I welcome the Taoiseach to the House.
Northern Ireland: Statements.
I thank you, a Chathaoirligh, for your welcome and thank the House for the invitation to speak on Northern Ireland in what is a interesting time in its development. This is the eve of the commencement of the round table session in the North. On Friday, the British-Irish Council will meet in Scotland and next Tuesday sees the first meeting of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation for several years.
I welcome this opportunity to address this House on my first visit to the newly elected Seanad. I offer Senators of all parties and of none my best wishes for the life of this Seanad. The Government is very appreciative of the support of the Seanad for the Good Friday Agreement. I recall being in the House, in the days after the Agreement was signed, when the necessary legislation was brought through the House. I will ask the Seanad again next week to pass legislation with regard to the North-South Implementation Bodies so that they can continue to function after 1 December. I am very grateful to Senators for affording me this opportunity to speak about recent developments.
The conflict in Northern Ireland over 25 to 30 years claimed over 3,000 lives. Thousands more people were injured and maimed and this has left a terrible legacy of bitterness and distrust. Through the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, we have the opportunity to go beyond conflict, to overcome that destructive legacy and to embrace the principles of partnership, equality and mutual respect as the basis for relationships on this island. This is what we have done and will continue to do.
While the institutions are currently suspended, the Agreement itself is not. Both Governments are committed during this period of suspension to working the Agreement in areas where it is possible to do so. For example, later this week, I will attend a meeting of the British-Irish Council which is to be held in Scotland and which will go ahead as planned. The council meeting would obviously have benefited greatly from the participation of Northern Ireland Ministers as heretofore. However, it is important that it should continue do its work pending the re-establishment of devolved government.
The successful negotiation of the Agreement was achieved because it was an inclusive process and because it addressed all of the key issues of concern. There would not have been an agreement if all of the traditions on this island had not been represented and if the fundamental issues that had given rise to the conflict had not been addressed. The people of Ireland, North and South, ratified the Agreement in referenda. Our authority and our determination to implement the Agreement derive from the clearly expressed vote in favour on referendum day, 96% to 4% against.
With the coming into effect of the British-Irish Agreement in December 1999, almost three years ago, the constitutional changes provided for in the Good Friday Agreement came into force and the principle of consent was enshrined in our Constitution. By affirming the consent principle as the basis for constitutional change in the future and by ratifying generous and inclusive reformulated Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution, the people sent a clear message that they respect all of the traditions on the island and that they want all of the people on the island to live in peace and on the basis of an honourable accommodation. The Government has been a fair and reasonable partner in the process of seeking to implement all aspects of the Agreement and it is our priority to continue to work on this basis with all the parties to achieve this end.
The implementation of the Agreement has been incremental and difficult at times. Unionists have found it hard to accept the provisions on prisoner releases and on policing, and many have found it hard to participate in government with Sinn Féin. Nationalists and republicans have embraced the new institutions but have found the approach of Unionists towards those institutions deeply frustrating. However, even if we are now faced with yet another considerable challenge, we have managed the process with some success to date. This is because there is almost universal support for devolved government in Northern Ireland and recognition that the Agreement, despite the misgivings of some Unionists, contains the essential elements for peace and stability in Northern Ireland and represents a fair accommodation between the two communities.
Following discussions at Weston Park in the summer of last year, the two Governments published a comprehensive set of proposals in August 2001 designed to address the key outstanding issues at that time – policing, the decommissioning of paramilitary arms, the normalisation of security arrangements and the stability of the institutions being the main points of focus. Since then, considerable progress has been made on policing and significant structural change is in place.
The Policing Board has had to deal with a number of complex and sensitive issues and has done so with insight and wisdom, and far better than anyone believed it could. It has dealt successfully with the issues of emblems, the change of the Chief Constable and many other difficult issues. Recruitment from both communities is proceeding successfully. A new Chief Constable has been appointed and has made a positive start, and North-South co-operation on policing is being advanced. Further policing legislation is to be introduced by the British Government in the coming week, which will be closely watched by Unionists and Nationalists alike.
Policing has been a touchstone issue. I have said many times that getting policing in communities right has never been more important and is fundamental to getting everything to work. This is particularly evident in the context of the difficulties at interface areas and the problems seen in this and past summers.
The participation of representatives of all communities in the new policing arrangements is vital. Participation by Sinn Féin on the Policing Board is important and we would welcome and encourage it. If the police service can be fully accepted and supported by all of the political representatives of both communities, this will make a vital difference and will help greatly in creating confidence that the divisions of the past are being dealt with and healed.
While the recent withdrawal by the IRA representative from contact with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning was disappointing, the process of arms decommissioning has been substantially advanced with two acts confirmed by the international commission. Unfortunately, the acts of decommissioning by the IRA were not matched by moves by loyalist paramilitary organisations. Moreover, the response of some Unionists at the time was less than generous and did not take full account of the significance of these historic developments. These events were significant and difficult, and credit must be given where it is due. To move on that issue and to achieve two rounds of decommissioning, described by General John de Chastelain as significant, was a major achievement which should be acknowledged as such.
Mr. Gerry Adams said recently that the issue of armed groups needs to be dealt with and that this includes the IRA. While no single issue can resolve the current impasse, there is no doubt that this is a key to overcoming the problem created by the lack of confidence and trust. I believe that Mr. Gerry Adams and Mr. Martin McGuinness are determined to work towards resolving outstanding issues and committed to the democratic path as the only way to achieve political objectives.
There has been an enormous improvement in the security situation in Northern Ireland in recent years. We will continue to work with the British Government through the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference to encourage the greatest levels of demilitarisation possible. In the context of addressing the current impasse, the question of ensuring real progress on demilitarisation will be an obvious priority. People need to see that demilitarisation is taking place and that the process of normalisation is moving forward.
In the aftermath of the Agreement coming into effect, it took a considerable time before all the institutional arrangements began to operate effectively. Once the institutions were up and running, however, Ministers in the Executive demonstrated a high degree of commitment to their portfolios, and that has been widely acknowledged. The Assembly and its committees worked well and, with suspension, there was a genuine sense of loss among all members of the Assembly. The experience of devolved Government clearly demonstrated that Northern Ireland is well served by able politicians who can work effectively together for the benefit of all the people. Devolved Government has been good for Northern Ireland. Locally elected, accountable politicians have taken important decisions.
The North-South arrangements have worked in a non-threatening way for the benefit of everyone on this island. Ministers from both parts of the island have been meeting regularly with no adverse comment because they have been taking decisions that benefit all the people. The North-South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Council have adopted programmes of work which have brought and will continue to bring benefits to everyone.
In the next week the two Governments will take steps to ensure that the necessary public function performed by the various implementation bodies under the North-South Ministerial Council can be continued during the period of suspension. I hope the Seanad will deal with that legislation next week.
I acknowledge the positive moves made in recent months by Sinn Féin and the republican movement to address the wrongs of the past and recognise events that are important for unionism. The apology for Bloody Friday was welcome, and the recognition of the importance of Remembrance Day and the sacrifice of Irish soldiers in the British army in the First World War was a gesture of real significance by the republican movement.
However, there is no doubt that confidence in the process, especially in recent months, has been undermined. While court proceedings are pending in a number of cases, and I do not want to say anything that might affect those proceedings and the rights of individuals to due process, there is no doubt that a number of issues, including Colombia and allegations about an intelligence-gathering operation in Stormont, have had a debilitating effect. Recent punishment attacks attributed to the IRA have also affected confidence.
The activities of loyalist paramilitaries over a long period, but especially over the course of the summer, have also been a cause of deep concern. Interface tensions and violence have been at a heightened level. There is no denying it was a difficult summer. The people of the Short Strand and Larne, and Nationalists living in many other areas throughout Northern Ireland have had to live with terrible, prolonged and consistent sectarian attacks. Recent attacks have been especially appalling. Senators will be well aware of those from the national media.
There is a diminishing tolerance of the last vestiges of paramilitarism, especially when it involves the type of internecine feuding and plainly criminal activity we have seen in many respects in recent times. I offer my full support to the Chief Constable, Hugh Orde, in his determination to apply the full rigour of the law to those pursuing their own destructive agenda, and I commend the recent successes of the police service in this area which have been brave and useful to the process.
Serious issues of trust and confidence remain to be addressed on all sides. We have to be sure that the transition to democratic and peaceful means is being completed. In that context, the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, has given his commitment to implement the rest of the Agreement, including normalisation in its entirety and not in stages but together. He is also prepared to protect the institutions against arbitrary interruption and interference.
It is a major concern of Nationalists that, regardless of what we can achieve in brokering in this round of discussions, if they were to sign up and obtain agreement, would another Saturday morning meeting of the Ulster Unionist Council not bring it all down again because someone's nose was out of joint about some issue not directly part of the process? That continues to concern us.
We share the view that now is the time to try to bring finality and certainty. Otherwise the process will be damaged. The prize is great – a completely transformed Northern Ireland with stable, functioning democratic institutions, a system of policing acceptable to all with the participation of all communities, normal security arrangements in communities and an end to paramilitarism. If we succeed in achieving that transformation, and I believe we will, we will then be in a position where all parties will have taken huge steps and huge risks and we will be able to move forward.
I pay tribute to the work of the SDLP and Mark Durkan for the vision and leadership they have shown throughout this process. Much of what has been achieved has been due to the remarkable tenacity they have shown in the face of adversity. All parties have benefited from their foresight down the years.
Recently I announced that, following consultations with the participating parties and groups, it has been decided to reconvene the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation this day week as part of wider efforts directed at building confidence and promoting the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It is hoped that the meeting will be useful and will give an opportunity to Members of the Oireachtas and of other parties, North and South, to air their views, some of which are represented in the House and some not. It will be a useful occasion for people to air their views on what has happened during the year.
The meeting will conduct a general stocktaking and review of the political situation and developments in Northern Ireland and of the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. This will be complementary to other discussions and talks with the British Government and the Northern Ireland parties and will provide an opportunity for parties at the forum to air their views.
The Government is extremely appreciative of the contribution made to the forum by Mrs. Justice Catherine McGuinness, reflecting the views of successive Governments in the past eight years, as well as all the political parties and groups participating in the forum. Her commitment, independence and impartiality were the foundation of the excellent reputation achieved by the forum and its work when it was previously active.
I thank Senator Maurice Hayes for agreeing to act as chairman of the forum.
Hear, hear.
There was unanimous agreement to this in the consultations with the participating parties and groups, reflecting the universal respect for the effectiveness, independence and commitment shown by Senator Hayes in his role as chairman of the National Forum on Europe since October 2001. That forum is ongoing.
On 14 October both Governments issued a joint statement expressing our disappointment at the suspension of the Assembly. The Government regrets that the devolved Government had to be suspended. At the same time we made it clear that the exclusion of Sinn Féin from the Executive, as some had sought, was not something we would support.
The joint statement was a clear expression of our commitment to the Agreement and to its full implementation. In the period since suspension, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and I have been working closely with the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, the former Secretary of State, Dr. John Reid, his successor, Paul Murphy, and the parties to crystallise the issues and chart a way forward. I pay tribute to the work of Dr. Reid and again wish Paul Murphy well in his new role.
The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference met on 22 October under the joint chairmanship of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and the Secretary of State, Dr. Reid. The conference reviewed political developments and expressed the determination of both Governments to implement the Agreement and to work to achieve the restoration of the devolved institutions.
Both I and the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, have engaged in bilateral discussions with the parties, and tomorrow the Secretary of State and the Minister, Deputy Cowen, will co-chair multi-party talks in Belfast. Both Governments have listened with great care to what the parties have had to say, and there is a clear understanding that we have to work together to overcome the difficult challenges that lie ahead.
The issues are clear. They centre on the questions of trust and confidence. As always in Northern Ireland, there is work to be done on all sides. As in the past, the Government will be an active and constructive partner in the process. It would be wrong for all parties who are committed to the Agreement not to dedicate themselves fully to meeting the challenges that lie ahead.
A core strength has been the partnership between both Governments. We have demonstrated in recent weeks that we are determined to work closely together as we have always done at all critical stages in the process. This will be very important in the weeks and months ahead.
The Agreement is the template. It represents a profound charter for change, embedding equality in all aspects of life in Northern Ireland. Its fundamental principles and values are the only basis for moving forward. There can be no turning back. Four and a half years on, the Agreement has transformed Northern Ireland. Our task is to ensure that the transition to a peaceful, locally accountable, democratic society is complete.
I thank the Seanad for its support on matters concerning Northern Ireland at all times over the last five to six years. I have always looked forward to keeping it updated. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and I will be happy to keep it informed of developments as we move through the present series of discussions before and after Christmas.
On behalf of Fine Gael, I welcome the Taoiseach to the Seanad and commend and thank him for his remarks today. It is significant that he chose to make these remarks, particularly at this difficult time for the peace process when we move forward with hope to the new round of talks that will start tomorrow.
It is right, as the Taoiseach said, that other parts of the Agreement should continue, specifically the North-South dimension. Next week Fine Gael will facilitate the swift passage of emergency legislation to ensure the North-South Ministerial Council and the Implementation Bodies can continue their work. It is important, too, that the British-Irish Council can continue its work because it would send a positive signal in terms of east-west relations.
I join the Taoiseach in paying tribute to Senator Maurice Hayes on his appointment as chairman of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation. It is an honour for the House that he was chosen for the role. I commend him for his work and look forward to working with him. I also congratulate the Senators newly appointed to the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body which will meet in Manchester over the coming weekend and early next week.
Both Governments face a difficult task in putting the process back together. They are attempting to use their offices and authority and the mandate or template of the Agreement to ensure it works again. All of us have an obligation to support both Governments in this important work. Fine Gael will continue to support all strands of the process in a beneficial way.
It is now decision time for the parties at the centre of the peace process, Nationalists, republicans and Unionists – the pro-Agreement parties. They must decide whether they want to make the Agreement work. Ultimately, the decision is theirs and it does not really matter what persuasion comes from Westminster or Dublin.
The two issues that must be addressed for confidence to be restored in Northern Ireland and the Republic are ones that have bedevilled the process since it was initiated. They are the issue of illegally held arms and that of the continuation of paramilitary parties. It is essential these issues are dealt with once and for all. It has been only at part of the process where there has been a dilemma on these issues that progress has been made. I ask the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs to keep this in mind.
A month ago I said in the House that the State entered a kind of political limbo when it first started discussions with republicans ten years ago. As we know, the British started discussions 30 years ago, but those discussions were secret. The State only started discussions in the early 1990s and we expected an outcome. We expected that the same principles that apply to the normal political parties we have grown to know, love and hate in the State would apply in Northern Ireland.
These two issues must be addressed. That would give confidence to the process and those who work within it. I ask the Taoiseach to go forward with that message. I want Sinn Féin to play its part in normal democratic politics, but a normal political party is not engaged in the kind of activities in which Sinn Féin is involved. I speak for Members on both sides of the House who know the activities to which I refer. We want to see an end to them forever. The self-determination of the people as expressed in support of the Good Friday Agreement demands that it be the centre of our work over the coming months.
On behalf of Fianna Fáil, I welcome the Taoiseach. We are honoured. The House appreciates his visit. A month ago the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, visited the House when we had an excellent debate on Northern Ireland.
It is good that the two Governments have tried to fill the vacuum and that despite the suspension they continue to work together. The publicity given to the various meetings that have been held, the continuation of activity, North and South, and the continuation of interest from London have given the message that there is not an impasse. The Good Friday Agreement, as the Taoiseach said, remains intact. The effort now is to see that the hopes and dreams that dawned on that day come to fruition.
When we think of the 3,000 people who have died, the maimings, the bitterness and the loss of trust and confidence, we realise how daunting it is for those with responsibility for the various bodies to ensure the continuation of trust and confidence. Three times the Taoiseach gave voice to the need to rebuild that sense of trust and confidence. These two qualities are needed in abundance if we are to pick up the threads and chart the way forward. The Taoiseach has been clear in what he has said. It is amazing how the issues leap out at us, particularly the issue of trust and confidence.
It is also evident that there have been changes over the four years. Some have been greater than others. At times it has been a step forwards and at others a step sideways, but the welcome changes have been incremental in nature. There is a determination now to clear the decks and address the outstanding issues. I hope it will come to fruition.
I often wonder how the principals in the process keep going and how they can face the next day when they have met an impasse, an upset or a particularly difficult situation. If something does not work out, they just accept it and decide to get together again to see what they can do to bridge the gap. Many gaps have been bridged and great steps forward taken. The huge vote, North and South, which copperfastened the Good Friday Agreement showed that, deep down, everybody wanted peace, stability and democratic progress, the principles people want to see enshrined in the North.
Great strides have been made. People have got used to normal government, to having a Minister for Agriculture, Education or the Environment going about his or her duties as part of normal political life. We take this for granted, but it was unheard of in Northern Ireland. Deep down, people now have a strong belief that they can manage matters and can get along. There is no reason this should not continue. The principle outlined by the Taoiseach of taking giant steps forward as distinct from incremental ones is a fine policy. My wish is that this can be done.
I join in the praise given by Senator Brian Hayes to Senator Maurice Hayes. We are very proud to have the Senator with us actively participating in the business of the House. It is a great mark of honour for the Seanad. We wish all participants good luck. We ourselves will participate in some of the organisations and bodies. We will be watching closely and, as the Taoiseach has said, we hope that we will be able to take that giant step forward.
With the permission of the House and in order to get in as many speakers as possible, I would like to share my time with Senator Norris. I promise I will sit down as soon as the Chair indicates the two and a half minutes are over. Since it was a few minutes after 5 o'clock when we started, there should be a little tolerance at the other end.
I concur with much that has been said. I welcome the Taoiseach and affirm the work of Senator Maurice Hayes. The work being done by all sides has to be acknowledged. I want to make two simple points, one macro and one micro. The micro point derives from our extraordinary and impossible cultural legacy of animosity, hatred and division which seem to be endemic in this island but which other countries have left behind. I look with envy at Europe and see countries whose peoples were killing each other by the thousands half a century ago and can now sit around the table, do business and share political power and authority. We have never managed to do this as a State. This is because of all of us. It is not Unionists, republicans, Nationalists, Catholics or Protestants; it just seems to be endemic. I have the pessimistic view that it will take generations for us to work through that. It is essential that we do.
On the micro level, the process could be helped enormously by a vote of confidence in the PSNI. I plead with Sinn Féin to take its place on the Northern Ireland Policing Board to give the board credibility. People working for the PSNI have to go out night after night to try to maintain peace and what is right in the community. They deserve the support of us all.
The macro point is this. In support of what Senator Brian Hayes said, the thinking has to stop whereby parties in Northern Ireland feel able to let the thing fall apart in the hope that the Dublin and London Governments will put it all together and they can all get back on track. We are sick and tired of it. I ask the Taoiseach to use his negotiating skills to exert pressure in both directions. He should pressurise one with the threat of direct rule and the other with the threat of Dublin interference. Let them see that is the way it is going to be until they get their act together. The solution has to be among those in the North.
I also welcome the Taoiseach, particularly because he is known as a good and humane negotiator. That is why I am so devastated by his speech and so utterly disappointed in it. I have to say that.
I hope the Taoiseach did not write his script. I have some tradition in language. In his speech there is praise for the SDLP. There is praise for Sinn Féin. There is praise for the IRA. I did not say Sinn Féin/IRA – I said praise for both of them separately. It contains legitimate and proper criticism and attack on the bestial attacks by loyalist paramilitaries, but there is not one single crumb of commendation in the entire speech for any strand of unionism. That seems to reflect a narrow tribalism that I deplore. It is regrettable. If I were a Northern Unionist, I would be out that door. It is a great pity and a missed opportunity. I hope this event is not recorded for transmission in the North of Ireland.
The Taoiseach referred to the British-Irish Agreement which, if it were proposed now, the Unionists would throw out, because there has been this single-minded attitude towards it. He referred to the difficulties of Unionists participating in government with Sinn Féin/IRA. His own Government said it would not do so until Sinn Féin got rid of its army.
I ask the Taoiseach to get some of his officials to look at a recording of the "Spotlight" programme broadcast last night. It looked at the Claudy bombing and was one of the most devastatingly brilliant programmes I have seen. Let us have a commitment to truth and reconciliation, because until we have real truth and real reconciliation, we will not go anywhere. We must bear in mind the sympathies and feelings of those unfortunate people on both sides of the community who were deliberately blown to pieces by the IRA. They have always tried to get away with it. It was noticeable that when Martin McGuinness, who was praised in the Taoiseach's speech, was asked for an interview, he refused. He issued a statement saying he knew nothing about it. We all know what his position was in the North of Ireland at that point.
I regret to say I was really disappointed with the Taoiseach's speech. In future can he please let us have something more even handed? Let us have some recognition of the work done by David Trimble in very difficult circumstances. Let us not just play to our own little audience here and let us look at things such as setting up a truth and reconciliation commission.
I too welcome the Taoiseach. I congratulate him and his Government colleagues on their efforts to date in the peace process. I wish him well in the crucial months ahead. On behalf of the Progressive Democrats, I congratulate Senator Maurice Hayes on his appointment and I wish him well.
The Good Friday Agreement was a milestone for this country in the search for peace. There is equally no doubt that if we were to renegotiate such an agreement now we would not get as good an agreement. The creation of a vacuum by the recent breakdown plays into the hands of extremists on both sides. That serves no one, nor does it serve the peace process or the future of Northern Ireland or this country. It does not serve them well if extremists are seen to benefit. We are so tantalisingly close to reaching peace on this island that there is an onus on us all to row in behind the efforts to bring things back on track. The loss of momentum can lead us down the slippery slope and return to atrocities and activities that we do not want to see on this island again.
Decommissioning will continue to be an issue until it is embraced. We must stop walking on eggshells around this issue. We must stand up and be counted on it. The events on 11 September 2001 have put terrorism in the world on a new footing. It is not acceptable to have double standards when we allow people to trade in international terror. We cannot say enough about it.
We must clearly separate democracy and paramilitary activities. I have no hesitation in condemning paramilitary activities on both sides of the divide in Northern Ireland. It is not acceptable. Punishment beatings, racketeering and criminal activities in the name of a so-called cause are not acceptable. For once and for all we must put this to bed. If we want to have credibility as a State and as a people, we must stand up and be counted on this. There is no more room for this type of activity.
In this country we have a recognised democratic system that supports the Garda Síochána and Defence Forces. That is what we recognise. We do not recognise private armies or military groupings.
Hear, hear.
It is about time Sinn Féin and its counterparts issued the P45 to paramilitary organisations.
Well said.
It must dissociate from them. If we want to go forward, we can only do so by addressing these issues. We must stop pussyfooting about it, put this peace process back on track and get the momentum moving again.
I wish the Taoiseach well in a very onerous task. He carries huge responsibilities for us all. In saying what I have said, I do not detract from the tremendous work that has been done to date and the work that will be done in the future, in which I have total confidence.
Cuirim fáilte roimh an Taoiseach agus tá súil agam go gcuirfidh sé fíorfáilte roimh pé tacaíocht gur féidir linn a thabhairt dó sna cainteanna a bheidh ag tosnú. I congratulate my colleague, Senator Maurice Hayes, whom I am sure will be a distinguished and excellent chairman. As my remarks will, of necessity, be brief, some nuances may be missing. The last time I spoke on Northern Ireland I mentioned the ambiguities that surround Sinn Féin in the South, to which it took great exception. I was approached and told I had been regarded as impartial on these issues and that my speech was a departure from that impartiality. I suspect I will have more approaches after my speech tonight.
When I was an independent Senator in the 1980s, I stuck my neck out because I believed that excluding an entire section of a community was not the solution. I, therefore, met people from Sinn Féin both here and in Belfast, Aughnacloy and other places. On each occasion I accepted their position on human rights and prisoners because it was right to do so, but I also told them – in dodgy places like pubs in west Belfast – that even if their catalogue of complaints was the entire sum of what had happened in Northern Ireland, the killing of a human being was not justified by it. That was my position then as now.
At this stage Sinn Féin is moving into a different phase of its existence and must convince us it has made up its mind. I am tired of stories which are not explained but kept at arm's length, including one in my constituency where a prominent Sinn Féin activist was convicted having been found in a car with paramilitary clothing and weapons. We are entitled to know what is going on. This is the best organised, most disciplined and best funded political party on the island and that it continues to deny knowledge of any of these stories stretches credulity.
I agree with Senator Norris, to a degree, that unionism seems to be struggling, but the single biggest compromise made in the Good Friday Agreement – there were many – was the willingness of the Ulster Unionist Party to share government with the political party which had made no secret of its connection with a paramilitary organisation which had killed large numbers of members of Northern Ireland's security forces. That compromise was made because of the spirit and letter of the Good Friday Agreement which, it was understood, would precipitously lead to the decoupling of the political party in question from paramilitarism. Unionism is entitled to expect that decoupling will happen.
I am not talking about silly things like the IRA deciding not to exist – there are many ways of doing this – but in the short term it should explain or end the series of ambiguous activities that have included the shootings of a chip shop operator in south Armagh and a police officer in Derry and many others. We are entitled to this, but we are also entitled to considerable care in the language of unionism. Some of the remarks of the Ulster Unionist leader who, while he deserves great praise for many of the things he has done and his willingness to take political risks, seems to have a capacity to look down on other states – this one in particular – do nothing for his credibility. I do not take them seriously, but he will not win over opinion in this State towards understanding their difficulties by using such language.
If we are to have the influence we should have as a state, we must enjoy equivalent credibility with the population in Northern Ireland. If 100 members of the PSNI refused to co-operate with an official body investigating misbehaviour, the Government would be in a state of apoplexy about it. It must establish its own credibility in the areas of human rights, police reform and a belief that, rather than a basket case economy, we have an economy that can maintain the levels of prosperity we have enjoyed. That is what credibility is about and what we need. I suggest these three elements need to be advanced if we are to get the process back on track.
I reiterate the warm welcome to the Taoiseach and the honour he has brought on this House by coming before us. I am sure he will agree that there are few crumbs of comfort as we approach the end of the year in relation to Northern Ireland and North-South relations. The one glowing light is the good and improving relations between Britain and Ireland.
I must take issue with my friend and colleague, Senator Norris, who uses the words "leadership" and "Mr. Trimble" in the same sentence. What leadership was displayed by walking away from a working executive in which the devolved institutions were working well with politicians from all sides co-operating? Direct rule has replaced the Executive and the SDLP has set up a monitoring mechanism to ensure people are given their democratic rights.
The decision to leave the Executive was made by a party, 25% of which is made up of members of the Orange Order – basically, a sectarian organisation. If we had a similar input into our political fora in the Republic, for example, if the Catholic Church had 200 members on a council with Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, the Labour Party or the Progressive Democrats, we would never hear the end of it. In the last six months the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party has made gratuitous and offensive remarks about this State – most recently in Chicago. We have a justifiable and inalienable right to exist as a nation; we are a mother country, yet a Unionist leader who says he wishes to reach out resorts to these remarks despite his claims that he was quoted out of context. Any reading of what he said, as reported, indicates there is still a deep-seated sectarian attitude within unionism in Northern Ireland. The Taoiseach made a point that most Unionists support power-sharing, but I am sorry to have to say this, that, I respectfully suggest, flies in the face of recent surveys which depressingly show that a majority of Protestant opinion in the North does not wish to share power with its Catholic neighbours. That is the level at which we are operating.
I reiterate the comments made about the Taoiseach's and the Government's commitment since 1997. I echo the Leader's query as to where the Taoiseach finds the energy and commitment with all the other responsibilities and obligations of a Taoiseach in the Republic. Despite the deep gulf between unionism and nationalism on the island, there is a need for us to get to know one another better. This may be done through better school exchanges, more media coverage, extension of RTÉ radio and television coverage into Northern Ireland or some other initiative in order that the next generation – Protestant, Catholic, Nationalist or Unionist – will have an understanding of each other's cultures, political rights and their right to exist. I hope this can come out of the political process.
I wish the Taoiseach and the Government all one can in hoping that, going into the New Year, the Executive will be revived, that we will not face an uncertain future with the two extremes of Sinn Féin and the DUP on opposite sides of the electoral divide and that there will be an encouragement to the middle ground with the result that it holds on both sides.
I welcome the Taoiseach and commend him for his fine remarks. I also thank him for his interest and thoughtfulness on the subject. I am delighted to learn that we are on the eve of round table talks. There is no alternative to ongoing dialogue between all the parties involved and both Governments. I am delighted our colleague, Senator Maurice Hayes, is to be chairman of the reconvened Forum for Peace and Reconciliation on which I congratulate him.
Peace requires the end of all paramilitarism. The present impasse is difficult, but not new; there have been previous suspensions. A political vacuum is not good, it is positively dangerous. The two Governments are the guarantors and must continue to act properly and prudently, as they are doing. The process requires ongoing determination and tenacity, qualities which both Governments are demonstrating. Implementation of all outstanding measures is most important. I welcome the Taoiseach's comments in that regard. We must focus on this objective rather than apportioning blame.
The Taoiseach has rightly said we must not roll back the progress made following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. The British Government has stated very firmly that it wants to implement the Agreement. In stating unequivocally that he will not renegotiate the Agreement Mr. Blair is very much in line with the position which the Taoiseach has outlined. It is very satisfactory that they can work so well together.
We agree with the position of the two Governments. That, after all, is what the people voted for, North and South. Progress on decommissioning and demilitarisation is essential. A south Armagh in which watch towers and British troops proliferate must become a thing of the past. Policing remains a hugely important issue in respect of which we also need full implementation. I was encouraged by the Taoiseach's statement that further policing legislation is to be introduced next week and that recruitment from both communities in the North is proceeding satisfactorily.
I hope the leadership on both sides, Unionist and Nationalist, will have steely nerves to ensure the further transition to full democratic engagement and final and total abandonment of all past failed policies. They have already shown that, despite disagreements and reluctance, they are capable of conflict resolution. A degree of inclusiveness has been displayed. It is imperative to get the process back on track as speedily as possible. If it is to be anchored, as it must be, it needs the stability of the Executive and the other bodies.
Full participation in all the talks is the best guarantee Unionists have of the outcome they and the rest of us so badly want, namely, permanent peace. We also recognise the difficulties of Sinn Féin, but, since it is in politics and, through its leadership, has demonstrated this in a most committed way, it no longer needs anyone in the background with guns or semtex. Power sharing is vital for confidence and the further nurturing of the process. I fully endorse the Taoiseach's comments and wish him and the British Government well, together with all the parties.
Fáiltím freisin roimh an Taoiseach. Ní gá domsa a rá go bhfuilimíd thar a bheith mórálach as an obair foighneach, stuama, misniúil atá déanta aige ar ár son le roinnt blian anuas. It gives me great pleasure to welcome the Taoiseach. I have no doubt he will go down as one of the great leaders of this nation on account of the magnanimity he has shown and his endeavours at all times to understand both traditions on the island by working in a very focused way to leave behind us history and all that it entails. Once the Good Friday Agreement was signed, we also left behind us the weighing scales syndrome of blame, to which it would not behove us to return.
A few months ago a delegation from the Orange tradition travelled south to have discussions with me. They said they were particularly worried for their own traditions because, during the 30 years of the troubles, young people of the Orange Order and their supporters did not embrace their traditions. On the Nationalist side, however, young people seemed to be much more proactive with regard to their traditions. If it is possible for us at this stage to talk about Orange traditions being decimated or sidelined, we should also be generous in listening and trying to see if we can be magnanimous in that regard.
It gives me great hope that the sovereign Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic can trust each other, as is now the case. No wedge should be driven where that trust is concerned. Anybody who provokes a return to where we have come from will not be thanked by any future generation. Reference has been made to people sitting down with Sinn Féin despite that party's background. It is also noteworthy that republicans sat down with those who had worked very closely with the B-Specials, the partisan police force of the RUC and the clandestine operations of the British Army. Any return to apportioning blame would be totally negative and unproductive.
I hope the upcoming elections in the North will not result in the different traditions looking over their shoulders at their respective supporters, as I believe Mr. Trimble did in his comments about the Republic. Stepping out of line in that way is not helpful. A letter writer to one of the daily newspapers commented that if Mr. Trimble had referred in similar fashion to Israel, he would have provoked an international outcry. Why should he make such statements about this country, having regard to our very proactive endeavours to achieve a lasting solution on the island?
All political parties right across the board deserve credit for the peace process, both in the Republic and the North of Ireland. The greatest contribution we can make is to ensure we do not in any way fragment the cohesive approach we have had and cultivate it at every opportunity. It is my hope that, in 2003, peace will be firmly and totally established on the island and that justice will no longer be tempered by political expediency.
I wish to share time with Senator Ross.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I welcome the Taoiseach. I have only one sister, who is the mother of seven children. On 12 July some 30 years ago I had to knock on her door and tell her that her husband had just been shot dead. Anybody who has had to go through that experience would be very careful about the words they use and actions they take. This has happened on all sides in the intervening 30 years. With the Agreement, we saw some chance. I noted the Taoiseach's comment that it took some time before all of the institutional arrangements began to operate effectively as they did. Now they have slipped – I hope it is only a slip. Shame on us as a nation, a 32 county island, if we allow what has been achieved to fall apart. Let us be very careful on all sides about the words we use and the actions we take. Let us support those who are working towards peace by giving them our full commitment. The Taoiseach and others leading the process deserve out best support.
I had not intended to speak in this debate. Having read the Taoiseach's speech, while I supported a great deal of what he did for many years – his consistency and lack of one-sidedness – I have to say this is the most one-sided speech I have heard in this House from a Taoiseach. It is most disappointing. I do not know who wrote it for him. I do not believe his scriptwriters in the past would have produced anything so one-sided.
I want to go through the speech in my two minutes, echo what Senator Norris said and be a bit more specific. There is not a single sentence which holds out the hand of friendship to the Unionists. There is not a single sentence of condemnation of Sinn Féin or the IRA. That is quite extraordinary in the present circumstances, where the Unionist people in Northern Ireland have taken what they believe is kick after kick in the stomach from the IRA. Let there be no doubt that the IRA is active.
If his speech is read in Northern Ireland the Taoiseach will cause immense disappointment. He talks about the approaches to Unionists being frustrated. He goes on to say that devolved government, despite the misgivings of Unionists, will work. That is pejorative. He talks about the IRA's withdrawal from the independent commission on arms as being "disappointing" and then praises them. "The IRA's acts of decommissioning unfortunately," he says "were not matched." These great men are responsible for the deaths of 3,000 people – it is more actually – and unfortunately their acts were not matched. Their decommissioning was not matched. Will the Cathaoirleach let me finish?
The Senator's time is up.
His reference to punishment beatings is matched only by a condemnation of loyalist atrocities.
That concludes the statements on Northern Ireland and I thank the Taoiseach for coming to the House.
I would like the Taoiseach to make some gesture to the other side.
On behalf of the Members of the House I thank the Taoiseach for coming here today and for speaking frankly and openly. I suggest that Senator Ross has read what he wants to read and not read what he does not want to read.
I thought the debate was over.
The debate is over.
The Leader is now making a speech on the same topic.