evidence in recent days that it is having such an effect. I will now deal with the specific matters raised by Senators.

Senator Cregan made a number of excellent points in respect of the housing market, particularly the gazumping of house prices by auctioneers and developers which, following a recent High Court decision, was dealt with in an Adjournment debate in the Dáil earlier in the week. The Bacon report addressed this matter and suggested the introduction of a voluntary code of practice. The Minister of State at the Department of Environment and Local Government, Deputy Molloy, is addressing the annual conference of the Irish Housebuilders' Association in Galway today and he intends to raise this point. We will then see how the association responds. If necessary the Government will initiate action, probably through the Director of Consumer Affairs. I hope this problem is not widespread.

Ferocious pressure is being exerted in this regard in my home county. I hope developers will take a long term view of the situation because the danger is that the property bubble will burst. We will then be faced with a drastic situation. Senator Dardis provided examples of what occurred in the land market in the late 1970s which I remember very well. At that time, the market collapsed overnight and the price of agricultural land has only now returned to the rates which obtained in the late 1970s.

I have already dealt with the question of stamp duty and lower interest rates. I must inform Senator Cregan that I am in favour of people providing for themselves in terms of their homes and their retirement. However, as already stated, this Bill is attempting to give a short sharp shock to the system in order to remove investors from the market.

Senators Finneran and Cregan referred to the health boards. Community welfare officers decide people's eligibility for rent allowance. I am well versed in this subject because I tried to take action on it when I served as Minister for Social Welfare. My time in that Department is remembered for many reasons and this was one of the areas in respect of which I received criticism. When it was introduced, the supplementary welfare allowance scheme was intended as a scheme of last resort. However, in certain parts of the country it has become a scheme of first resort. At the time in question I established a group to investigate the matter with the Department of the Environment but it has not yet been resolved.

The scheme is costing the State a fortune. I do not have the figures for the entire country but in the Eastern Health Board area, comprising Counties Dublin, Kildare and Wicklow, approximately £40 million is paid in rent allowance, the vast bulk of which relates to the Dublin area. This problem has reached ridiculous proportions and I attempted to resolve it during my time as Minister for Social Welfare six years ago. I have made known to the Ministers for the Environment and Local Government and Social, Community and Family Affairs my views on this matter which is spiralling out of control in certain parts of the country. For example, some newly married couples cannot rent accommodation because the Eastern Health Board rents out the majority of houses, thus increasing their market price. Effectively, this means that landlords are guaranteed a weekly income and people are paying a fortune to rent rat holes. That is scandalous and it has led to a dramatic rise in the cost incurred by taxpayers.

I accept that this matter will be difficult to address. However, it should not be beyond the wit of the various experts in the Departments of Health and Children, Social, Community and Family Affairs and the Environment and Local Government to arrive at a solution.

Senator Finneran also stated that the measures taken in the Finance Bill are working. Recent evidence shows they have had an effect on the market because people are getting a reasonable opportunity to purchase houses.

I will not engage in a discussion of rural renewal. However, I must inform Senator Dardis that I have received representations from areas across the country in this regard. As the Senator stated, this is a pilot initiative for certain parts of the country and we must consider the progress made before proceeding further.

Senator Ross raised the issue of inflation and inquired whether it would be possible to construct an index to measure it. The consumer price index does not include data on inflation. One country tried to construct an index of the type to which the Senator referred but it did not prove successful. There are no plans to put such an index in place in Ireland at present. However, as house prices rise, pressure is placed on individual workers who in turn exert pressure on their employers to increase their wages. This leads to an inflationary spiral and a loss of competitiveness. That is why the Government is concerned about the boom in house prices and the provisions in the Bill are designed to address the problem.

Senator Ross and I discussed monetary union on previous occasions in the House and during debates on radio. I will not rehash those discussions here. The decision to enter into monetary union has been made and we believe it is in the country's overall interest to join the first wave of participating countries. From 1 January next, we will be full participants.

Senator Dardis referred to the disallowance of interest on repairs to and refurbishment of houses. That restriction does not apply to people who owned rented property before 23 April. However, an investor entering the rental market will not now be allowed to claim interest on the purchase of a property or the interest relief on the cost of refurbishing it.

Senator Dardis also raised the question of the reduction of capital gains tax from 40 per cent to 20 per cent — it was also referred to by Senator Costello in another context — which was designed to bring land on to the market as quickly as possible. As stated earlier, outline permission will suffice. There was much discussion in my Department regarding the criteria to be used and it was decided that, in the interests of transparency, land will qualify if planning permission is granted. Local authorities must consider matters involving services, etc., before granting such permission and we believe the mechanism we are putting in place is the easiest way to resolve the difficulties involved.

Senator Dardis also made a number of interesting points about planning and rezoning, particularly in respect of County Kildare. I do not want to enter that debate at this stage but there was a great deal of sense in what the Senator had to say and I do not disagree with his views.

Senator Finneran and others referred to the attitude of planning officials to granting planning applications. I sympathise and empathise with Members because I have experience in this area. Planning officials have a difficult job and they must consider issues in a different context. Senator Finneran also referred to rural renewal and I must inform him that if they are going to apply the same criteria to a small town in the west as those which apply to the city of Manchester then someone has lost the run of themselves.

Senator Burke inquired if enough is being done for first time buyers. The purpose of the Bacon report and the Government's response is to allow affordability to first time buyers by attempting to remove investors from the market. Investors must make decisions on the balance of advantage but many people who could not be regarded as investors were thinking of dipping into the market.

Senator Costello stated that everyone who buys a second house is a speculator but this is not true in most cases. Many people did so because they had children in college or as an investment to provide for themselves in old age and I have sympathy with that. This measure is designed to reduce demand in order to give owner-occupiers a chance.

Senator Costello mentioned certificates of reasonable value which were done away with in the 1990s. This system was introduced at a time when there was problem. As far as I can remember it was operated by the then Department of the Environment and not local authorities. This issue can be looked at again by the Department of the Environment and Local Government if necessary. It has outlived its usefulness and I am not sure if it would work.

Senator Costello also asked about tax relief for tenants. A system was introduced by my predecessor, Deputy Quinn, some time ago whereby if one produces a receipt and gives one's landlord's RSI number one can get relief of £500 per annum. I recently answered a question in the Dáil on the cost of this provision. The cost is not a lot proving that the uptake has not been substantial.

I thank Senators for their contributions and the general welcome for this legislation. I empathise with Senators who say that some provisions are too severe and others do not go far enough. However, this matter must be looked at in the broadest possible context. The sum of the measures will have the effect addressed in the Bacon report.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
Sitting suspended at 1.20 p.m. and resumed at 1.30 p.m.
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