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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 20 Mar 2002

Vol. 169 No. 12

Finance Bill, 2002 [ Certified Money Bill ] : Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Edmund Burke once said, "To tax and to please, no more than to love and to be wise, is not given to men." As Finance Bills are primarily concerned with taxation, this logic might suggest that today's debate would be an occasion to be avoided. This is far from the case. I am very proud of my seven Finance Bills, reflecting as they do a core element of this Government's budgetary and economic policies which have delivered unprecedented economic progress and improved standards of living for this country.

We have achieved one of the best economic performances in the world in the past four years. Taking the years 1998-2001, the economy has grown in GDP terms by an annual average of 9.5%. Our debt to GDP ratio stood at 74% in 1996 before we came into office; at the end of 2001, it had fallen to 36%, the second lowest in the European Union.

The Government has been very effective in its stewardship of the economy. An achievement that will stand out is that more than 300,000 new jobs have been created since 1997. As a result, unemployment has fallen from 10.3% in 1997 to an estimated average of 4% for last year. Long-term unemployment has also fallen significantly. The slowdown in the economy, however, from mid-2001 has been associated with some high profile job losses and the unemployment rate has edged upwards slightly. In these circumstances it is essential that the economy remains competitive in order to be in a position to take full advantage of the global economic recovery.

As I have said before, the annual Finance Bill is major legislation that implements the tax changes announced in the budget and a range of other measures. This year, the Bill runs to 141 sections and six Schedules. I propose to outline the main provisions.

I do not subscribe to the view of the Houses of Parliament in England, which, on the abolition of income tax after the Napoleonic wars, decreed that all records and papers relating to the tax should be destroyed. I do feel, however, that high tax rates inhibit economic development and ultimately restrict tax revenues. A central objective of the Government in the area of personal taxation has been to move to a position where most income earners pay tax at no more than the standard rate. Before the Government came into office, a single person with an income above €17,270, or £13,600, per annum became liable at the top income tax rate. This was below the average industrial wage as it stood in the first half of 1997. We are now in a position, following the budget for 2002, where the same person will not pay tax at the higher rate until his or her income exceeds €28,000, or £22,052, comfortably above the average industrial wage today. The improvement has been brought about by the significant widening of the standard rate band over the last number of budgets. Section 2 of the Bill will give effect to a further widening of the band. This will move a further 57,000 taxpayers from the top rate of tax.

Section 3 gives effect to significant increases in basic tax credits resulting in further real progress towards our aim of exempting those on the minimum wages from the tax net. The increase of over 14% in the combined value of the personal and employee credits provided for in the Bill will mean that the entry point in the tax system for a single person will be over €209, or £165 per week, that is, 90% of the current minimum wage. This compares with an entry point of €98, or £77 per week, in the tax year 1997-98. A single income married couple in receipt of the home carer's credit will be exempt from tax on the first €22,350, equivalent to €430 per week.

Since 1997 the positive changes to the income tax system have removed 71,500 elderly people from the tax net. The increase in the exemption limits for those aged over 65 years, provided for in section 4, will mean that the limits have almost doubled since 1997, to €13,000 for single persons and €26,000 for married couples. The increases in credits provided for in the Bill, together with the increased exemption limits for the elderly, mean that over 79,000 people are being exempted from income tax altogether. Since the Government took office the number removed from the tax net has increased to a record 692,000, equivalent to 37% of all income earners. This compares with a figure of 380,000, or 25%, of income earners before the Government took office.

I previously improved the allowance for those who employ a carer to look after incapacitated individuals in the home. To continue the support of the tax system for the people concerned and acknowledge the increased costs in this area, this year, in section 5, I have increased the annual maximum allowed from €12,700 to €30,000, which can be claimed at the individual's marginal rate of tax.

One of the positive developments provided for in the Bill deals with medical expenses relief and is set out in section 9. At present relief is primarily aimed at individuals or family units with dependent relatives. Subject to a maximum threshold, claims can be made by an individual against tax at the marginal rate. One of the anomalies of the current arrangement is that it is not possible to claim in respect of expenses met for a family member who is not a dependent as defined by the existing legislation. This means, for example, that a person could not claim for expenses met for a brother or sister who is not a dependent.

There are other deserving cases also which ought to be brought within the scope of the relief, for example, elderly individuals aged 65 years or over or those permanently incapacitated. Section 9 takes the appropriate action in this regard.

Section 6 removes the €195 tax credit ceiling for services provided by local authority and private operations, other than for refuse collection services based on a tag system. This will allow a taxpayer to claim a tax credit for the full range of such services at the standard rate of tax.

During the years I have made a number of changes in the area of pensions. Most significantly, in 1999, I increased tax relief for contributions to personal pensions for the self-employed and abolished the requirement for them to purchase an annuity on retirement. In the Bill I am making further changes to encourage employees in occupational pension schemes to increase their level of pension cover. Under the existing rules, the maximum an employee who is a member of an approved occupational pension scheme can put aside in a tax efficient manner for his or her pension is 15% of his or her annual remuneration. I am increasing the tax relief limits from 15% to 30% depending on age in order that they mirror the limits that apply to pension contributions paid by the self-employed. This will enable many employees to improve their pensions, subject to the normal Revenue approval limits. It will especially benefit those employees who have insufficient service to obtain a full pension in the normal course.

In addition, I am liberalising the rules regarding retirement annuity contracts for the case where a self-employed individual becomes an employee and joins an occupational pension scheme. I am now providing that such individuals will no longer have to terminate the RACs but instead can continue with them in their new situations, but without tax relief. Furthermore, I am changing the rules to allow for the provision of a full pension for a spouse or, alternatively, children of the deceased pension scheme member instead of the maximum of two thirds of the member's entitlement, as at present. As announced in the budget, I have reduced the tax charge on repayments of pension contributions from 25% to the standard rate of income tax, currently 20%.

Section 12 provides for the introduction of a new scheme of relief from income tax on retirement on their direct sports earnings for Irish resident sportspersons involved in certain sports. Qualifying sportspersons will be entitled to a deduction from earnings from direct participation in certain sports of the order of 40% for up to ten years of assessment back to and including the tax year 1990/1, provided the sportsperson was resident in the State during these years. Eligible income under the scheme will arise from direct participation in the sport and will not include income accruing from sponsorship, advertising or endorsements. The relief can be claimed in the year in which the sportsperson ceases to be permanently engaged in that sport, provided that the individual is resident for tax in that year and will be given by way of repayment of tax.

My proposal has been portrayed in some quarters as a snub to the GAA and its top players. This is emphatically not the case. I am very well aware of the effort and commitment which the top GAA players make to training and preparation, as well as of the pleasure and enjoyment they give to the sporting public. These players have been described as élite athletes and I would not disagree with that description. There are, of course, sportsmen and women in other amateur codes whose dedication and commitment to their chosen sport is also impressive. The tax relief for retiring sportspersons is restricted to direct earning from participation in sport. It does not, nor can it, apply where no direct sports earnings exist. Once a link between tax relief and sports income is broken, it would become difficult, if not impossible, to stop its extension to persons engaged in sport primarily as a leisure activity rather than a competitive one. This would be very costly to the Exchequer.

I am more than happy to stand on my record of support for the GAA. Indeed, I came in for a fair amount of criticism when I granted the GAA the equivalent of over €25 million in 1998 to aid the redevelopment of Croke Park. The GAA is well treated in the tax code. The current tax exemption for the income of sports bodies was introduced in 1927 specifically for the games of gaelic football, hurling and handball. It was only in 1963 that it was extended to other sports.

Section 13 amends the provisions governing approved profit sharing schemes and employee share ownership trusts to allow existing ESOTs or APSSs to continue to benefit where a takeover occurs and the takeover company has no share capital or insufficient share capital to do a full ordinary share for share exchange.

Section 14 limits the use by private investors of relief available for expenditure on significant buildings. In order to combat the unintended use of this relief by passive individual investors, there will be an annual limit of €31,750 on the amount of losses that such investors can offset against their other income. This brings this relief into line with what applies generally for tax relieved investment in buildings.

Section 15 amends the rules for tax relief on ex gratia redundancy payments. At present, the basic income tax exemption limits for ex gratia redundancy payments are €10,160 or £8,000 plus €765 or £600 for each full year of service. The limits were increased to their present levels in 1999 and an individual may avail of this exemption each time he or she is made redundant.

In addition, on a once-only basis, the basic exemption may be increased by an additional €5,080 or £4,000 in a case where an individual is not a member of an occupational pension scheme or irrevocably gives up the right to receive a lump sum from such a scheme. If an individual receives, or is entitled to receive, a pension lump sum the additional exemption is then reduced by the amount of the pension lump sum. The section increases the value of the additional amount from €5,080 to €10,000 and modifies the restriction on its use so that it may be availed of by an individual every ten years.

Section 16 extends the business expansion scheme and the seed capital scheme for a further period of two years. The existing company limit for these schemes is being increased to €750,000. This initiative will further facilitate companies, particularly small and start-up companies, in raising funds.

Section 17 provides for the reintroduction of mortgage interest relief as a deductible expense in calculating tax on rental income from residential property with effect from 1 January 2002. While the Government has made a number of changes in the taxation of the residential property market over the last number of years, circumstances have now changed and the presence of investors is required to secure the future supply of housing to meet accommodation needs. This change, together with the stamp duty change in sections 109 and 110, has already had an effect in restoring confidence in the housing market with positive implications for employment and output in the construction sector.

Sections 23 and 24 deal with extensions to the deadlines for qualifying expenditure in relation to a number of tax incentive schemes for property investment. I understand that projects planned under these schemes have been delayed for a variety of reasons and I hope that the time extensions granted will allow these projects to progress to completion by the new deadlines. The existing 31 December deadline for relief for multi-storey car parks, the urban renewal and rural renewal schemes will be extended until 31 December 2004. Deadlines for the relief for student accommodation are being extended to 30 September 2005 and for the park and ride scheme until 30 June 2004.

In relation to the business elements of both the urban and the rural renewal schemes, the extensions to the deadlines are subject to approval by the European Commission under EU state aid rules. No such EU approval process will be necessary for the residential elements of these schemes.

Section 25 makes a number of amendments to both the Urban Renewal Act, 1998 and the Town Renewal Act, 2000 to allow the Minister for the Environment and Local Government to extend the rented residential relief to certain areas which were originally designated under both the town and urban renewal schemes for owner occupier relief only. These measures will have the effect of extending the relief for rented residential investors to an overall total of 1,785 sites in the areas designated under both schemes. Of these, a total of 1,125 sites will be for new build development sites. It is hoped that, with the restoration of relief for borrowings for residential investors, this measure will increase the level of the provision of rented residential accommodation in the areas designated under both schemes.

Section 27 provides for the removal of some of the restrictions on the availability of capital allowances under the town renewal scheme which were introduced in the Finance Act, 2001, in respect of expenditure incurred on or after 6 April 2001 on the refurbishment of industrial and commercial buildings in qualifying areas. These restrictions were introduced subject to the conclusion of discussions with the European Commission on the outstanding state aid issues concerning the scheme. These outstanding issues have now been resolved with the European Commission and this section removes the restrictions. This change means that all qualifying refurbishment projects under the scheme can now avail of the incentives in respect of eligible expenditure incurred since 6 April 2001. I am confident that this change will provide a boost to the 100 small towns throughout the country that have designated sites included under this scheme.

Section 28 provides for the abolition of the restriction on the amount of deductible motor car running expenses for corporation tax or income tax purposes. These expenses include expenditure on fuel, insurance, tax and repairs. The expenses in question are those incurred in the course of a business or employment and the restriction is a somewhat artificial and cumbersome one that has outlived its usefulness. The abolition of the limit will take effect in relation to such expenses incurred in an accounting period or basis period ending on or after 1 January 2002.

Section 29 makes a number of amendments to the special profit deferral arrangement and 100% stock relief that is available to farmers who receive compensation as a result of disease eradication measures. The two year period during which farmers can avail of this measure is to be extended to four years in respect of disposals which arise on or after 21 February 2001. Section 30 extends the definition of qualifying quota that can qualify for relief under the scheme of capital allowances for the purchase of milk quota. This relief is to be available in respect of any purchase of milk quota by active producers purchased on or after 1 April 2000. However, as before, the amount of the relief available is capped at the price set for the milk quota year by the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development for the purposes of the purchase of milk quota under a milk quota restructuring scheme.

Section 32 amends the legislation providing for a scheme of capital allowances in respect of expenditure incurred on the construction or refurbishment of buildings used as private hospitals so as to streamline the provisions and improve the potential take-up of the scheme.

Section 33 provides for a scheme of capital allowances for the construction or refurbishment of housing units for the aged or infirm which are associated with registered nursing homes. The housing units must fulfil certain conditions. For instance, each unit must contain a nurse call system linked to the registered nursing home and the development must have an on-site caretaker. The scheme should act as an incentive for the provision of suitable residential accommodation in caring for elderly persons who are no longer able to live alone without some level of care but who do not as yet need to transfer to full nursing home residence. I am pleased that in the Dáil Committee, Deputies from all sides warmly welcomed this new scheme which I regard as meeting a particular need in the overall framework for care of the elderly. The house and any building in which it is comprised must be designed and constructed to meet the needs of persons with disabilities, including in particular persons who are confined to wheelchairs.

Section 34 provides for a scheme of capital allowances in respect of capital expenditure incurred on the construction or refurbishment of buildings used as private sports injury clinics. In order to qualify for the allowances, the sole or main business of the clinic must be the diagnosis, alleviation and treatment of sports-related injuries. The clinic must provide day-patient, in-patient, out-patient and surgical services and in-patient accommodation of at least 20 beds and must contain an operating theatre or theatres and on-site diagnostic and therapeutic services.

Section 35 extends the qualifying period of the scheme for capital allowances in respect of expenditure incurred on certain buildings used for third level education from 31 December 2002 to 31 December 2004. This scheme has made a useful contribution to the development of important educational infrastructure and its continuation should benefit the delivery of high quality third level education facilities.

Section 41 provides for a scheme of tax relief on donations to certain sports bodies for the funding of capital projects. During last year's debate on tax relief for donations to charities I undertook to examine whether a similar relief could be given for donations to sports bodies. The changes I have made to the charitable donations area have been broadly welcomed by the charitable sector and I am happy to extend the same principle to donations for capital sports projects. I have always been positively disposed towards giving tax relief for donations to sports bodies and am confident that this new scheme will act as an important incentive for the continuing development and improvement of sports facilities throughout the State. The provisions contained in this section of the Bill represent, in my view, a sensible approach to providing such relief. Eligibility for the relief will centre on two key criteria: the sports body must be an approved sports body and the donation must be for the purposes of a capital project costing under €40 million.

Section 42 extends the qualifying period for tax relief for corporate investment in certain renewable energy projects from 17 March 2002 to 31 December 2004. This extension is subject to clearance by the European Commission from a state aid perspective and will come into operation by way of a commencement order following such clearance.

Section 53 gives effect to my budget announcement that a tonnage tax method for calculating the profits of shipping companies for the purposes of corporation tax would be introduced. Tonnage tax makes available an alternative method for shipping companies to calculate their profits for corporation tax purposes. If a shipping company wishes to remain subject to the normal corporation tax rules for the calculation of its profits, it may do so. Profits once calculated using the tonnage method are subject to the 12.5% rate of corporation tax the same as the profits of a shipping company calculated by reference to the normal rules. The tonnage tax profits are arrived at by reference to the tonnage of the ships used in the shipping trade. Subject to clearance by the European Commission from a state aid perspective, the tonnage tax will come into operation by way of a commencement order. This provision is aimed at providing a level playing field for Irish shipping companies vis-à-vis those in other EU member states with similar rules.

Section 54 allows for some easing in the rules regarding the offset of losses on trading income activities against profits made on non-trading income activities. This is in response to requests made by tax practitioners in relation to the over strictness of the current rules.

Section 58 gives effect to the budget measure that the payment date for preliminary tax is being brought forward to one month before the end of the accounting period – an advance of seven months. This brings the provision for the payment of corporation tax more in line with the general practice in other EU and OECD countries and in line with the rules for the payment of income tax. The measure is being introduced over a transitional period and will be fully effective for accounting periods ending after 2005 when 90% of final liability will be payable one month before the end of the accounting period. Any balance of tax due will, as at present, remain payable within one month of the issue of the tax assessment by the Revenue Commissioners. It may be more difficult for a small company accurately to assess its potential corporation tax liability for the year. Accordingly, provision is being made to allow small companies to pay either 90% of the current year's liability or 100% of the previous year's tax liability.

A company will be treated as a small company if the corporation tax liability for the previous corresponding period does not exceed €50,000. Corporation tax payable on any capital gains in the last month, which could be difficult to predict, does not have to be included in the 90% provided a top-up payment is made one month after the end of the period. Capital gains tax retirement relief applies where a person aged 55 years or over disposes of business assets by way of sale or gift, subject to certain conditions.

Section 59 provides that personally held business assets, that is, those held outside a family company, will also be eligible for retirement relief, subject to certain conditions, including the condition that these assets must be disposed of together with the family company to the same person or persons. This facility already applies in the case of capital acquisitions tax business relief.

Sections 57 and 58 deal with CGT reliefs in the case of a compulsory purchase order of farmland for road construction for road widening purposes. The sections extend roll-over relief and early retirement relief to include land that was leased at the time of the CPO provided it had been actively farmed and was leased for less than five years prior to the disposal.

Sections 64 to 83, inclusive, relate to betting duty, including provisions to consolidate and modernise the betting duty legislation. The existing legislation in this area, some of which dates back to 1926, has been supplemented and amended over time to the extent that it has become very fragmented and disjointed. The opportunity is now being taken to streamline existing provisions and to introduce a new collection system. Section 67 confirms the budget decrease in the rate of excise duty on bets from 5% to 2% with effect from 1 May 2002. The 5% rate has applied since 1999.

The reduction in the rate is specifically targeted at safeguarding the Irish betting industry by reducing the incentive for Irish bookmakers to move offshore, in particular to the UK. This section also includes a change in the definition of the amount of the bet to clarify the taxation of spread betting on a unit basis. Section 68 provides for a new exemption for tote bets placed in registered bookmaking premises. Section 71 allows the bookmaker to absorb and pay the betting tax rather than charge it to the customer. Section 78 includes the imposition of a new charge of €2,000 where premises are re-registered following de-registration. These and the other changes in the Bill continue the process of updating excise law undertaken in recent Finance Acts.

Sections 84 and 85 provide that all applicants for a permit required to operate amusement machines in public places must produce a tax clearance certificate. There is also a provision for the imposition of an excise duty of €100 on the issue or renewal of such a permit. Section 86 provides that a tax clearance certificate is required when applying for various intoxicating liquor licences. Section 87 consolidates and standardises Revenue officers' powers of entry and search of premises for excise purposes by the inclusion of premises in which bets are accepted and by clarifying powers of detention. Sections 88 to 90, inclusive, confirm the budget increases in rates of excise duty on tobacco, petrol, auto diesel, cider and perry. Section 89 also confirms the budget provision for a higher rate of duty, to apply from 1 March 2002, on auto diesel with a higher sulphur content. Sections 91 and 92 extend both the repayment period and time limit for claims for repayment of mineral oil tax on heavy oil and liquid petroleum gas used for various purposes.

Partial relief from mineral oil tax by way of repayment is provided for in certain road passenger services. The current criteria apply to a person who carries on a passenger road service or provides a school transport service. In recognition of the importance of tourism to the economy and the key role played by coach tourism in this area, section 93 adds a new category of tour coaches used for extended group tours to the road passenger service section. The Bill provides that the extension of the relief, and the current relief, will be for those who can produce tax clearance certificates.

Sections 99 to 110, inclusive, deal with VAT. There are some significant changes in the VAT treatment of property transactions in the Bill. Sections 99 and 100 are aimed at preventing the use of VAT property avoidance schemes. These schemes have become a feature of the VAT system in recent years. I am anxious that such schemes are closed down when they are discovered and where there is a feasible way of doing so. Section 99 aims to prevent misuse of the valuation system to reduce the amount of VAT that should be paid on the development of property by exempt entities. It was possible to have a reduced value for such properties due to the non-commercial nature or location of the properties involved.

The Bill as initiated introduced the concept of "economic value" which provided that if the VAT value of the property and its development is less than the VAT value of the leasehold interest being disposed of, then the deductibility claimed on the acquisition and development of the property is clawed back. In this way, the measure ensured that VAT chargeable is at least equal to the VAT input credit already claimed from the Exchequer.

Following representations from interested parties that the definition in the Bill as initiated could create difficulties for genuine property transactions, the definition of "economic value" was modified on Committee Stage in the other House. The Bill now allows a reduction in the amount identified as the "economic value" in certain cases. The reduction applies where a person who is not the developer creates a smaller lease out of a longer lease, that is, the creation of a 20-year lease out of a 35-year lease. It will also apply in the case of a surrender or assignment of the remainder of the lease. I believe that these modifications satisfy the need to prevent avoidance activities, but allow for genuine transactions to be carried on unhindered.

Section 100 aims to prevent the use of the break-up of a VAT group as a way of avoiding VAT on immovable property which had been brought into the group and for which deductibility had already been claimed. Section 101 introduces mechanisms to address the issue of payment of VAT by non-resident performers and mobile traders when they operate in the State. These replace existing mechanisms which had to be replaced by virtue of the adoption of an EU directive on the treatment of fiscal representatives. Section 103 provides for the increase in the standard rate of VAT from 20% to 21% announced in the budget. This increase from 1 March 2002 will provide necessary additional revenue for the Exchequer.

Sections 113 and 114 give effect to the budget realignment of the investor stamp duty rates for transfers of new and second-hand residential property with those for owner occupiers, other than first-time buyers, purchasing second-hand residential property. As I indicated earlier, this measure, together with others, was designed to encourage investment in the provision of rented residential accommodation.

Sections 116 to 122, inclusive, deal with capital acquisitions tax. Existing provisions provide that where a farmer has obtained 90% agricultural relief for CAT purposes on the gift or inheritance of certain farmlands and these lands are subsequently acquired from the farmer under a compulsory purchase order within six years of the transfer, the CAT relief given will be clawed back unless the lands are replaced within four years by other agricultural property. Section 116 provides for this period for replacement for such cases to be extended to six years.

Section 121 brings the base date for aggregation for gifts or inheritances liable for CAT forward from 2 December 1988 to 5 December 1991. This measure takes effect for all gifts or inheritances taken on or after 5 December 2001, as announced in the budget. Certain tax liabilities can be discharged by way of a donation of an approved heritage item to the national collections. Section 124 increases the annual limit for all objects given in a year from €3.8 million to €6 million as well as providing other amendments to improve the operation of the scheme.

Sections 126 to 135, inclusive, deal with Revenue powers, penalties and administration. These measures implement recommendations in the final report of the sub-committee of the Committee of Public Accounts on DIRT and strengthen the penalties regime for failure to make a tax return. They also strengthen Revenue powers in a number of areas. The main provisions are as follows. The penalty for failure to account properly for DIRT or dividend withholding tax will be made a tax geared penalty, that is, it will be a percentage of the amount underpaid. Tax evaders will no longer be able to escape tax geared penalties simply by failing to make a tax return. Revenue's power to obtain a court order to obtain information from financial institutions is being extended to make it more easily available in Customs and Excise investigations. This is particularly targeted at cigarette smuggling. The range of records which can be accessed in a tax audit is being extended and dividend withholding tax is being brought within Revenue's power of audit. Publication of the names of tax defaulters where the settlement figure is greater than €12,700 is being extended to include Customs and Excise settlements. Existing provisions on tax clearance are being converted into a generally applicable procedure covering applications for tax clearance for whatever reason other than those already specifically catered for. Tax clearance provisions are being extended to all liquor licences and permits for public places in which amusement machines are located.

Other changes are also being introduced to arrangements in these areas. Where an under payment of tax arises from a relatively minor default on the part of the taxpayer, specifically where the penalty element is 15% or less, the case will not be published. Such cases will be confined to situations where the nature of the default is merely "insufficient care" on the part of the taxpayer. If there is gross carelessness or deliberate default, the case will be published. Also, the basis for calculating the interest charged by Revenue on unpaid tax and paid by Revenue on overpaid tax is being altered from a monthly to a daily basis.

Senators will be aware that I indicated in my budget speech that I expect to receive certain funds this year from the Central Bank. In other EU member states the economic benefit of coin issuance goes to the member states rather than to their central banks. In Ireland, we have up to now left this economic benefit with the Central Bank, even though the role of the Central Bank in relation to coin issue is that of agent of the Minister. This is an anomaly vis-à-vis European practice so I am bringing Irish practice into line with the norm by providing that these moneys should come to the Exchequer. I have consulted the European Central Bank about this provision and it has no objection.

Section 137, therefore, empowers the Minister for Finance to direct the Central Bank to pay into the Exchequer the accrued net proceeds arising from the issue of coin. Senators will be aware that I recently sponsored legislation to reunite holders of dormant funds in bank accounts with their own money. I am, with this provision, reuniting the Exchequer with some money of its own.

In my time as Minister, in my various Finance Bills, I have made fundamental changes to the tax system. I have delivered reduced tax rates across the board – income tax, corporation tax and capital taxes – and made the overall system fairer. I have also provided the Revenue Commissioners with resources, both in terms of manpower and statutory powers, to carry out their duties.

I hope the House has benefited from the outline I have given of the provisions in the Bill. I look forward to the debate on the Bill which I commend to Seanad Éireann.

I wish to share my time with Senator Connor.

Acting Chairman (Mr. Costello): Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the Minister and congratulate him on presenting his fifth successive budget. I thank him for bringing Members through the various sections of the Finance Bill, 2002. Much of what has emerged in the Bill was signalled in the Minister's Budget Statement in December. I acknowledge certain amendments and additions have been made in the Bill which, in view of the impending general election, have been kept to a minimum.

In my Second Stage contribution I would like to make some general comments on the economy. I have known the Minister for well over 20 years and in the late 1970s and early 1980s he won the admiration of many politicians and the public for his very forthright views on public spending. It came as no surprise to me when he was appointed Minister for Finance in 1997 and that in his first Budget Statement he outlined his political and economic philosophy – that he would avoid creative gimmickry and lucky bag spending to win votes and that his budgets would have three characteristics, namely, control of public spending, correction of tax inequities and the overdue acknowledgement of children and the elderly.

One has to admit that the Minister used a certain amount of creative gimmickry in balancing his last budget, but leaving that aside, let us look for one moment at the three issues which formed the Minister's political philosophy. Certainly, he has gone a long way to reform the tax system, which was long overdue. Tax allowances have now been replaced by credits which introduces more equity into the system. Bands have also been widened. In 1997 a single person started to pay tax on roughly €100 per week. After the Bill has been passed, a person on €210 will be free of tax. I am disappointed the Minister did not go all the way and remove those on the minimum wage from the tax net.

Social welfare recipients have seen a real increase in their payments and the Government has delivered on old age pensions –€150 per week, €20 more than its target. Substantial increases have also been provided for in child benefit. The Minister has improved the lot of senior citizens who pay income tax by increasing the tax exemption limit which now stands at €26,000 for a married couple. I have a special interest in retirement pension and the raised allowance because I am a beneficiary of both measures.

One of the saddest aspects of our economy is that there is still poverty, even though there has been substantial growth in the economy in recent years. The Minister defended himself in his Budget Statement by arguing that he has looked after the less well-off in society. Nevertheless, CORI still makes a very strong case that there are many on the poverty line. As I said, we have enjoyed tremendous growth in recent years. We should, however, have done more to eliminate poverty in our society.

While I acknowledge the Government has met its targets in relation to two of its political objectives, it is in respect of the third – the control of public expenditure – that it has failed utterly. A truly alarming picture is now developing in regard to the public finances, particularly in relation to current spending. When the Minister took office in 1997 he promised that it would rise by just 2% per year ahead of inflation. In his recent Budget Statement he admitted that it had risen by an enormous 79% during his five years in office. It was probably never realistic to expect the Government to curtail public expenditure at the rate promised during an era of unequalled prosperity, but the challenge was to curtail spending at a level that would be sustained into the future in order that whoever forms the next Government would not be landed in a financial nightmare.

Further spending commitments are now so large that the next Government will face dire choices if the economy does not continue to grow rapidly, which is most unlikely. The figures for the first two months of this year have been very disappointing and show a huge increase in public expenditure and very little growth in the economy. The Government has failed to manage spending in a way that ensures it can be sustained in the longer term. It could have done a better job on this front and would not now be projecting significant deficits for 2003 and 2004.

The recent years of relative economic plenty have seen a more relaxed attitude to obtaining value for money from public expenditure. However, when facing an uncertain future, the importance of obtaining value for money from public expenditure must become a priority for the Government. We just have to look at the health service on which Government expenditure has more than doubled since 1996. Development has taken place in a piecemeal way and the result has been very ineffective. The return on this substantial increase in expenditure remains open to question given that two thirds of health expenditure is attributed to paying costs. The fact that the number employed in the health service has increased by one third over the last ten years will account for some of the increased spending, but a substantial number of public patients continue to experience long waiting lists for elective surgery. Accident and emergency services seem to be in chaos. Given the enormous increase in Government expenditure on the health service in recent years and the very limited information available on the return on this investment, concern about efficiency and productivity must be utmost in the mind of the Government.

The lack of housing is a major social problem. Waiting lists for local authority housing have increased rapidly in recent years and there remains the prospect that they will continue to grow for a number of years. Under the national development plan, substantial public resources have been allocated to increase the supply of social housing, but the tightness in the building industry has proved a serious obstacle. I hope the slowdown in the industry will enable the Government to increase the supply of social housing.

Prolonged growth in the 1990s has moved Ireland from being one of the least developed countries in the European Union to a position where we enjoy a GNP rate per head which matches the EU average. We could enjoy a higher standard of living than our EU counterparts if it were not for the infrastructural deficit. Because of the serious congestion experienced as a result of the inadequacy of existing infrastructure, there is much pressure to rapidly push ahead with further investments. There is a danger of over-reliance on public-private partnerships. Public-private partnerships are most likely to be efficient in designing and building roads, but relying on them to manage infrastructure once it is built may lead to serious inefficiencies.

I am pleased to note the Bill proposes to introduce measures to increase the penalties on institutions failing to deduct tax on behalf of the Exchequer, such as DIRT, following criticism of the system by the Committee of Public Accounts which investigated the DIRT scandal. The committee stated significantly more than the £3 million collected could have been extracted from the financial institutions if the penalties had been tax geared rather than fixed sum amounts.

The business expansion scheme has been in place for nearly 20 years and seed capital available since 1993. During the years both schemes have undergone many changes resulting in complicated legislation with many erroneous conditions applying. I am glad to see there are significant amendments in the Bill relating to them. The changes extend the termination dates of both schemes by two years and increase the amount companies can raise from €317,000 to €750,000 under each scheme. There has been a notable fall-off in BES investments in recent years and I hope the changes in the Bill will give rise to increased interest in such investments, particularly through the medium of designated funds. I understand there has been a substantial increase in the level of interest shown since the Minister announced these changes and I am confident both schemes will now experience a new lease of life.

I welcome the proposal by the Minister to introduce a tax break for sportsmen and women similar to that enjoyed by artists. The scheme allows retiring sportsmen and women to choose up to ten years of their playing career – this period cannot commence before 1990. They must have been resident in the State for tax purposes for the years concerned. The first 40% of gross earnings will be tax free and because individuals will have paid tax, they will now be able to receive a rebate from the Revenue Commissioners. This is an innovative way of rewarding sportspersons who have brought great credit to their country and have given pleasure to many of our citizens.

The 2001 worldwide economic slowdown has had an impact on taxation revenue. Based on the relatively high GDP growth predictions of 3.9% from 2002, the Department of Finance predicted a 2002 budget surplus of 0.7%. Some economic commentators have suggested that Ireland will experience a budget deficit in 2002. All agree that given the current structure of Government spending and taxation, large deficits will be experienced from 2003 onwards. This will provide a significant challenge to whatever Government takes office after 2002. It is in this context that we must discuss this Bill.

I welcome the Minister to the House. I wish to speak about where we find ourselves in this economic cycle which has lasted for ten years. We have had unprecedented growth for at least eight years, but the curve has now turned downwards. In the context of the modern economic policies that we employ in governing the economy, we must ask ourselves if it is appropriate to what will take place in the next two or three years. It is not thought that there will be a global recession, but there will be much lower levels of growth in the world's major economies. That includes the United States of America, the economy that drives most of the economic activity in the developed world.

During the 1990s there was sustained growth in the Irish economy but the big question is how we distributed the fruits of this growth. We still have a huge cohort of people who fall below the poverty line. Huge areas of the country have hardly benefited from the economic activity of recent years. There has been hardly any economic improvement in recent years in the area Senator Finneran and I come from and the people there wonder why. I believe in the liberal economy and support the strategy of redistributing growth through tax breaks. If a greater incentive is given to people to work through greater take home pay, it will help stimulate further growth. Perhaps hundreds of thousands of people live in regions where, because of history, geography and what has been bestowed on them, they do not have the opportunity to earn a taxable income. There has been no outreach to those people.

Tens of thousands of small farmers in the west have received no benefit in recent years. They seek to exist on income supports from the European Union which do not rise in line with inflation. The income support regime, which runs from 2000 to 2006, will leave recipients poorer in real terms in 2006 than they were in 2000. Their dependence for survival on income support from the EU, supplemented to a small degree by the Government, is total.

The Government announced proposals for regional development after the agreement for regional funding for the period 2000-2006. The State was divided into two 13 county parts where the Border, midlands and western region was less well off. More money has been spent in the better off region. In comparison to what happened heretofore in terms of per capita income, the new arrangement is an improvement. We have found that the major infrastructural programmes in the peripheral and declining regions that were prom ised have not materialised. Promises were made that several major infrastructural projects would take place in my area between 2000 and 2006. The plans now to hand show that no major road, gas pipeline or any other project will commence before 2006. The major deficit in parts of the country that are rarely spoken about in this House anymore – it seems they have fewer and fewer advocates – is infrastructure. Infrastructural improvement can only be publicly funded. There is also an infrastructural deficit in this city which is deteriorating.

Economic progress is retarded, impaired and impeded in the west by the infrastructural deficit. Companies will not invest in an area where the roads are substandard. Nor will they locate in an area which does not have a relatively cheap energy source. Today's announcement by the chief executive of Bord Gáis and the Minister of State at the Department of Public Enterprise, Deputy Jacob, was not satisfactory. They announced ten towns that are to get gas from the first phase of building spurs from the main pipeline from Galway to Dublin. If that pipeline took the natural route from where it is landed in Broadhaven Bay to Dublin, it would go across the middle of counties Mayo, Roscommon and Longford, into County Westmeath and on to Dublin. Once it reached the eastern border of Mayo, spurs to serve Sligo and the north west could have been easily and economically built. As the line travelled east, it would pass Longford. The people of Longford and Roscommon town are very angry today because they see no hope of getting a spur to provide a relatively cheap energy source. Every investor needs such a source if they are to locate in these places.

There is no sensitivity to the real needs of these areas. The Taoiseach and the Minister have travelled to my constituency. To his credit, the Minister was cautious and did not make any extravagant promises; others were a little less cautious. The problem was that the Cabinet left without understanding our development needs. Average GDP growth over the past four or five years has been 9%, but it is a great disappointment that the growth has been hardly noticed in my area. If one was to quantify it, it would be less than 1% per annum. There is a reason for that and a political response to that disparity.

Broadly speaking, I have no major disagreement with the taxation measures in the budget. However, I have a fundamental disagreement with the way wealth is distributed under our system of taxation. It is unevenly distributed and many people are left out of the system.

Senator Costello agreed with the proposal for a tax break for certain sportspersons. I disagree, although mildly, with my colleague and the Minister as I do not believe it is a good idea. It was badly thought out and left many people angry. It might be boring to repeat what has been said many times before, but the problem is that those who will benefit most are the high earners, not the thousands of low or medium earners in professional sport.

How does the Minister answer the criticisms and anger of amateur sportspersons, notably GAA players who entertain about 90% or more of the population every Sunday afternoon?

We will be proposing an amendment to address that matter.

I look forward to voting on it. However, we cannot turn our backs on the people concerned and should have a tax relief scheme to reward all sportspersons, professional and amateur, who give their lives to sport, not an elitist one that benefits those who are already wealthy from sport, which would be inequitable.

I do not have time to address other subjects, but hope the Minister will take on board my comments, particularly those about the regions.

I wish to share my time with Senator Hayes.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Is it agreed that the Senators may share time? Agreed.

I welcome the Minister, Deputy McCreevy, to the House and compliment him on his term as the most successful Minister for Finance in the State's history. He has left a great legacy of reform which any future Minister will find it hard to match and is part of a Government which has done great work for the country.

I wonder if I live in the same country as the last speaker when I remember the Government's decisions about the regions. The greatest achievement was the successful negotiation at European level to apply Objective One status to the Border, midlands and west region's 13 counties. It favours the less developed areas and will bring enormous benefit between now and 2006.

The Minister's other decision on rural renewal encompasses all the areas mentioned by Senator Connor, that is, most of County Roscommon, and all of counties Longford, Cavan, Sligo, Leitrim and Mayo. This means major tax breaks for those who live in this area and an unmissable opportunity that covers many transactions, from the building of a house for personal use to a marina. Tax breaks are available under every heading of commercial and residential activity, which should be availed of by everyone and is appreciated in the relevant parts of my county.

The Government also decided to place the headquarters of the Border, midlands and west region in Ballaghdereen, the centre of the north west, between County Mayo and County Roscommon. The week before last, the Taoiseach opened one of the finest chambers in western Europe in the town, which is an indication of the Government's commitment to the region. I was amazed at the technology available to members of that assembly, which we do not have in the Oireachtas. It is a flagship for regional authorities across Europe and I wish its manager, Mr. Gerry Finn, and the whole assembly every success. I am proud that it is located in County Roscommon. Mayo people, particularly those interested in County Roscommon through the GAA, are delighted also.

The Government has other successes. In the last five years 300,000 extra people found jobs as unemployment went down from 10.3% to 4%. We had a growth rate of 9.5 %, while our GDP ratio went down to 36%, the second lowest in Europe. I remember the 1980s when creditors were at the door because of the size of our debt, but that is no longer the case as we are now the envy of Europe and the world. Income tax, which applies to all except those excluded, has gone down from 26% to 20% in the lower rate, while the upper rate has gone down from 46% to 42%.

The past year saw the major outbreak of foot and mouth disease in Britain, which cost this country millions of pounds to keep out, although it reached the Cooley Peninsula. We also lost hundreds of millions of pounds in tourist revenue. Then the crunch came on 11 September when our economy was threatened because of the number of American multinationals here, yet at the end of the year the Minister brought forward a budget without resorting to borrowing. What the Government delivered in this difficult year is a credit to it. Our economy and those of other western countries are recovering. We may not have a growth rate of 9% or 10%, but it will be good and match anywhere else.

Investment has taken place in many areas. Recently, two most important decisions were taken for the west. The first was the decision to extend broadband telecommunications. I was pleased to hear the announcement by the Minister for Public Enterprise and thrilled that Roscommon town was included as it will provide an opportunity for industry and other developments. Today, the gas line feeder main from Dublin to Galway was announced, which will take it to two towns relevant to my county, Athlone and Ballinasloe. A spur from Mullingar will take it into counties Longford, Roscommon and Mayo. This is an extraordinary opportunity and only phase one. Phase two will take it to other towns.

Anyone who was involved with local authorities will understand when I say that when we developed the regional water schemes, we put the feeder mains in place first and then organised the spurs off them. Senators on the other side of the House are talking nonsense about putting spurs in place in the first phase of the development of the gas line, which would be to put the cart before the horse. The feeder main will be put in place first. The spurs to individual towns will be put in place in phase two.

Many other Ministers have been successful, particularly in the Department of Health and Children. There has been massive investment in the health service, but I often wonder about the delivery of service and whether we are getting value for money. As somebody who worked in the health service for 20 years, I believe that the amount of money available now is a godsend which will materialise into better services in the future. I am pleased with the doubling of consultant posts in the general hospital in Roscommon town and the direct capital investment of £10 million – I do not know the figure in euro – apart from the investment in terms of staff, etc. This type of investment for the hospital was previously unheard of in the history of the State.

We look forward to Government offices being established in Roscommon. In this context, I was pleased with the recent visit by the Minister for Finance. We have a site in the town and there are now five tenders before the Minister for his consideration. I ask him to look favourably on the proposed 50,000 sq. ft. Government office block for the town of Roscommon because the people of the town and county are greatly anticipating this welcome development on which I hope the Government will be able to deliver because it is something on which we have worked hard over a number of years. We are now at the final hurdle and I look forward to a favourable decision.

My opposite number, Senator Doyle, referred to comments made by the Minister for Finance in his first Budget Statement regarding the elderly and child care.

And public spending.

We are very happy with public spending. In fact, according to the Senator's colleague, we are not spending enough, although I know that he is in conflict with his party leader.

On the two areas the Minister mentioned, child care and the elderly, when the Government was formed it promised to increase the old age pension to £100 per week. Not alone has that happened, it has been surpassed. The old age pension is now €150 per week. There is not a town in the country that does not have a child care facility funded by the Government. In fact, many towns have two or three funded in this way, some on a community basis and others on a commercial basis, about which I am very pleased.

I am so pleased that the Minister has responded favourably to the one area in the Finance Bill which allows us to extend the provision of care to the elderly. He has given a tax break for assisted housing units attached to nursing homes. I researched this concept in the United States where I was pleased to discover that it operated very well. I am delighted that the Minister has responded favourably and included this innovative and practical provision in the Bill. There is nothing more practical than having people move into an assisted living area where they can live the remaining years of their lives. If they are not in a position to continue to do so, they can move into a nursing home. Until now, the only alternative was to move from their home to a nursing home, which was degrading for many elderly people. The Minister is entitled to our gratitude for this innovative measure. This is an issue I held dear to my heart for the past three or four years and I am glad it has been included in the Bill. I have no doubt this type of facility will be availed of and extended in the future, perhaps with some modifications which I know the Minister will make if necessary. I have no doubt the people will respond in a positive way to the Government when it goes to the polls next month or the month after that.

I commend the Bill to the House. Its provisions represent the final chapter of the Government's performance over a five year period. This is the seventh Finance Bill, every one of which has been a success in that they have taken people to a newer plane. I hope this legislation will set the foundation for this country's development and improve the standard of living of its citizens over the next three, four or five years.

I am extremely grateful to Senator Finneran for sharing time with me. It enables me to deal with some pressing business in the forum. Given the shortness of time the Minister will forgive me if I skip much of the encomia, although I would not want to be thought of as not hugely admiring of the work he has done during his period in office. Since my remarks come a little out of sync, they may sound more carping and less generous than I would want, but I hope the Minister will take them as a constructive contribution to the debate.

The question of the treatment of sportsmen has been alluded to by Senator Connor. I do not speak specifically on behalf of GAA players, whom the Minister and I admire very much, but in the interests of the principle of amateurism. There is a danger that we are producing two groups of people – a small, professional élite who play the games and a large number who simply watch them. I do not want to take back any benefits from those who got them, but they create particular problems for bodies which straddle the Border in terms of their professional players. The implication seems to be that if someone wants to get this concession, he or she should turn professional. I agree with the Minister that it is extremely difficult to find a halfway house in that regard – someone is either professional or not professional – but I ask him to consider the importance of cultivating and strengthening the capacity of amateur sports and the contribution they make to the community.

I call the Minister's attention to a booklet issued by the Treasury in the United Kingdom entitled, Promoting Sport in the Community, which tries to find ways of underpinning amateur activities. It might be helpful if the Minister sat down with the range of sporting bodies and tried to find ways in which they could be underpinned, either through tax status, grants or whatever because there is a very real hurt among those whom the Minister and I admire that their contribution is being undermined or undervalued.

I realise talk of harmonising EU tax rates is likely to give the Minister shivers up his spine, but I might make an exception in relation to taxes which allow for environmental protection, one of which strikes me as being positively difficult and damaging. An abstraction tax will be introduced in the North on aggregates removed from quarries and unless some direction is given of a similar nature here, there will not be a hill within 30 miles of the Border that will not have been flattened by extractors. We have seen what has happened in relation to differential petrol taxes and the jungle that has been created along the Border.

With those two caveats, I congratulate the Minister on the measures in the budget. I am particularly appreciative, because of other associations of mine, of the treatment of charitable bodies during the years, which was extremely helpful and is very much appreciated. There are other aspects of the budget on which I would like to dwell, but I am sure other Senators will do so. I thank Senator Finneran for giving me the opportunity to raise these points.

It is a bad time to be in Opposition and nobody proves this better than the current Opposition. It is not easy to be on these benches in a time of boom and it is not easy to produce documents like the Opposition did yesterday on reforms needed for the economy. It is not easy to propose decreases in current spending or increases in taxation, but if there is to be an alternative Government of any sort, that will have to be done. I did not hear any such proposals today.

I support fully the strategy, the policy and the five budgets of the Minister because of their thrust. Like Senator Hayes and perhaps other Members of the House, I have serious reservations about bits and pieces here or there. The reality of the five budgets introduced by the Minister is that the economy has changed dramatically. It has ideologically and materially changed and it has changed in direction and emphasis.

I heard Members of the Opposition say that the problem is how to distribute the wealth, but that is exactly not the problem. The problem is how to create it and leave it in the hands of those who create it. It is not to take it from those who create it and distribute it to others and it never should be. That is not a heartless capitalist theory. It makes eminent sense to me.

I apologise to no one in this House for the fact that those of us who believe in the market economy have just as much a claim on sympathy with the under-privileged, the handicapped and the elderly. We may not beat our breasts as loudly about it, but we certainly have a record, I suspect, of being just as generous with the distribution of the wealth of the nation to those who are under-privileged. Saying this Bill is not good enough because it does not distribute wealth, which belongs to other people, in large enough proportions is the only real difference between this and the other side of the House.

What I would have liked to have heard from the Opposition today was a real alternative strategy. I am talking about Fine Gael Members because they are the only Opposition Members who have spoken so far. I take their point, which was eloquently made by Senator Doyle and Senator Connor, that current spending is probably much too high and cannot be sustained. If it is running at 22%, it cannot continue at that rate forever if the economy is only growing by 4%. Let us reflect before making such statements. What happened under the previous rainbow Government made up of Labour, Fine Gael and Democratic Left? Current spending ran riot. What happened in the 1980s and 1970s when there were similar coalitions in office? Current spending got totally out of hand. The national debt doubled and we faced bankruptcy. These are the people who are now saying to us that current spending must be kept down.

Mr. Ryan

The Senator started revisionist history.

The truth is bitter.

The reason they cannot do it is because they will have people like Senator Ryan, in a State car, down their backs telling them to spend more money. That is what will happen. That is what happened the last time.

Mr. Ryan

I wish I shared the Senator's optimism.

It will be a half car, so to speak, at least. He can be sure of that, if he makes enough noise.

He will get a driver.

Mr. Ryan

My career is progressing in leaps and bounds.

That is why what we are listening to from the Opposition today is totally and utterly irrelevant. It is, however, worth saying that what they say today and what they said yesterday, in their economic document, is their aspiration, yet what their Leader said when questioned was that everything was up for negotiation. Everything will go back into the pot the moment they have Senator Ryan down their backs, which is what will happen. What we have in this House today is reality from the Minister—

Mr. Ryan

The new bogeyman.

—and an absolute fairyland from Fine Gael.

Mr. Ryan

The bogeyman will say "boo".

Senator Ryan is enjoying himself too much. He has not got the car yet. He may be lucky if he gets back here.

I ask Senator Ross to address his remarks through the Chair and to speak to the Bill and not to Senator Ryan. Senator Ross to continue without interruption.

I apologise. Let us get down to slightly more realistic aspects of the Bill and the economy. The point the Opposition made about current spending is fair. Dark clouds will appear over current spending sometime next year. We all know that the real problem is the monster that will not speak its name, that is, public service pay. I did not hear much from the Opposition or from the Government about that. The reality is that public service pay is out of hand. It cannot be controlled. No Government stands up to the public service when it comes to public service pay. The Government has been lucky. It has presided over such incredible growth in the economy, which masks the dangers not only of current spending, but of public service pay.

Senator Doyle and Senator Connor were right. They said that when the economy returns to more modest growth, which may be 4% or 5% this year, it will expose the fact that public service pay is out of hand and demands will become so great that they will have to be resisted by the Government in power at the time. Trade union pressure will build up to such a level that there will be strikes, industrial action or the Government will get into a confrontation with the trade unions. That is the result of a policy we have wrongly pursued for many years, the so-called social contract, which is really Government speak for capitulating to trade union demands. That works well when the Government has enough money to pay out on those demands, but it does not work well when it does not have it and currently it does not have enough money.

Benchmarking will follow at the end of June and the most interesting thing about it is that nobody knows what it is.

Senator O'Toole does.

He has an idea what it is, but he will be wrong about it. The great thing about benchmarking is that it will come after the elections. That is wonderful. It will come in at the end of June. We will all be back here safely to face the storm at that stage or we will not be and we will be able to support those making demands which are unrealistic. That is the reality of benchmarking. Its timing is the only good thing about it. It is perfection.

Benchmarking promises so much to so many which cannot be delivered. If benchmarking does what I think it will do, it will make the situation worse, not better. Benchmarking is supposed to relate the pay of people in the public service to people in the private sector and it is supposed to ensure that those in the public service who merit it will get paid private sector rates. That will mean only one thing, that public sector pay will go up by a substantial amount because private sector pay is higher than public service pay. It will mean that public sector pay will go up supposedly purely on merit, but what will happen then? Will anybody's pay go down? Will any savings be made? Will the Minister be able to go back to the teachers or various other public service workers and say that the top guys have been benchmarked against the governor of the Bank of Ireland? That is not going to happen. The top people will get €1 million per year, while those at the bottom who are not doing much good, who are pretty useless, will get what the bank clerk starts with.

What will happen with benchmarking – Senator O'Toole is right – is that it will put up public service pay. If there were to be merit in it, some would be paid on merit at private sector rates and the others would stay, at worst, on their present rates. It will increase public service pay if we pacify a few trades union leaders. It may buy off some industrial dispute for a while but at the end of the day it will be bad for the finances of Ireland because public service pay will go up. It will present a terrible problem for the Government of the day which will then have to stand up to people who do not merit public service pay rises. They will then be confronted with industrial difficulties.

This is a really difficult scenario which the Government faces fairly immediately. It is one which was cleverly postponed until after the general election and which is also sold by trade union leaders to their members because trade union leaders, as everybody knows, always have different agendas from those of their members. They never have the same agenda.

Mr. Ryan

The Senator should familiarise himself with trade unions.

I am a member of a trade union.

Mr. Ryan

It just shows how democratic we are.

I fully support the tax policy of this Government and I support the Minister for doing this because he was in a position to deliver.

The problem with what was said by Senator Doyle, which reflects what is said by people in the other House who have real ambitions to be Minister for Finance or occupy similar positions, is that they cannot deliver or will not deliver because of the pressure from colleagues who have different agendas. I know because I was a member of that party some time ago and it was an enjoyable experience. To see former comrades here spouting the same stuff is wonderful.

While not wishing to get too personal, one of the great frustrations while that party was in Government was that it was very difficult to maintain that public spending should be restricted or curtailed. It was very difficult to push a policy of lower taxation. What happened then was that even though Fine Gael pushed for lower taxation it was not able to do it, to its own great disappointment, because of its political position with the Labour Party. The Minister for Finance not only promised it, he delivered it. As Senator Finneran said the highest rate of tax and the standard rate have been lowered. Capital gains tax has halved. That would be unthinkable under an alternative Government and it would have been unthinkable in their situation.

Mr. Ryan

Hear, hear.

I am delighted to hear Senator Ryan say that. It would be unthinkable in a situation where there was a Labour Party element. I respect them for that. That party said there was a case for increased public spending, increased borrowing and increased taxation. That is what it wants. It is not what those of us who believe in a market economy want. That is the reality.

The difference here is that the Minister for Finance can deliver the market economy while those on this side, apparently, cannot. There is a very clear divide between the actual financial ideologies of the various parties in this House. Thank God there is. I sincerely welcome the views of Senator Ryan because they make one crystallise one's own views and ask why one stands on that. There is too little ideological confrontation, particularly in debates about the economy. There is too much consensus and too little challenge. It is important that we see the alternative is still there. The Minister for Finance promised to reduce capital gains tax, corporation tax, income tax and he did it. That is the difference.

The cliché raised today as to whether we stand in the camp with Boston or Berlin is important because the reality, and I do not want to say anything that would be embarrassing to members of the Government, is that we stand in Boston. If the Irish economy was asked whether it believes in Boston or Berlin, and if it answered honestly, it would say it believes in Berlin but practices the finances of Boston.

Mr. Ryan

Hear, hear.

Let us look at this for a minute.

Mr. Ryan

Absolutely.

We pay lip service to the EU and we have our commitments to it. Our membership is something of which we say we are proud but our economy is, to a large extent, run not from Europe but from America. Some people welcome that, others do not. I welcome the fact that we practise an American way of life in terms of the way we run our economy. The Celtic tiger, the reason we are so out of line with our European colleagues, in terms of growth, inflation and employment is because the boost to our economy comes from the United States, not from Europe. The boost to our economy comes from the multinationals here. They are the reason we boomed.

Those elements which are dragging our economy are the European type elements with the European model. That is the difference between, say, the multinationals and the semi-State bodies. The semi-State bodies work under the European model. They are dominated by politically correct trade unions. They are over-manned. They are dominated by subsidies. The multinationals are thin and hungry and coldly ruthless but they are what has given our economy such a boost. In the midst of this, semi-State bodies such as Aer Lingus, CIE, Aer Rianta have basically collapsed. All of them, to a certain extent, are a joke in economic terms.

Let me wind up in a fairly long-winded way. I have worries about competition and the competitive element of the economy, about wages and the fact that the pay deals will lead us into a non-competitive world. To some extent, the pay deals are a joke. They are ignored by most of the public and private sectors and our competitiveness is being challenged and eroded as a result. We should look particularly at competitiveness.

What is the attitude of the Minister for Finance to possible merger of two enormous banks in Ireland? There are press reports that he is actually in favour of this whereas the Tánaiste has already given it the thumbs down. The proposal that there should be a merger between our two banks which would give them 80% of large sectors of the market here is a very alarming one, which erodes not only our competitiveness in terms of wages but our competitiveness in terms of consumers. There would be no competition in Irish banking if this were allowed. We would create a monster which would crucify the Irish consumer, something which would be unforgivable and unthinkable in terms of America or anywhere else. I ask the Minister of State to comment on this matter in his reply, or to ask the Minister for Finance to do so.

I do not support the remedies recently proposed by Fine Gael to certain financial problems. As an Eircom shareholder, I see little merit in the idea that money should be given back to those who bought Eircom shares. It is intended to pacify the public and to buy votes, but it is a sign of a bankrupt economic policy. Similarly, there is not much merit in Fine Gael's finance spokesman's proposal that taxi drivers should be compensated. The suggestion arises from the exertion of political pressure.

I see little merit in piecemeal proposals put forward by parties without a clear political philosophy. I am willing to listen to Senator Ryan, even though I disagree with his ideas, as I know he will push for his policies to be brought into effect when he gets his ministerial car. I pay tribute to the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, as he has kept his promises, and to the Government, which has presided over unprecedented economic success. The Minister will leave the economy in a position of unparalleled strength when he leaves office.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Dan Wallace. I am disappointed the Minister for Finance is not here and I hope my points will be conveyed to him by his officials so he can respond when he concludes this debate.

The budgetary policies of the Minister, Deputy McCreevy, are designed to secure sustainable growth and to increase the living standards of the people. His central objective in the area of personal taxation is to ensure that as many people as possible do not have to pay the higher rate of tax. A glance at the figures cited by the Minister earlier shows that he has achieved this primary aim. A single person earning €17,000 had to pay the top rate of tax in 1997, but one does not now pay the higher rate until one earns €28,000. This was unthinkable some years ago, not only because of the state of the economy but also because civil servants, officials and politicians were not prepared to tackle the issue.

The Minister has not cut tax rates this year, as he decided instead to concentrate on giving more tax relief to the less well-off. He has achieved €640 million in tax cuts, thereby ensuring that 57,000 people do not have to pay tax at the top rate. He has exempted a further 79,000 people from the tax system, meaning that a total of 692,000 workers are no longer in the tax net. While the Minister has not put in place a level of tax exemption equal to the minimum wage, about 90% of those on the minimum wage do not have to pay tax. Single people earning €209 per week or less are outside the tax net, a figure which is in contrast to that of €98 in 1997. The Government has ensured that the minimum wage is reasonably high and that a substantial number of those who earn it do not have to pay tax. A single income family is exempt from taxation if its weekly income is less than €430.

In his first four budgets, the Minister for Finance reduced both the high and standard tax rates by a total of six percentage points. As I said earlier, he did not cut rates this year. Such reductions were unthinkable when I entered this House, as the previous Government cut tax by only 1%. Substantial tax cuts, such as we have seen in the last five years, have never been introduced by Governments other than those which included Fianna Fáil. It has been the only party to cut tax rates consistently while in Government.

Before I was elected to the Seanad, when I worked as an accountant in County Donegal, I saw at first hand the problems encountered by people on both sides of the Border who had to pay high levels of taxation. At that time, the lower rate of tax in the North was 20% and the higher rate was 40%. We have outclassed the North since then in the cases of those on reasonable annual wages, of €30,000 for single people and €50,000 for married couples. Our tax system is more favourable than that in the North. If the Minister is reappointed following the general election, I hope he will reduce the standard rate of tax to 15% and the high rate to 40%.

The Minister for Finance has looked after the elderly. Calculations have been quite cumbersome over the years due to PRSI and other considerations, but matters are now more straightforward due to the introduction of exemptions in place of standard allowances or credits. A single pensioner can now earn €13,000 and elderly married couples can earn €26,000 before they have to pay tax. The Minister has removed 71,000 elderly people from the tax net in his five budgets. Not only did he fulfil his promise of paying an old age pension of £100, but he increased it to £116. The Government has alleviated the concerns of many pensioners with savings in banks, as married couples can now have up to €25,000 in a savings account without losing their entitlement to the non-contributory old age pension.

The problems of carers have also been addressed. In his most recent budget, the Minister increased the maximum allowance available to those who wish to employ a carer to €30,000. The income disregard, which will be dealt with under the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, has been increased for the second successive budget. Since many carers face desperate problems, their allowances should not be standard, but should be linked to the degree of care needed. Some people are unable to get the full carer's allowance due to income disregard thresholds, but the full amount is paid in cases of others who do not need as much care.

Section 12 of this Bill, which provides for tax relief for élite sportspeople, has been the source of some controversy. While I welcome the measure in principle, I have some concerns in relation to the list of people who will receive the relief. Professional golfers, who will be able to apply for tax relief on their appearance fees and prize moneys, have always lived in Ireland, but most other élite athletes have left the country for training purposes. Most of this country's well-paid soccer players earn their living and reside in England. I would prefer to see an annual personal allowance for those who play in Ireland, as most League of Ireland clubs face PAYE difficulties with the Revenue Commissioners. It would be better if an allowance were introduced so that players would benefit immediately, rather than introducing a measure to help them when they retire. It is unlikely that they will enjoy great gains from the Minister's proposal in any event, as their incomes are not sufficiently high. I would not object to a proposal made in the Dáil as a means of addressing the reservations I have outlined. Jockeys reside in this country and will obtain relief, but cyclists have had to live abroad for one reason or another.

The Acting Chairman will probably have a problem with the situation regarding GAA players. The Minister stated in the Dáil that most GAA players put on the county jersey for the pride and love of playing for their county. When I played for my county I recall a three week period in which I had to travel from Galway to Donegal to play in national league matches. I could only claim £5 for the bus fare. The journey did not cost £5, but the money was badly needed. Most of today's GAA players are the same and play for their county for the honour of doing so. However, we live in changing times and GAA players put much effort and time into training. Elite athletes who earn substantial amounts of money around the world can reside in Ireland and obtain tax relief, but GAA players who train equally hard—

I am glad to hear the Senator make these comments as he will be able to support my amendment.

GAA players still have to get up the next morning and go to work. The Minister referred to the difficulty regarding the cut-off point, but some measure should be introduced regarding county players. These players' incomes do not come from sport, but keep them alive and enable them to partake in sport. If the Minister does not re-examine the issue this year, he should certainly do so next year.

I wish to refer to a number of changes announced by the Minister. I welcome the reintroduction of interest relief on borrowings for rented property. I opposed the measure in this regard when it was introduced as interest is a legitimate business expense. I also welcome the elimination of the maximum relief for service charges which used to be €195. However, why is this measure not available to those who pay for tags for the collection of refuse? Some local authorities still collect rubbish for which one pays a service charge. However, many local authorities pay refuse collectors. I was shocked to discover that in Donegal it costs €2.50 for a tag for one black bag. I do not understand the reason for the difference in this regard.

I welcome the extension of deadlines and the standardisation of tax incentive schemes. I also welcome the changes regarding town renewal schemes which provide the same relief for rented properties which are not owner occupied. However, in places such as County Donegal a rural renewal scheme such as that regarding the upper Shannon basin is more appropriate than a town renewal scheme.

I welcome the measure regarding section 376 of the Taxes Consolidation Act which removes restrictions on tax relief for motor vehicle running expenses for business people. I hope the Minister will eventually remove the restrictions in this area regarding capital allowances.

I also welcome the simplification of the calculation of capital allowances whereby, from last year, all written values can be combined for the purposes of claiming tax relief at the standard rate of 20%. I also welcome section 41 regarding tax relief on contributions to amateur sporting bodies for the purposes of capital projects. The Minister for Tourism, Sport and Recreation, Deputy McDaid, has provided substantial investment through the national lottery and the sports programme, but it will be a long time before many sports bodies benefit from the national lottery. I welcome the measure regarding investment by people who live in the locality of a sports body.

This morning I received a letter from the Irish charities tax reform group. Last year the Minister introduced welcome changes regarding donations to charities. However, he should go the whole way and eliminate the minimum amount of €250. In its letter the group pointed out that most of the contributions received by its members are between €65 and €125.

I congratulate the Minister on this year's budget and Finance Bill and on all five budgets he has introduced. I wish to refer to many other issues, but cannot do so because the hammer has come down on me. The Minister has always been his own man. He sat beside me in secondary school and we played football for the same teams. His personality is the same as it was 35 years ago. He has been his own man and not taken any bureaucratic instructions. He has always done what he believes to be correct. I hope he will be returned as Minister for Finance after the general election.

Mr. Ryan

I am intrigued by Senator Bonner's comments. I do not know the Minister as well as the Senator, but I share his description of the Minister's personality. I have often pointed out in the House that I am an admirer of Éamon de Valera in whose traditions the Minister is following. The Minister has often outlined his economic philosophy in the House by way of entertaining replies to the debate on the Finance Bill. Much of his economic policy has been found by looking into his heart rather than by dealing with the realities of the world.

The Minister is supported in government by the Progressive Democrats and on economic matters is a member of that party. His economic philosophy shows no distinguishing characteristics from that of the Progressive Democrats. Not even the left wing populism of Fianna Fáil is present in his rhetoric. However, what he describes as the real world is as far from reality as one can get. He has a comforting ideology which suggests that life is simple, a view to which I will return.

We are moving into a new era. The Minister has been given credit by people, including by my good friend, Senator Ross, for what was regarded as a hard-line position on reducing taxation. However, when public expenditure increases by 20% or 21% it is always someone else's fault. This tough guy, this serious heavyweight is apparently deserving of all the credit when he cuts taxes almost ad nauseam and with fanatical abandon. However, the consequence of this action is that public services are underfunded. The Minister has told us that this is a bad time for public services which we cannot afford. The truth is that he is departing from reality.

Something will shortly give in this country because it is set on a contradictory trail. As the general election approaches, the Fianna Fáil led Government is rediscovering its social compassion and giving us an increasing amount of rhetoric about social cohesion. We have spent five years attempting to emulate the gross inequalities of the United States in terms of income distribution. The only country in the world with a more uneven income distribution than this State is the United States, a record about which we should be embarrassed. The degree to which this country has lopsidedly distributed both its wealth and its income into the hands of those already gloriously affluent and kept it out of the hands of those at the other end of the income spectrum is one of the many shameful decisions of the Government.

We have the most unequal society in the world outside the United States. If we are proud of this, let us be honest, but let us not follow it coming into a general election with sanctimonious words at European summits about social cohesion. At least President Bush has the honesty to admit he does not believe in social cohesion, a welfare state or the public provision of services. The Secretary of State at the United States Department of the Treasury is on record as saying he would aspire to a situation in which the state retreated to a position of being solely a watchdog providing police and military protection with everything else left to the individual. The Government pretends a liberal American market economy can co- exist with a European welfare state. It is not possible.

The credit one must grant to the Minister for Finance – I do not grant him much credit because he has been the worst in the history of the State – is that he is honest. He wrote in the Irish Medical Times last week that we could not afford a proper medical service. He said he had given so much money, but it had not improved, and that this proved there is something wrong with the medical service. He quoted figures to demonstrate the averages matched those of other countries, or were even above them. Countries in the European Union which spend the average have appalling health services. It takes a 50% increase in health expenditure above that average to give a decent health service, such as they have in Germany, France and Sweden.

We include in our health expenditure items not included elsewhere, such as an increasingly large proportion of child welfare. The Minister knows this because the Secretary General of the Department, when they met in Ballymascanlon with the view to humiliating the Minister for Health and Children and to talk about the health service, had that explained to him by the Secretary General of the Department of Health and Children. The rhetoric that spending on the health service has doubled does not matter, it was in such a mess that it needed far more than this.

Extraordinarily, the implication is that health services are inefficiently managed – they are – but, in the next breath, the Government increases the power of the managers whom they blame for inefficient management by creating the Health Service Executive, a body with considerable power accountable to no-one except the Minister for Health and Children. Who is responsible for delivering the unsatisfactory health service? Management plays a considerable part, but it is also manifestly clear in terms of the number of beds and doctors per thousand population and the average in-patient stay in hospitals, all OECD figures, that our health service is still under-resourced. The Minister for Finance has been characteristically honest and said we cannot afford it because to do so would not enable him to carry on with his ideologically driven low tax economy.

Let us look at the low tax economy. It is a logical non sequitur to suggest that the growth in the first two or three years of the Government's period in office was caused by its tax policies. That growth was already present in the economy and the Government simply facilitated it by not getting in its way. I give it credit for this – it did not do anything too stupid. To suggest, however, that tax cuts that only came into play in late 1998 caused something that was already happening is a logical nonsense and only the ideological blinkers of some commentators enable the Government to get away with this claim. Later on those tax cuts pushed up economic growth, but whether that was a good thing in the long term is another matter. The idea that the reductions in taxes on the rich that the Government deliberately drove in its first four years in office had any causal relationship with the economic boom is, at least, arguable.

The argument that higher tax rates would somehow inhibit economic growth is also spurious. I do not understand how people in this State get away with saying this. The relationship between tax levels in an economy and economic performance is a matter of a major dispute because there is no clear correlation. The Netherlands has a level of taxation 50% higher than that of the United States. Consistently over the last four years, however, the Netherlands has had lower unemployment than the United States. If it is so simple that low taxes equal higher growth and higher taxes equal lower growth and higher unemployment, why is this the case? Why is it similarly true in Denmark, Austria and Sweden? There is no evidence that there is a clear correlation and only ideologues who do not look at reality can argue differently. It might be nice to cut taxes and suit the views of the Government, but there is no empirical evidence to suggest that the correlation it claims, and that the Progressive Democrats are forever touting, is true. Nor is there evidence of it in terms of enterprise. The rate of company formation in Denmark, which has vastly higher taxes than Ireland, is far higher. If we look at patent registration, there is no correlation between it and tax rates. There is, therefore, no correlation between tax rates and innovation. There is no correlation between innovation, enterprise and unemployment, but they are convenient excuses to hide behind when driven by a belief that tax and public expenditure are bad because they affect the people to whom one gives primary allegiance.

That is the fundamental problem. Fianna Fáil has bought into a model of Irish society based on the idea that rich people matter.

Mr. Ryan

It has bought into a position in which the people in the hospitality tents at the Galway races spend one week at a tribunal and the following week entertaining Fianna Fáil. It does not know the difference because it has bought into that culture.

Obviously the Senator was never there.

Mr. Ryan

I know who was there. The Minister of State knows better than I do who was there, but has a capacity to wear blinkers.

The world and its mother comes to Galway to celebrate.

Mr. Ryan

They do not all end up in the high powered hospitality tent that Fianna Fáil likes to attend.

The Labour Party used to charge them to eat.

Mr. Ryan

I have no idea what that has to do with anything, but as the Minister of State got some pleasure from saying it, I will not deny him that.

It is not possible to provide a proper welfare state and drive taxes down incessantly. A moderate to sensible level of taxation, as most of our European partners have, is not just desirable but has little or no negative effect on enterprise, unemployment or anything else.

About one year ago The Economist published a table of the countries which were most successful at attracting foreign direct investment. The sensible way to measure it is as a percentage of GDP. On that basis we were not the most successful, nor was the United Kingdom, although it was in absolute terms. In proportionate terms, the most successful country was Sweden, despite the fact that 90% of the workforce is unionised and that it has some of the strongest labour market protection in the OECD.

The impulse to reduce taxes at all costs has nothing to do with enterprise, employment growth or other such factors. It is possible to do both, but it takes a willingness to be involved in sensible policy formulation and to look at reality and what works. The Government has been lacking in these areas since it took office.

I am intrigued by the increasing nonsense spoken about competitiveness. After five years of unprecedented economic growth workers in this country still have hourly wages among the lowest in the European Union. I understand only Greece and Portugal have lower hourly wage rates, yet the Government and employers are bleating about competitiveness. I do not know what level of wages begins to threaten competitiveness, but not one of the huge number of jobs lost in my city and county in recent months resulted from excessively high wage increases. Not even the most brass-necked member of IBEC has attempted to suggest this. If there is a competitiveness problem, it is not based on the wages of Irish workers, but may be based on the expectations of Irish business, where every small-scale operator with two employees believes that if they are not driving a 2002 registration Mercedes car, they have not been successful. If that is what they want their margins to produce, it will squeeze competitiveness, not the wages of the workforce.

Senator Ross spoke nonsense on the taxation issue. The reason it is good for society to use taxation to redistribute resources from those who are well off to those who are less well off is because none of us would achieve anything without the taxation paid by previous generations. The greatest myth of all in this country is that of the sturdy individualist who did it on his or her own. Perhaps students pay 15% of the cost of their second and third level education, but the State pays 85%. In addition, the State pays 100% of the costs of primary education for 98% of pupils. Nobody paid for the roads or infrastructure in this country. They were paid for from taxation and it is reasonable to expect those who do best from that investment to pay most back to society to sustain it for the future and help those who did not do as well from the investment of previous generations as they did.

I support Senator Bonner on the question of charities. It is highly desirable that the lower limit for the exemption to which he referred should be abolished.

The Minister's decision to humiliate members of the GAA and those who play hurling and football is extraordinary. The gesture of making those who are already rich much richer appeals to him. It gives him a kick because he knows it will annoy those who have a sense of justice.

It is a common sense proposal to bring capital back to the country.

Mr. Ryan

Fianna Fáil stated the same thing when, in government, it foisted two tax amnesties on the nation.

Is the Senator suggesting we should not have collected any of the revenue that was at large?

Mr. Ryan

The Minister said if the GAA wants to benefit from his proposal, it could start to pay its players. That is a gross insult to the best model of voluntary and community work and commitment in the country. It is what infuriates me about his proposal. It is bad enough that he wants to look after his buddies, the jockeys, from my county or that he wishes to enrich already rich racing drivers. However, to suggest that the solution to the GAA's concerns is for it to become professional and pay players, thereby withdrawing most of the money spent on its facilities around the country, which comes out of attendance receipts, is an attack on the principles the GAA, as a fine organisation, stands for, including those of community and voluntary work. It is a decision that will haunt Fianna Fáil in the forthcoming general election.

When the Minister introduced his first Finance Bill he said it was the first stage of a five stage plan and that he was intent on delivering all five stages. He has done so comprehensively and I congratulate him on his efforts. He referred to the outstanding achievement involving the creation of 300,000 new jobs since 1997. While there has been a slippage in recent months, including the involvement of high profile closures, those losing their jobs have other oppor tunities. Today's economic environment is different from the one that prevailed in the period prior to 1997.

It is universally acknowledged that the one sure way to address poverty and create a more equal society is to provide employment opportunities that will give people a sense of dignity and achievement. It will also help them to become responsible for their own futures. The Government has achieved this and will, I hope, continue to make progress over the next five years.

The Minister referred to difficulties with competitiveness. We are constantly fighting to maintain our position in a global economy. Our concern is no longer with the threat from the European Union, the United Kingdom or the United States. The use of new technology and other developments mean that, increasingly, every product produced here is subject to competitive pressures from abroad. Our challenge is to continue to move up the value chain, utilise the facilities, knowledge and resources at our disposal to maintain our competitive position and take advantage of the global economic recovery.

I welcome the personal income tax changes introduced by the Minister. Before the Government came into office, a single person with an income above €17,270 or £13,600 per annum had to pay the top rate of tax. Following the 2002 budget, the same person will not pay tax at the higher rate until his or her income exceeds £22,052 or €28,000. This is comfortably above the average industrial wage. The industrial worker earning the average industrial wage is not paying tax at the top rate, something for which we should commend the Minister. It is a development that I particularly welcome. It means that the average worker can now view working overtime as a worthwhile exercise because the money is going into his or her pocket and not into State coffers in the form of over-the-top tax rates.

The widening of the tax bands, as introduced by the Minister in section 2 of the Finance Bill, 2002, removes a further 57,000 taxpayers from the top rate of tax. I welcome this move. An important matter relating to the increase in tax credits is that the entry point for a single person is now over €209 or £165 per week. We in Fianna Fáil are committed to ensuring that, should we be a part of the next Government, all the people who are earning the current minimum wage will be outside the tax net.

Many Senators have commented that the situation has deteriorated over the past five years. I draw their attention to the fact that, in the 1997/98 tax year, the entry point for paying tax was £77; in 2002, a person must earn £165 per week before they are required to pay tax.

The Minister's changes have taken 71,500 elderly people out of the tax net and this move points to the commitment of the Fianna Fáil-led Government to rewarding the elderly for their contribution to the economy. People who have retired have already received recognition for their contribution to society in the form of medical cards, taxation and various other changes in the social welfare system. Fianna Fáil has given a commitment to raising the level of old age pension to €200 per week by the end of their next term in government. It will also address the issue of pensions for homemakers, a move that I am particularly proud of and I am sure will catch the attention of voters in the next general election.

The Minister has also recognised that looking after the elderly in their own homes is of paramount importance. He has increased the annual maximum allowance for people who need to employ a carer from €12,700 to €30,000 per annum. This allowance may be claimed at the individual's marginal rate of tax. I am disappointed that the Minister is not present to hear me say that such an initiative should be taken in the area of child care. An allowance of €30,000 set against the child care expenses of working couples would be a very welcome measure and would do an enormous amount to lessen the burden of child care costs on working people. It would also give recognition to the role of child care workers, making it an attractive career option for young people.

The Government's continued progress in the area of eco-policy is shown in the Minister's removal of the ceiling of €195 in tax credit for local authority services. It is important that people are recognised for their contribution to local authority services by way of tax relief.

I welcome the reintroduction of mortgage interest relief. The absence of such relief had created significant difficulties in the rental sector. Investors were not becoming involved in the housing market and there was a consequent shortage of rental properties. In that environment, landlords were able to charge exorbitant rents, particularly in places like Galway city where students had difficulties finding accommodation and their parents were so desperate that they had no choice but to pay high rents to landlords.

The Minister has shown great foresight in allowing private hospitals to provide health care to public patients when certain facilities are not available in the public hospital in their area. Section 32 of the Bill will make a huge difference in places such as Galway, where the Galway Clinic will be in a position to provide services such as open-heart surgery, neuro-surgery and radiotherapy in addition to those services provided by UCHG. The mixture of both public and private hospital care is a move which should be welcomed.

Sections 84 and 85 of the Bill require that all applicants for various types of permit must produce a tax clearance certificate. In his speech, the Minister made particular reference to those who operate amusement machines in public places. I would hope that, in addition to tax clearance certificates, such people would also have to provide safety and insurance certification. The public operation of amusement machines needs to be addressed in terms of health and safety, but the introduction of the tax clearance is a positive step.

I welcome the Finance Bill, 2002. Increases in child benefit, pensions and carer's allowance are all part of, though ancillary to, the Finance Bill. It is important that huge changes in the area of social welfare are not forgotten. I look forward to 4 May 2002, when the increases in child benefit will come into effect and people will see that the Government has made a significant impact in this area.

Fáiltím roimh an Aire go dtí an Tigh. Ba mhaith liom féachaint ar an mBille agus ar cad atá idir lámha againn. It must come down to the issue of a vision for Ireland. The Finance Bill, 2002 is the lifeblood of Government; it provides the practical framework of a vision. One of the problems is that we are not looking forward enough. We have consistent levels of very real debate in the areas health, education and housing. The real difficulty, however, is to develop a vision that everyone can share. Over the next two or three months each of the political parties will put forward their plans for Government. There is nothing wrong with that, but it would be even better if there was a sense of ownership among Irish people everywhere as to the type of country we are trying to create and how we should go about creating it.

We will not make progress simply by arguing about the health service. Members on all sides of the House know where the deficiencies are. We all know constituents, friends or colleagues who have had bad experiences with the health service. We all know schools that cannot obtain the level of support they require. We can spend the next five years debating these issues but it would be more productive to decide what we are trying to achieve. Rather than saying there is not enough money in health or education we should determine how much we plan to invest and how. There is a basic dishonesty of approach which is driven by the proximity of an election. Parties are afraid to go on the record.

There is a very clear objective we should have. We should be aiming for the same levels of provision in our public services as would be the norm in Europe. Instead of arguing constantly over who invests more or less or whether Belgium, Sweden or Ireland are better, we should make decisions now as to what proportion of national income we would like to invest in services and then decide how many years it will take to achieve this. We should determine honestly as a nation to achieve an average European level of provision in education, health, housing and other areas. This entails looking at the percentage of GDP or GNP or the level of per capita expenditure we wish to invest in health or education. That money is not there now but it could be. That is the importance of the Finance Bill, 2002. The money is created by taxation, which is what this Bill is all about.

Over the last 15 years we have operated on a system of partnership. The social partners have come together to consider the needs of the country, including workers, business, the excluded and marginalised and the voluntary sector, and how to move forward. Traditionally there was always argument as to whether to increase tax and spending or reduce tax and spending, but over the past eight or nine years we have been able to do the impossible, reducing taxation and increasing spending. This was due to the growth in the economy. Over the past year there has been much concern that we have come to the end of that chapter of our economic growth and development.

Although that is the case, things are not as bad as they appear. One of the country's leading accountancy firms today issued an economic growth forecast of 5.2% for this year. So much for the prophets of doom six or seven months ago who told us we were going to hit the wall this year and that there would be no upturn in the economy. It now looks as though we have turned a difficult corner and entering an improved spell of health economic growth.

The level of growth I would like to see is about 5% to 5.5%. I would not like to see it go any higher for the simple reason that we do not have the facilities, the infrastructure, the workers or the capacity to sustain the 10% or 11% growth rates we had in previous years. That is what led to the traffic congestion, labour shortages, wage inflation and price inflation. We can manage an annual growth level of about 5% a year and that is what we should be aiming for.

The success of the partnership model has been based on an understanding that wealth cannot be redistributed until it is created. The creation of wealth is dependent upon a competitive industrial sector and private sector. Competitiveness has been a focal point of partnership programmes over the past ten years and has proven to be important.

It is also important, and I ask the Minister to refer to it, to acknowledge the competitiveness of Irish workers. I understand employers and IBEC have to make the case for controlling wage inflation whereas I make the case for the importance of workers sharing in the wealth of the economy. It is a fact that Irish workers at all levels are among the most productive in European terms. We lead the European field in terms of productivity per worker, and that is an important message to get across. Workers need to be affirmed in that and in their commitment. I would argue from the point of view of the trade unions that workers do not receive a great enough share of the economic rewards. IBEC would obviously take the opposite line.

We need a competitive private sector – that is where profits are created. The bottom line profit and what happens to it is also a matter that has to be considered as part of the partnership process. It goes in three different directions – re-investment and research and development within the industry, the profit of the shareholders or owners or taxation. When it goes into taxation we then have to decide how to use it. The revenue we collect through taxation is then used for two main purposes – the public services and for social inclusion. Public services expenditure is further sub-divided, with some of it going into the capital costs of public services and some into current costs and the payment of public servants. That is a very simple model of taxation and revenue, and it should be understood by everybody. I tell workers that unless we get competitiveness right in the first place then we cannot address other concerns.

This means everybody has to have a vision. I have listened and agreed with much that the Minister has said in terms of the development of infrastructure in rural Ireland. Earlier today in this House I expressed my concern about the announcement today of the route of the gas pipeline, which excludes any sense of hope for places like Mayo, Roscommon or Sligo, counties which are effectively paying the environmental price. I agree with the taking onshore of the gas but I also believe we should be saying today to the people of Mayo, Sligo and Roscommon as well as the people of Galway that this is energy from the west of Ireland which should benefit the west. Those commitments should be given now—

Maybe the announcement was badly managed but there are many disappointed people in Mayo, Sligo and Roscommon. I have been speaking to them, and they ask what is there for them in Castlebar, Belmullet and areas like that—

On a point of information—

Acting Chairman (Mr. J. Cregan): Senator O'Toole, without interruption please.

I have a point of information. The announcement today was from Bord Gáis which is a commercial, semi-State body. A long time ago, the Government made an official announcement that it will subsidise the bringing of gas to the north west. The decision that must be arrived at is whether it goes via Ballina and the Ox Mountains or via Claremorris to Sligo. However, the Government has already made it absolutely clear that funding will be provided for this and that a Government decision has been made on it. The people of the north west know that.

I am glad the Minister intervened on that point and I accept what he said. The point I am making is that we have an announcement from a semi-State body, which has gained in importance and priority, about infrastructure investment in the west. This investment is being rightly and understandably celebrated tonight by Government and at all levels in that region. However, once again the west is excluded. I know the Minister's commitment to this and my comments are not in any way directed personally at him or anybody else. I am trying to give the view of somebody from Belmullet and to describe what such a person sees in relation to this matter. It is very simple. How can this commercial, semi-State company come to a decision and give out this information before the Government? This is always happening.

Let us give a commitment to the people, such as the Minister gave, and outline the timescale for the project. If it takes a particular time for it to be done, so be it, but it is unacceptable that people foresee a situation where gas is piped out of their area, they pay the environmental price – whatever that is – and get nothing back. These things must be dealt with. There is a huge and appalling gap in information and knowledge in this area.

Our vision for Ireland must include a vision for the west. The Government and the State are too focused on the east, although the east also needs attention. However, if we are to make this a living, viable totality of an island, policy must be focused north, south, east and west and priorities must be where we say they are. That means we have to positively discriminate in favour of those places that the Minister has outlined as being depopulated. In the last fortnight, following the referendum, there was much discussion in the morning newspapers about the urban-rural divide. I do not believe there was an urban-rural divide, although I may be wrong, but a generation divide. I am not saying that is a positive or negative thing, but it was a generation divide. Perhaps young people were better represented in the cities than in rural areas.

As long as we in the west wait, industrialists who wish to invest there and who need clean, cost-efficient energy from gas will delay their investment decisions. It will be another year lost and another belt to the population of those areas. I ask that the Minister make such matters a priority for the Government. It is not much to ask and it is what we are working towards. It is why we have asked people in those areas to tighten their belts. I ask that this be brought to a conclusion and that those people be given hope.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Finance Bill. It is an opportunity to congratulate the Minister, Deputy McCreevy, on his stewardship of the Department of Finance and the economy over the past four years. His Cabinet colleagues and the Taoiseach are to be commended on their achievements over the past four years, which saw annual growth rates of 9.5% and the GDP ratio come down from 74% in 1996 to 36% today – the second lowest in the European Union. Some 300,000 new jobs have been created since 1997 and unemployment is down from 10.3% to 4% last year. While we have had the effects of the slowdown on the economy in the past 18 months, it is clear that there is some level of rebound now. Hopefully, the coherent manner in which the economy has been managed over the past four and a half years will ensure that we are better positioned now to take advantage of any upturn which occurs. It is acknowledged that high taxes inhibit economic development and I concur with the Minister and the Government that we should strive to avoid high taxation. I am concerned by some of the statements from the Opposition parties in relation to this aspect of their economic planning.

Since 1997, some 17,500 elderly people have been taken out of the tax net. From listening to some of those people in recent weeks, it is clear that they are genuinely pleased by the level of social welfare increases granted by this Administration over the past two years. Opposition candidates, both Deputies and Senators, will come across the same response on the doorsteps over the next few weeks. Almost 750,000 taxpayers or income earners are now outside the tax net. This equates to about 37% of those who are earning. Section 9 of the Bill, where there is a welcome extension of medical relief, is particularly positive.

I am slightly disappointed that the Minister has not addressed the issue of third level maintenance fees for families in the PAYE tax bracket. Every Member of the House will have come across genuine hardship cases – this applies particularly in rural areas – where a single earner has one or two children in third level education who do not have the opportunity to live at home while attending third level. Such families must pay the inordinate costs that come with keeping students in college. Tens of thousands of families are finding it difficult to make ends meet in relation to the cost of educating their children. It is helpful that there are now very few education fees for third level institutes, but there is still the cost of maintaining students. I ask the Minister to tackle this problem in next year's Budget Statement, after he is returned to his portfolio following the election.

The Minister confirmed that, after the election, the Government, when returned to power, will tackle the question of decentralisation. I would like to make a case for some rural towns in relation to this issue. The Minister said that 14,000 civil servants will be moved from Dublin to the provinces. The advent of information technology has made it possible for Government Departments to function outside the city. The Minister should know that Carlow town meets all the requirements necessary for the decentralisation of a Department. It has excellent infrastructure, the quality of life is first class and it has sufficient capacity in water, sewerage and electricity services to cater for any number of civil servants who may wish to decentralise to that town. Carlow has a medical service which might not be exactly what the town wants, but which is improving and, hopefully, will improve further over the next 12 months. I ask the Minister seriously to consider that town as suitable for decentralisation.

I commend the Minister on the work he has done so far and wish the Bill a speedy passage through the House.

Acting Chairman

As it is 6 p.m., in accordance with the order of the House today, I must ask that the debate be adjourned.

I move an amendment to the Order of Business, with the permission of Senator Doyle and his group, to allow the Minister to respond.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed?

Agreed.

Minister for Finance (Mr. McCreevy): I thank speakers for their contributions to the debate and I wish to respond to some of the points made. I appreciate the positive comments made by Senators Joe Doyle, Connor, Ross and others about my taxation policies, the recognition of their importance for economic policies and the acknowledgement that the Government at least implemented the policy it said it would in 1997. Senator Ryan suggested there was no empirical evidence that lower taxes produce economic growth or better employment and that our policies were based on a desire to support the rich. I reject this absolutely.

The European Commission and the European Council of Ministers, representing a wide range of political philosophies, have acknowledged the importance of reducing the tax burden to encourage employment and enterprise. Far from favouring the rich in my budgets, I have specifically favoured the lower paid. That was even acknowledged by one of the national newspapers not known for supporting my economic policies.

After the last budget, over 690,000 income earners, or 37% of all those Revenue records, are outside the tax net. The corresponding figures when we took office were 380,000, or 26%. I remind Senators that of the €4.8 billion in tax reductions in the Government's five budgets, 43% has gone on increasing the basic tax allowances, or credits as they are now, including the PAYE allowance, a further 22% went on taking over 370,000 taxpayers off the top rate of tax, over 16% went to reduce the standard rate of tax paid by all taxpayers and just 11% went to cut the top rate of tax. All taxpayers have benefited substantially from the major tax reforms and tax reductions the Government introduced. The Government has been one for all taxpayers.

Senator Joe Doyle and Senator Ross referred to public expenditure. The Government has used the fruits of economic growth to put the public finances on a sounder footing. We have also reduced the general Government debt from 74% of GDP in 1996 to an estimated 34% at the end of 2002. That is a huge reduction of 40 percentage points of GDP. In 1996, interest payments came to 46% of income tax receipts while today's figure is 21%. This is an increase of the tax savings for reducing the debt burden. This year we will again have the second lowest general government debt ratio in the European Union. We have run budget surpluses during our period in office and the Government has not sought to borrow to fund its tax and welfare commitments in any of its five budgets. This is a major achievement and leaves the public finances in good stead for the future.

Senator Joe Doyle and Senator Ryan raised the health services. We promised to develop a quality health service. Between 1997 and 2002, we increased the gross Department of Health and Children allocation by over €4.5 billion, or 125%. In numbers terms, we now have more than 4,000 additional doctors, nurses and other health care professionals. Hospital waiting lists have been reduced by one fifth during our term of office. Target specialties have seen a spectacular drop in waiting lists since December 2000. The waiting list for cardiac surgery is down by 49% and the ear, nose and throat waiting list is down by 22%. Behind this waiting list reduction lies a huge increase in the throughput and workload of our hospitals. The number of medical procedures performed has almost doubled over the last five years from 422,000 per annum to 825,000 per annum. While certain problems continue to exist, increased expenditure on the health services over the period has delivered a significant advance in the level of service provision.

By targeting investment in health services strategically, the Government is committed to funding further significant improvements. As part of the health strategy, 700 new beds will come on stream in the current year at a cost of €65 million. A treatment purchase fund to reduce waiting lists is also being put in place with a budget of €30 million to purchase capacity for public patients, either in private hospitals or in hospitals abroad. By the end of 2002, the aim is that no adult will wait longer than 12 months and no child will wait longer than six months for any hospital treatment and that by 2005 no patient will wait longer than three months. I repeatedly highlighted the fact that we also need to ensure that the very significant funding which is now being committed to the health services is accompanied by the highest standards of efficiency and effectiveness. The Government is committed to this and l make no apologies. I was surprised at Senator Ryan's suggestion that this implies an unwillingness to fund a good health service.

A number of Senators raised the question of the sportspersons' tax relief. As I stated earlier and repeatedly in the Dáil on Report Stage, I have the highest respect and admiration for the GAA and for all amateur sportspersons who dedicate so much time and effort to their sport. Senator Ryan misrepresented or misunderstood what I said on the subject. I did not suggest the GAA should pay its players. As Senator Bonner said, I referred to the importance of the motivation to play for one's county rather than suggesting any monetary incentive. On Committee Stage in the Dáil, I suggested that there would still be guys in Dungloe, Sallins and Mullingar who would get up in the middle of the night to play for their county and would sacrifice themselves monetarily, physically and in other ways to play county football and to represent their county whether in the Fitzgerald Stadium, Croke Park or wherever. That will continue to be the case.

My approach was not to deal with sportspeople generally or with sport, which receives significant support through the various grant schemes, but with the particular difficulties of people who earn their direct income from sport. This tax relief for sportpersons has generated debate but the reason behind it is that people who have short earning careers and who earn their income directly from sport should get a tax break. I make no apologies for that and will explain it in greater detail on Committee Stage. This relief is for people who earn their income from playing sport and not for those who play sport as a pastime.

When in Opposition I was able to devote much of my time to playing a reasonable round of golf. On one occasion some years ago I went to extreme efforts to win my captain's prize and I practised for many hours each day for the best part of 18 months to do so. I do not expect to get 40% of my income as an accountant or a Deputy back as a special tax break and nor do Members here who engage in other sports. One could regard card playing as a sport and some Members of this House would be aware that I misspent much of my adult life doing so until I got sense and saw the light. That is a sport as well but I do not believe Members who play cards should get 40% of their Seanad or Dáil earnings back in a tax break.

What I have tried to do is innovative. I decided to give the break at the end of a sportsperson's career because my experience of sportspeople is that in their early 20s or so, they may not be as sensible as they would be in their 30s looking back on their career in that they may have wasted their money. I came at it from the other end so that when they retire, they can go back and revise the tax for ten years. If sportspeople have good tax accountants and do not have to pay tax at all, they will not get a break when they retire because one recalculates the tax by deducting 40% of one's direct earnings from sport as an allowable expense. One then recalculates the taxation based on that. I will explain it in more detail on Committee and Report Stages.

The question of charities was raised by Senator Bonner and Senator Ryan who suggested the minimum amount should be abolished. This question has been raised with me before. I made a significant change last year to the whole charities tax situation. Effectively, I have opted for the American system. At least 12 or 13 sections of the Finance Bill incorporate all these different charities, including tax relief for medical institutions. I decided that one should get the tax break at one's marginal rate of tax. If one is self-employed, one can regard it as a deduction in one's adjusted profit computations. If one is a PAYE worker, the Revenue Commissioners will send the balance of tax to the charity. I brought in a de minimis figure of £212. I think the original figure, as proposed in the Finance Bill, was £250 and I reduced it to £200. The equivalent figure is €250 and I have left it at that. We will have to see how the relief operates before I start reducing it further.

I have commented that long after the reliefs, tax credits, the widening of tax bands and special savings accounts are forgotten, I will get more credit for the relief I gave charities through tax breaks for donors. While in the United States some time ago I read that the $190 billion per annum donated to charities is triggered mostly by tax breaks. I have unashamedly copied the way it is done in the United States. While it did not receive much publicity last year, it is a major breakthrough. In a totally different way of doing things I amalgamated all existing reliefs into one and changed its whole basis. This year I have extended the principle to donations to sports bodies for capital projects which will have a considerable effect in years to come.

A case has been made to reduce the minimum figure. Senators are aware that the relief was revamped and greatly expanded last year. For administrative reasons, as much as anything else, I do not wish to make a change at this time. I want to wait and see how the relief operates. I do not have a principled objection to reducing the figure further. While it is quite reasonable, I will, however, look at it again.

Senator Bonner questioned the reason the limit on the tax credit for refuse charges was not being removed for tag payments. When first introduced such charges were not payable in every part of the country. There was a row about the matter in the mid-1980s in County Kildare which provided a platform for one of my constituency colleagues to be elected to the Dáil. After I had introduced the relief some time ago it was believed that many local authorities had substantially increased their charges. Charges were increased in County Kildare, but not as significantly as in other counties.

The price of tags has also increased.

While I removed the limit in the case of charges, I did not change it in the case of tags. It is, however, a matter at which I am prepared to look again, but I am not prepared to change it just yet.

I remind the House that the Government has fostered a climate which has made it possible to deliver on its promises. In many cases it has actually exceeded its commitments. There is no doubt that it has improved people's standard of living and public services. It has also ensured the economy can deliver good levels of growth in order that we can make further progress in the future. I have no doubt that all parties wish to make the economy stronger, more productive and capable of meeting our economic and social priorities. The Government's record shows it has the policies that work and will continue to work in the future. I look forward to Committee and Report Stages when I will expand on some of the topics raised.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, 21 March 2002.
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