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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 27 Mar 2003

Vol. 172 No. 5

Employment Permits Bill 2003: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am pleased to have the opportunity to present this important Bill to the Seanad.

The Bill is designed primarily to provide a legislative basis for the granting of full labour market access to nationals of the EU accession states after accession takes place in May 2004. From the date of accession, nationals of these countries will no longer require employment permits to work in Ireland. It also puts in place a safeguard mechanism whereby a requirement for employment permits may be reintroduced in respect of nationals of the relevant countries, should the Irish labour market suffer an unexpected disturbance during a transitional period after EU enlargement takes place.

I am availing of this opportunity to put the employment permit regime generally on a more sound statutory footing. The Bill incorporates a provision whereby, for the first time, a requirement for employment permits in respect of non-nationals working in Ireland is set out in primary legislation, together with penalties for non-compliance by employers and employees.

Before going into detail on the provisions of the Bill, I wish to place it in context as part of the general enlargement of the EU, as well as this Government's approach to matters pertaining to economic migration matters. Members will be aware that an additional ten countries, namely, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta and Cyprus, are to be admitted to the EU with effect from May 2004. From that date, they will be party to the treaties governing the European Communities. However, this does not apply to provisions in relation to labour market access. In this area, given concerns surrounding possible labour flows and possible labour market effects, the EU has put in place a transitional measure, during which each member state will be able to exercise discretion as to the extent of access to their respective labour markets. The exception to this arrangement provides for full access to the EU labour market for Malta and Cyprus.

This is a wonderful opportunity for us, as a people, to extend the hand of friendship and solidarity to these new member states and to forge new alliances with these countries, many of which will find themselves in a similar position to Ireland after we joined in 1973, in terms of economic situation, size and population. The Bill provides the necessary legislative vehicle to allow us to do that.

The essential components of the transitional arrangements that have been agreed at EU level apply equally to Ireland and all other member states. The arrangements provide that for two years following the date of accession, national measures rather than Community rules will be applied to the newly acceded member states. In effect, this means that we can choose to be as flexible or as restrictive as we like in relation to labour market access for nationals of these countries.

Two years after accession, in May 2006, Ireland will have to decide whether it then wishes to apply the full body of rules on freedom of movement, or the acquis. The expectation is that most member states would apply the full acquis at this stage. However, member states may opt to continue the national measures operated in the first two years if they wish to do so and it is expected that this will only happen where granting full freedom of movement may pose a threat to their labour market.

The transitional period should come to an end after a maximum of five years, but it may be prolonged for a further two years in those member states where there are serious disturbances of the labour market or a threat of such disruption. This case would have to be demonstrated. Finally, national measures in the transitional period may not be more restrictive than the provisions in force at the date of signing of the accession treaty. Austria and Germany have the right to apply national measures to address serious disturbances, or the threat thereof, in specific sensitive sectors in their labour markets, which could arise in certain regions from cross-border provision of services.

I wish to set the current economic migration situation in the broader context of the Irish labour market on the whole. From 1997 to 2000, Ireland experienced an unprecedented level of growth in the region of 10%, year on year, in both GNP and GDP. This strong performance has brought about an unprecedented growth in the labour force. In the past five years we have seen our labour force grow by 200,000 to a current figure of 1.85 million, while the numbers employed have grown by 300,000 to a current figure of 1.77 million.

The current level of unemployment is 4.5%, compared with an EU average of 7.9%. This level of employment growth has, in turn, given rise to significant labour shortages and a rapid increase in the number of foreign workers. These have come not only from the countries of the European Union, the citizens of which enjoy freedom of movement under EU law, but also from a wide range of other countries.

While the longer-term growth potential of the economy may still be reassuring, the short-term outlook has weakened somewhat. This is particularly the case with regard to unemployment. The year 2002 saw some 25,538 notified redundancies, the highest level since 1988. This constituted an increase of 28% over those notified in 2001 which, in turn, saw an increase of 49% over 2000. The trend is continuing with relatively modest growth forecast for this year and next. However, in relative terms, unemployment is still low and the indications are that we will still have a need for both skilled and unskilled labour from overseas in the years immediately ahead.

In 1999, 6,000 work permits were issued in respect of workers from outside the European economic area – a record at the time. By 2002 this figure exceeded 40,000. Persons coming here to work on foot of work permits are fully compliant with our immigration requirements and made welcome in their places of employment and their new communities. Much of this labour migration is of a temporary nature and consistent with the broader pattern of intra-European labour migration. In future we should be able to meet the great bulk of our economic immigration needs from within the enlarged European Union. However, we should also be able to attract particularly skilled personnel from the wider world.

The Government has decided that Ireland's national measures for the transitional period will be to grant full access to the labour market to nationals of the new member states from the date of accession, May 2004. There are a number of reasons for this. First, arguably most important, this will send a strong and unambiguous signal to the new member states that we intend to show solidarity and promote their integration into the Union from the outset. We intend that this should set the tone for longer-term relations with these states.

Second, there is no reason to believe there will be a large flow of labour migration to this country from these states after accession. Experience to date supports this view. Previous enlargements of the European Union were accompanied by fears of a "flood" of nationals of the new member states entering the Union which never materialised. The many studies carried out in this area in recent years do not support the argument that there will be large, disruptive flows to the labour markets of most existing member states.

Furthermore, I suggest that, if we choose to restrict access to the labour market by continuing the need for employment permits, these new member states could well feel let down, given the relatively healthy state of our labour market. This would be contrasted with the positions adopted by the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Spain, Greece and the United Kingdom – with which we share a common travel area – which will all apply full freedom of movement for work.

Economic migration to Ireland from the accession states has been very positive in recent years. Personnel from these countries accounted for about 35% of work permits issued in 2002, or some 13,752, of which some 33% were renewals. While there is clearly a high rate of turnover in personnel, anecdotal evidence suggests that personnel from the accession countries are generally highly regarded by employers because of a strong work ethic and reliability.

The Bill before the House contains a provision that allows for a possible reintroduction of a need for employment permits if there should be a labour market shock warranting such measures. The presence of this clause in no way means that I have a pessimistic assessment of our economic prospects in the coming years, or that I expect an unmanageable influx of migrant workers from the new member states. It is, however, a prudent measure as we move into a new phase in EU enlargement and an uncertain economic climate. Not to avail of the option of a safeguard measure would mean that domestic legislation would in fact be more liberal than the treaties governing the European Union in respect of the freedom of movement of EU workers. It would also run counter to assurances given by the Government in the context of the second referendum on the Nice treaty. Other member states have also indicated that they will avail of safeguard measures allowed by the accession treaty.

The legislation is a necessary instrument to give effect to the core policy decisions in this area. At present, the employment permit system is run on foot of an order under Article 4 of the Aliens Order, 1946. The Government's legal advice is that this would not provide a sufficiently robust statutory basis for introducing the measures contained in the Bill being discussed. Any legislation to underpin the national measures we propose to introduce for the transitional period must be enacted before 16 April 2003, the date for the signing of the accession treaty. Otherwise, there is a danger that such measures might be held to constitute a more restrictive regime than was in place at the time of the signing of the treaty. This would be contrary to the provisions of the accession treaty. This is the reason this Bill is being put to the House at this time and it is in the public interest that it be enacted before 16 April.

With this Bill, I take the opportunity to put the employment permit system on a sound statutory footing. Section 2 was first introduced as an amendment to the Immigration Bill 2002, introduced in this House by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform late last year. The introduction of that provision was intended to remedy a very basic defect in existing law – the absence of a specific offence and related penalty that can be applied to an employer who knowingly employs a person not entitled to work in the State without an employment permit. However, as it is proposed that the Bill before us will be enacted before the Immigration Bill 2002, I am now taking this opportunity to include this section in the Bill before us. It will subsequently be deleted from the Immigration Bill 2002. I suggest this gives greater coherence to the proposed measures now before the House.

We have in recent years experienced what many other developed countries of the western world have already undergone: a growth in illegal economic migration. While the majority of employers and employees abide by all of the rules and regulations of the employment permit schemes in place, there are those individuals who do not operate within the confines of the law and will look to take the easy option wherever possible.

The Bill states explicitly the requirement for an employment permit where it is proposed to employ a non-EEA national, and creates a criminal offence for both an employee and an employer where a contract of employment is entered into without such a permit. It has long been a source of concern that there is a great legal imbalance between employer and employee when it comes to the law on the employment of non-nationals. No right-thinking person can agree that it is fair that while it is an offence for the non-national, in general, to be in employment without an employment permit, the employer can take such staff on with impunity. Furthermore, it is unacceptable that some unscrupulous employers should be able to gain an economic advantage over compliant employers through illegal employment. The provisions contained in the Bill redress the existing imbalance. They send a clear message to employers, in particular, that exploitative activity of this nature is unacceptable and will not be tolerated.

Work is continuing on preparing the more comprehensive employment permit legislation agreed by the Government last year and I intend that that Bill should be published shortly after Easter. The current proposals are not in any way a substitute for that Bill.

Section 2 of the Bill contains almost exactly the same provisions as sections 4 and 5 of the Immigration Bill 2003, which has already been passed by this House. Subsection (1) simply restates the present law – at Article 4(1) of the Aliens Order, 1946 which is to be revoked by subsection (12) of this section – making it an offence for a non-national to take up or be in employment in the State in the absence of an employment permit issued by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment. This reflects a key principle underpinning the economic migration regime in Ireland: that permission for non-EEA personnel to work in the State is a concession granted by the State rather than a right.

This restriction does not apply to all non-EEA nationals. Subsection (10) lists the categories of non-nationals exempt from this requirement. These categories are as follows: recognised refugees and members of their families who have been admitted to the State to join them; programme refugees admitted under section 24 of the Refugee Act; current EU nationals, nationals of the three additional countries of the European economic area – Norwegians, Icelanders and citizens of Liechtenstein – and Swiss nationals, all of whom are entitled to participate in the Irish labour market by virtue of membership of the EU or other international agreements; and other non-nationals whose permission to remain in the State includes a condition that they may work without an employment permit. The last category includes, but is not limited to, those who, though not refugees, have been given permission to remain in the State for reasons of a humanitarian nature.

Subsection (3) is a new provision which creates a specific offence for an employer to enter into an employment contract in the absence of the necessary employment permit. Until now, it has been an offence only for an employee to take up employment without such a permit, which has been a source of concern to me for some time. Senators will agree that it is right we should take this legislative opportunity to redress the imbalance that has hitherto existed; it makes no sense that, in the context of what can be seen as an exploitative relationship, the person doing the exploiting should go unpunished.

A measure of the relative degree of wrongdoing on either side of the contractual relationship between an employer and a non-national employee in such cases can be seen in the subsection which specifies the punishments. The lesser offence is that of the employee but it is an offence nonetheless. The employer's offence can be prosecuted as a summary offence, or in the Circuit Court on indictment. If prosecuted on indictment, an employer may be fined up to €250,000 and may face a prison sentence of up to ten years. Subsection (4) places an onus on employers, before they employ a non-national, to carry out a reasonably thorough check to satisfy themselves that the prospective employee does not require an employment permit, or that an employment permit has been obtained if it is needed.

The fact that employing a non-national without an employment permit is to be a serious criminal offence makes it necessary to ensure there are sufficient powers to enable such offences to be identified and detected. Accordingly, subsections (5) to (9), inclusive, provide powers for the Garda to search premises, by warrant of the District Court if necessary, to punish the obstruction of such searches and arrest without a warrant a person who obstructs.

The only addition to this section since it last came before the House is subsection (11), which specifies that, if a requirement for an employment permit is reintroduced for nationals of the new EU member states, preference shall be given to applications in respect of such nationals over applications in respect of third country nationals. This is in line with the accession treaty which obliges member states to operate any transitional measures on a Community preference basis.

The provisions of section 3 relate specifically to the accession states. Subsection (1) exempts citizens of the accession states from the requirement to obtain an employment permit to work in the State. Citizens of countries which become member states of the European Union after this legislation is passed who are not immediately granted freedom of access to the labour market under the relevant treaty of accession will be granted full access to the Irish labour market under this section. This will, in effect, exempt the eight accession states to which transitional measures apply from the need for employment permits. As there are no transitional measures in relation to Malta and Cyprus, citizens of those countries will be exempt from this requirement under section 2(10)(c) of this legislation.

Section 3(3) provides that, if the labour market is experiencing or is likely to experience a disturbance, the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment may make an order providing that section 2 shall apply to some or all of the accession states. This will mean that citizens of these states will require employment permits to take up employment. This subsection has been included as a safeguard in the case of an unexpected shock to the domestic labour market. Such an order would apply during the transition period only and cease to be valid as soon as the full acquis on freedom of movement applies to the states.

Subsection (4) provides that citizens of the new member states who are already in employment in Ireland at a date after accession would not be affected by a reimposition of a requirement for employment permits for citizens of the new member states. This should ensure such persons would not be at risk of losing their jobs in such circumstances. A six week working period prior to the reimposition is considered appropriate to avoid the possibility of tactically dated employment contracts designed to avoid reimposed regulations.

I trust that my remarks have conveyed the important public goals to be attained by enacting this legislation. Senators will appreciate the unusual urgency attaching to the legislative timetable in this matter. It is with the greatest reluctance that the Government has had to introduce these proposals at this late stage but legal advice is that this is the prudent approach. I commend the proposals to the House.

I welcome the Minister of State and thank him for his overview of this legislation. As this is a relatively short Bill, I will not detain the House for very long.

The Minister of State has outlined the background and purpose of the Bill which will allow full freedom of access to the Irish labour market by citizens of eight EU accession countries – the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia – with effect from May 2004. It is prudent and proper, as the Minister of State said, that non-nationals working in Ireland will be required to hold a work permit. The Bill provides for fines of up to €250,000 and up to ten years in prison, or both, for employers found guilty of hiring illegal workers.

The Minister of State mentioned the safeguard in the Bill permitting the reintroduction of the permit requirement for workers from countries which are not member states of the European Union if the labour market suffers as a result of the enlargement of the Union. This is a prudent provision in view of the severe warnings received, notably from the Central Bank.

The Minister of State has mentioned that the Government's decision is in line with that in some other EU member states – Denmark, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Spain, Luxembourg and Greece. The fact that about 35% of work permits are held by citizens of EU accession states should mean that demand will drop by an equal amount from next May. This will reduce the pressure on the work permit system and ensure it works more effectively.

As citizens of a nation with a long history of emigration, we understand young people may need to live in other countries. Thankfully, the era when other countries often offered better working and living opportunities than Ireland has passed. The dramatic change in circumstances is demonstrated by the fact that debates on emigration have been replaced by discussions about immigration policy. It is interesting that Ireland has to consider itself as an economically attractive country and, to that end, this Bill sets out to ensure the imminent increase in immigration is dealt with effectively.

I welcome the fact that citizens of EU accession states who account for about 35% of work permit holders will not need permits to work here. The enactment of this legislation will lead to a decrease in the pressure faced by our work permit system and a fairer playing field for those looking for work.

Cases of employers exploiting the work permit system, by replacing Irish workers with cheap labour from some of the countries I have mentioned, have been outlined in the media recently. Non-nationals have, unfortunately, been treated disgracefully in some cases. Certain employers will no longer be able to exploit the system when the new legislation comes into effect. Our colleagues from the new EU member states will be given better and fairer opportunities in the employment sector.

I hope the economy does not suffer to the extent that the Government is forced to introduce a transitional period to allow it to reintroduce the work permit system for workers from EU accession states. It seems, however, that the economic indicators are not as we would wish them to be.

This legislation will resolve many of the problems that have resulted from the arrival in Ireland of citizens from the accession countries. It will give them the same opportunities when looking for work as citizens of existing member states. It will end the headache faced by both employers and employees when dealing with the procedures involved in acquiring a work permit. What will happen, however, to those persons not from the accession countries or the European economic area? They and their employers will still be bound to a work permit system which will afford to ruthless employers opportunities to abuse the procedure and hire cheap labour to work under often scandalous conditions.

We need a more coherent and effective immigration policy and not disjointed, last-minute legislation or one Bill dealing with work permits and another with immigration. How will the work permit system operate when the legislation is enacted? Will permits be given to certain sectors? If so, to which sectors will they be given? Will there be capping whereby, depending on labour market pressures, the issuing of permits will be halted? I would like abuse of the work permit system to be prevented by greater enforcement of immigration policies, which will ensure that all non-national workers are treated fairly and equally.

I welcome the Bill in general. I thank the Minister for the outline he gave to the House and look forward to his response.

I also welcome the Minister and support the Employment Permits Bill 2003. Its primary purpose is to facilitate the granting of free access to the Irish labour market to nationals of EU accession states with effect from May 2004. I am reminded of a speech the Pope made in the 1980s in which he said Europe had two lungs. He was referring to eastern and western Europe and it is good that fresh life will be breathed into the European continent by the accession of new states to the EU. It will benefit labour markets and provide new opportunities. This Bill is part of that process and it is to be broadly welcomed.

From the date of accession, nationals of the new member states will no longer require employment permits to work in Ireland. The Bill also puts in place a safeguard mechanism whereby a requirement for employment permits can be reintroduced in respect of nationals of the relevant countries should the Irish labour market suffer a disturbance after EU enlargement. The Bill also incorporates a provision whereby, for the first time, a requirement for employment permits in respect of non-nationals working in Ireland is set out in primary legislation, together with penalties for non-compliance by employers and employees.

It is expected that granting free access to the Irish labour market to nationals of accession states after EU enlargement will result in a reduction in work permit processing fees of about 35%, or circa €4 million at current levels. However, it should also result in a major reduction in demand for work permits, thus facilitating better customer service and quality control, together with savings on overtime expenditure.

Despite the economic downturn and unemployment increasing to 4.4% last year, the number of applications for work permits has continued to climb. Traditionally, Ireland has been a country of net emigration. However, increased prosperity resulted in the number of applicants under the work permit scheme growing from 3,617 in 1994 to 40,321 last year. Over 40% of the permits granted last year involved jobs in low-skill areas such as farming, construction and catering. It is almost certain that the labour market will continue to require immigrant workers to supplement the domestic labour pool. However, it is essential to include the safeguard in the Employment Permits Bill 2003 permitting the reintroduction of the requirements for permits for workers from newly acceded EU countries if the labour market was to suffer a disturbance after enlargement.

Some 35% of current work permits are held by citizens of EU accession countries, so demand is expected to drop by this amount from next May. The Government's position is in line with other EU member states, including Denmark, the Netherlands, the UK, Spain, Luxembourg and Greece. Fines of up to €250,000, ten years in prison, or both, for employers found guilty of hiring illegal workers are also included in the Bill.

The leading anti-Nice treaty campaigner, Mr. Anthony Coughlan, predicted last summer that the Government could be forced to bear the costs of potentially heavy eastern European migration to Ireland from 2004, without any Dáil debate or public consultation on the issue. The new regime will eliminate any question of a non-EU national being exploited. Following the decision of the Copenhagen Summit last December, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia can join the EU on 1 May 2004.

It was agreed at that summit that the new member states will receive a rural development package which will be specifically adapted to their requirements and which will have more favourable conditions than those applied to the current EU member states. The amount available for the ten candidate countries is fixed at €5.1 billion for 2004 to 2006. Direct aids for the new member states will be phased in over ten years. They will thus receive 25% of the full EU rate in 2004, rising to 30% in 2005 and 35% in 2006. This level can be topped up by 30% up to 55% in 2004, 60% in 2005 and 65% in 2006. Until 2006, the top-up payments can be co-financed by up to 40% from their rural development funds. From 2007, the new member states may continue top-up EU direct payments by up to 30% above the applicable phasing-in level in the relevant year, but financed entirely by national funds.

Special provisions have been agreed for Cyprus and Slovenia to take account of their internal support systems prior to accession. The farmers from the new member states will have full and immediate access to common agricultural policy market measures, such as export refunds, and cereal, skimmed milk powder or butter intervention, which will contribute to stabilising their prices and incomes.

The key issues for most people in the accession countries are poverty, human rights and democracy. Ireland, as a country which was, until recently, geographically marginal and economically underdeveloped, has a lot to contribute to this dialogue. The challenge of enlargement is first and foremost a social challenge because most people in central and eastern Europe are chiefly concerned about what impact it will have on their day-to-day lives. In the past decade they have seen their new political freedoms undermined by dramatically increasing poverty and inequality and the devastation of systems of social protection, employment and social services. Enlargement can only succeed if it responds to people's direct needs.

One of Lithuania's most significant investments has been in its young people. An estimated 8,000 young Lithuanians have already travelled to work in Ireland. The European Union has enlarged on two occasions since we joined. On each occasion, there have been prophecies of mass immigration and economic decline. However, European leaders have refused to set artificial boundaries to European unity which would deny opportunities to non-member states. On each occasion enlargement has not only improved the lot of the new members, but has also enriched the community as a whole on social, economic and cultural levels.

The fifth enlargement of the EU, which was facilitated by the framework agreed at Nice, offers many benefits for Ireland. We stand to gain enormously from the opportunities of an enlarged common market. Since we export 90% of our goods, we need to be in a position to penetrate new markets to maintain the ability to expand. Our trade with the applicant states has grown sixfold since 1993 and can only grow further as the rate of GDP improves in these states with membership of the EU.

With enlargement, companies in all accession states will be bound by common regulations ensuring that they can no longer use lower safety standards or poorer workers' rights to secure an unfair competitive advantage. This is a very important point.

The "No" campaign for the Nice referendum suggested that enlargement is a threat to Ireland's interests, that it is a poor deal for the applicants and that it would lead to no less than a flood of immigration into Ireland. We must examine the social welfare benefits for immigrants to Ireland. Under EU law, immigrants to Ireland may import three months' worth of benefits from their country of origin while searching for a job here. Under EU law and European Court of Justice case law, immigrants can stay in a country for six months searching for a job but job seekers are not entitled to social welfare benefits in the member state in which they are looking for work. After six months, the legal status of the immigrant becomes very grey and he could potentially be repatriated to his home country. This arises because freedom of movement in the EU extends to workers, but to be classified as such one must have a job.

If the migrant finds a job, under Irish law he or she must make either 32 weeks of PRSI contributions in one tax year or 52 weeks of PRSI contributions over two tax years before qualifying for social welfare benefit. The immigrant may also qualify for social welfare assistance, which is means tested, if seeking a job in Ireland. If he or she has not found work within six months of receiving benefits, the legal situation of the immigrant becomes very grey. To summarise, anyone who migrates to Ireland will have to work and will not get social welfare benefit for more than six months.

The "No" campaign tried to scare voters with fairy stories about eastern European immigration to Ireland following the Nice referendum. Academic studies by the European Commission indicate that such fears of large migration are hugely exaggerated. The studies concluded that the numbers of East-West migrants will be small, economic and social policy will act as further restraint on migration, and the impact of migration will be influenced by geography and sectors, with Germany and Austria seeing the largest numbers of migrants.

The study concludes that about 120,000 immigrants will join the EU labour force per year, compared to annual immigration into the EU of 800,000 in recent years. About two thirds of these migrants are expected to flow to Germany and some 10% to Austria. In a situation in which Ireland is expected to need migrant labour in the medium to long term, some movement of labour from the accession countries to Ireland will bring economic benefits.

Beyond academic surveys, using common sense it is clear that mass migration will not happen post-Nice. For example, when Ireland joined the EEC in 1973, when we were economically deprived, there was no mass emigration of the Irish to Germany or France. Today, with 4.3 million unemployed Germans and 2.5 million unemployed Spaniards, nobody is talking about mass German or Spanish emigration to Ireland.

The line of argument about mass immigration into Ireland has been exposed for what it is – irrational and dangerous. Not only is there no objective proof that enlargement will lead to the flood of eastern workers that some have predicted, it is a short-sighted argument. Membership of the European Union will allow the workers of eastern Europe the opportunity to develop their own economies and build brighter futures at home. If anything is testament to the desire of people to grasp opportunities to build a better life at home it is the return to our shores of tens of thousands of Irish people in recent years, brought about by our own economic transformation. The more integrated eastern Europe becomes, the more likely it is to assist in the suppression of illegal immigration.

On the positive side, in 1994 Ireland's exports to the applicant countries of eastern and central Europe were worth only €160 million. In the year 2000, they were worth €1,187 million. This represents a sevenfold increase but still represents only 1.5% of our overall exports on an annual basis.

Our overall trade with the applicant countries has grown from €283 million in 1994 to €1,830 million in 2000. Our main trading partners among the applicant countries are Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Four hundred indigenous small and medium-sized companies are working in these markets and 60 of these companies have already established local operations. Irish companies are active in a diverse range of economic activities ranging from financial services and construction to commercial radio and public relations consultancy.

This Bill will make life easier for many people to work in our country and will benefit our economy. I commend it.

I wish to share my time with Senator O'Toole. I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Michael Ahern, to the House and I welcome the Bill. I am glad the Government has decided to take a generous attitude towards the granting of work permits immediately to people from the EU accession countries. It is the right thing to do.

After the comprehensive and useful speech by Senator Hanafin I will keep my remarks short. It is just as well that we are going to give these immigrants work permits straightaway because I do not know what we would otherwise do to keep business going in the retail trade, in hotels, restaurants and numerous other areas of the economy.

The Minister of State has said that more comprehensive legislation is on the way regarding employment permits in general for people from outside the EU. I hope there is no delay in this because the two areas in which I am involved in employment are the university and medical sectors. Delays in getting employment permits in these areas are appalling and it is our loss when, for example, doctors and lecturers in foreign languages have their work permits delayed. I hope this promised legislation will be brought in very shortly.

I also welcome this legislation and the reference by Senator Hanafin to last year's European debate, when Mr. Anthony Coughlan snowed us under with information about how we would have to deal either with a "flood" of people from eastern Europe or else keep those people out. That fuelled an unnecessary and dangerous racist-based debate in this country and debased the whole European debate. One of the biggest difficulties we are dealing with in the area of permits is the polarisation of the debate. Some people take a racist view, demanding that foreigners be kept out, while others, who strangely enough describe themselves as liberals, take the view that anyone who wants to come into this country should be allowed do so without question.

In running a civilised, developed country, what we need is a civilised, open and humane managed policy. In countries where I have looked at this issue, managed policies have worked. As a country, our first duty is to our citizens, and then to citizens of our fellow member states. Policies need to be balanced with consideration for refugee, immigration and asylum issues. We need a humanitarian policy, one we can be proud of, to deal with those issues.

Work permits are essential to economic development. They must relate to the economic needs of a country and to its labour force needs at any given time. There is nothing wrong with saying, for example, that we need specific numbers of plumbers, teachers and members of other professions, with people to be admitted on that basis of qualification. Yet some people will insist that we are racist if we employ such a managed policy. There has been no understanding as to what precisely Government policy is in this area. It has changed from month to month. There is nothing wrong with change if we know the basis for it and the context in which changes are made.

Another important issue involves the need for competitiveness while remaining anti-exploitative. We must ensure that Irish industry and the country's economy are competitive while also ensuring that workers, wherever they come from, are not exploited. One of the great difficulties recently has been that many projects to provide infrastructure in this country have been won by non-Irish companies at a price that has undercut European Union industry, essentially because they exploited workers and were not required to deal with health and safety, environmental and other regulations at home. All those countries and all those of us who supported enlargement under the treaty made the point very carefully that many people were voting "No" because they did not want eastern European countries, industries and people undercutting them and taking jobs in Ireland. That was ridiculous, nonsensical and illogical thinking.

The whole point of the treaty is that every European Union country must comply with all the environmental, health and safety, maternity and other regulations. In that way we create a level playing field which protects Irish industry. There is no doubt that it creates competitiveness strains and certain difficulties for people on all sides early on. However, we have gone through that in this country to bring Irish standards of living and per capita GDP up to European levels. We have managed to do that in recent years, and the same thing will happen in the eastern European countries.

We ask two things of the Minister. Now that there is a policy to manage the matter, which is to be welcomed, let us also make clear to the world that people coming in will not in any way be exploited and that, regarding competitiveness, whatever countries they come from will be required to meet all the basic European requirements. That means that we are all playing on the same pitch and that people must deal with exactly the same issues. If we do so, people on both sides of the House with moderate views of the world, who are against racists, and those with no policy, can say that what we are doing is sensible and managed, looking after the European Union and after Ireland and its citizens. To do so, we ensure that permits are granted where necessary.

There is a slight lacuna between now and the implementation date next year, and I ask the Department to loosen its examination of people from those countries in the interim. I recently came across someone from the Czech Republic who was working in Limerick. The person was there legitimately, having applied and done everything by the book. However, he had not received his permit by the time his visa ran out. The only legal and honest route open to him was to leave the country and come back in again. When he did so, he was stopped at immigration, even though he was doing things the honest and open way. The immigration officers in Shannon listened to his employer and, more or less as a favour, allowed him back in. We should not concentrate on those countries over the next year. Let us look at the wider picture and get things moving in that direction. By doing so, we will have a managed policy. We can then argue about its management from here.

I am sure there will be differences of opinion. There is nothing wrong with that, but at least there is a basis on which we can make our decisions and do business together.

I very much welcome this Bill. I am delighted that the Minister has given us such a comprehensive overview and understanding of the history involved, as well as where we are going. No one in this House would have thought ten, 15 or 20 years ago that we would speaking about this subject today. What we had been speaking about for years was emigration and parents asking where they could find jobs for their children at home. Now we must manage the workforce that we require to come to this country.

Speaking as someone who has used the work permit system over recent years and continues to do so, I ask the Minister to examine a few aspects of it. When people hear about exploitation, they sometimes think that it is only by employers. However, the present regime allows for extreme exploitation of permit holders entering the country. If one has to advertise in the morning for a permit holder, that person is living overseas. Irish employers cannot get in touch with such people. An agency from abroad will see the Irish advertisement, contact employers and say there is no charge to them. However, they charge €100 or more per week out of the applicant's wages, perhaps for the first 12 months. I saw it in operation in my own business until two or three years ago when I learnt how to use the system properly. Permit holders were being exploited by their own people, who had come to Ireland, learnt the system and returned with a wad of details on up to 1,000 potential applicants. They would offer to provide an employer with any one of those people. If an employer wished a person with one hand, two hands or even three, they could find such a person for a price. They were charging the permit holder. Such is the level of exploitation.

It currently takes six to seven working weeks to employ a permit holder in this country. I cannot see why a simple four-page form sent to the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment with very few questions on it – there are only about ten, which amounts to very little for any employer to fill in – should take four to six weeks to be approved. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform spoke here about the Refugee Act 1996 and what he wishes to do about non-nationals entering the country. He promises to deal with applicants within five to ten working days, though the information that he must glean and the determination to which he must come are far more onerous. It is the same situation if one wishes to hold on to a permit holder. The process also takes six weeks for an existing permit holder working in this country who wishes to remain for a further 12 months. The Minister should clarify if the suggested grace period will cover people who have applied for a permit six weeks from 16 April or those who have been granted a permit by that time.

Those who have come to this country have been wonderful. Their work ethic is admirable – similar, I suppose, to that of the Irish who went abroad in recent decades. Many Irish industries would not have functioned over the past few years of tight labour markets without immigrant labour, and it is a good thing that it was available. The Bill and the accompanying explanatory memorandum say that our permit system requirement might be filled by the enlarged European Union, which has ten applicant countries, and that is absolutely possible over the next few years. It will save employers as well as permit applicants themselves the grief of having to wait six weeks. Any employer who goes through this process would prefer to employ an Irish or European Union citizen tomorrow than wait six weeks to find out whether he or she will get a person in. That period must be shortened since it is far too long. Given that the fee is now €500 or €600, no one should have to wait so long for a response from the Minister's Department. I ask him to examine the issue.

I welcome this Bill, the provisions of which are timely. It will allow a level playing field for all employers. It is regrettable that there are unscrupulous employers in some sectors who make foreign nationals work very long hours. However, if that is dealt with as a criminal offence, my business and every other will know that, if there are such people working in other companies, at least they are there legitimately, with everyone on a level playing field.

I speak from real life experience and do not rely on anecdotal evidence. This country's requirement for permit holders will exist for some time to come. I advertised a job recently which carried a salary 20% above the minimum wage, required no experience and was offered in an area of Dublin with a supposedly high rate of unemployment. Of the 23 applicants for the position, only one was from Dublin 15, seven were from other parts of the country while 15 were non-EU nationals who came through agencies which I would like to see taken out of the picture. The Department should permit non-EU nationals to come here on a three month holiday visa to apply for jobs. Agencies are visiting FÁS offices everywhere, taking down lists of the available jobs and charging people for the information. I would rather see a system which allowed people to come here to apply directly to employers. As someone who has watched the current system operate for many years, I am amazed at how long it takes to process applications. It cannot be right that it takes six weeks.

There are areas in which the Department could fine tune the legislation. I welcome very much the provisions being made which will, for once and for all, put matters on a statutory basis which lets employers and employees know what the rules are.

I welcome the Government's provisions to give people from the accession countries full access to the labour market in 2004. Its wish to send an unambiguous signal that we intend to promote integration from the outset is a positive objective but the safety clause is contradictory in that context and demonstrates an ambiguity about our economic circumstances and an unfair attitude to those involved. In effect, we are saying they are welcome but only if the labour market needs them. They are chips in an economic card game and if things go wrong for us, we will get rid of them. It is not very humane to treat people as economic units rather than as persons who can also contribute to our society culturally and socially.

The Minister of State's speech pointed to contradictions in our employment policy. He admits there is no reason to assume we will be flooded and that previous experience has proved such fears to be unfounded. I accept that an economic downturn is possible but it is wrong to treat people as mere economic units. We should welcome them and promote integration rather than treat them as safety valves if we fail economically. If we do, it will be our fault generally and the Government's, in particular. We will have wasted the opportunities our economic boom provided.

If we are serious about competitiveness, encouraging foreign investment and the growth of indigenous industry, we should stop cutting back research and development funding at third level. We should avoid threatening to introduce third level fees and do more to make part-time education more accessible and affordable. If we wish to become more competitive and ensure continued growth, why are we cutting back and failing to make improvements in these areas? If we can sustain economic growth, there will be jobs for our own people and a need for others to come here to take up employment. If there is a downturn, the provisions of the Bill will mean that those who come here in 2004 will pay for our mistakes. The Government says we can get rid of community employment schemes because the jobs market is so healthy while introducing all sorts of restrictions in this legislation.

The Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment has stated her intention to introduce legislation in the near future to address economic migration. I agree that we need an immigration system but the Government has adopted a crisis management approach and failed to take positive steps to construct an open and encouraging framework. It seeks to control the process negatively through a system which criminalises people instead of promoting positive economic policies. There should be a green card system in regard to which the Labour Party has made proposals. The present work permit system means that people are indentured to one employer. They find it difficult to transfer from one work permit to another. There are restrictions in place which the Government should address with comprehensive legislation rather than by reacting to trends.

The question of penalties for employers who employ non-nationals came up during discussions on the Immigration Bill 2002. I do not disagree with penalties for employers but the legislation proposed was heavy-handed. I made the point to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform that it was possible an employer might inadvertently employ a non-national whom he or she was not setting out to exploit. It is ironic that I would make such a point to the Minister given recent news. I do not understand the reason penalty provisions which recently featured in the Immigration Bill also feature here. To delete the provisions from the other Bill because the Employment Permits Bill will be passed first is to adopt a very ad hoc approach to law-making. It must be possible to provide for consultation between Departments. The scenario indicates a lack of planning on the part of the Government.

We should welcome those who come to work here and put in place a humane and positive system. The Government has not as yet introduced any such system. I agree with Senators who say those who are here legally and illegally should be treated humanely by Departments.

I welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, Deputy John Browne, and express my gratitude to the Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Michael Ahern, for his contribution.

The Employment Permits Bill 2003 allows for full freedom of access to the labour market by nationals of new EU member states with effect from May 2004. It ensures that on joining the European Union, nationals of the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia will no longer require work permits to take up employment in Ireland.

During the debates in connection with the second referendum on the Nice treaty the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs gave commitments in regard to the requirement in this legislation. However, when canvassing for the referendum, I found that people were concerned that we were giving concessions to applicant states which were not being given by other larger member states of the European Union and that our approach was more than generous. An assurance was given at the time, now included in the legislation before the House, that we would have a fail-safe mechanism whereby if we found after a period of time, given the freedom of movement of non-nationals inside the European Union from the new applicant states, that the numbers became very difficult to manage, we could put a brake on the number of applications. Some would say that is putting the cart before the horse. However, I believe the Minister should reconsider this and consider putting the fail-safe mechanism in place from day one. We could then assess the number of applications from the applicant states and would not be obliged to accept all applicants, irrespective of their ability to work, interest in getting employment, or the number of vacancies in the economy.

There is a perception abroad that we have thousands of immigrants and asylum seekers in Ireland. I have checked the figures and found that there are about 39,920 people from the applicant countries already in the Republic of Ireland. That is quite large a number. The number of jobs available should dictate the number of applicants accepted from the day one. If, for instance, there was a concerted campaign to bring in 50,000 people from the applicant countries to flood the employment market here, we would have no opportunity of preventing this. Irrespective of discussions that took place at the time of the referendum, circumstances have changed radically in terms of opportunities, and Ireland is an extremely attractive location for asylum seekers – there are about 20,000 Romanians in the country, although Romania may not be successful in gaining entry to the European Union, having accepted only 16 of the 31 chapters for accession which must be accepted before 2004.

The general thrust of the Bill in relation to permits is very acceptable. It is right and proper that there should be control in this regard and that it is being inserted in primary legislation. The restrictions on employers giving employment to those who do not have proper permits are appropriate. The legislation is quite strong from that point of view. Furthermore, permit holders – there are quite a number in the town and county of Roscommon – have created opportunities and given tremendous support and assistance to the economy. They are employed in the meat, poultry and catering industries, areas of the economy where it is very difficult to get staff. They are making a contribution to the success of the economy. I accept this fully and very much welcome and respect them in every possible way. As a member of a county council and Member of the Oireachtas, I am always available to listen to any case they make. I also believe it is vital that they are given the best possible conditions of employment in the State when they are here. It is very important that they are respected in every possible way in relation to employment. Most of them are extremely happy and have made homes here and received hospitality from the people.

The Bill will statutorily control the issue of permits and strengthen the position in relation to employers who take on employees without proper documentation and permits. That is very welcome. No Member of this House would object to the main thrust of the Bill. On Committee Stage, the Minister should look again at the commitments given in relation to the Nice treaty. The people voted for it but they did not vote for it on the basis that there would be free access to the Irish market on 1 January 2004. They voted for it on the basis that we would expand and develop our markets in the applicant countries. There is a downside and a plus side. The plus side is the opportunity to expand markets. We let down the applicant countries by voting down the first referendum and did ourselves no favours in terms of marketing our goods in the applicant countries. We have rectified the situation. Our exports will have access to markets in the applicant countries while their exports will have access to the European Union. Ireland will be in a crucial position when it assumes the Presidency of the Union on 1 January 2004. As it will be the first country to welcome the Prime Ministers and Ministers of the applicant countries, it is win, win, for Ireland.

I must express the concerns of many people, however, that we are being perhaps too generous in the provision of open access to a small economy for the thousands who may come in. We do not know how many will come. Will the floodgates be opened? Wexford – the whole south-east – will be one of the first places they will come to and we will have no opportunity of saying, "Stop". If they are here already, we cannot retrospectively restrict them.

They can be registered to vote.

That would certainly be of significance.

They will not vote for Fianna Fáil after that speech.

They will vote for Fianna Fáil because it was Fianna Fáil which got the referendum passed, with the help of the Fine Gael Party.

When they hear what the Senator said, they will not vote for Fianna Fáil.

I am only expressing the views of the electorate. If anyone knows my record, in my electoral area, they will not require much conversion because Fianna Fáil is the people's party. It is neither a branch of Democratic Left, the Labour Party nor any of those concoctions which had a very suspect past. They will not want to get involved with an organisation which was pro-Moscow.

I would not go down the road of suspect pasts, if I was a member of Fianna Fáil.

They will not want to get involved with a branch of a party which went to Moscow and Korea looking for funds. Democratic Left-the Labour Party has a very colourful record. The Labour Party was grand before the take-over by Democratic Left. It made one of them president, one leader and one deputy leader. However, that is its democratic right. Fianna Fáil will never hand the party over to any other small group.

It did. It handed the party over to millionaires about ten years ago.

We have moved away from the subject of permits. However, I had to digress because Senator Ryan was trying to imply that Fianna Fáil was suspect. Fianna Fáil is the party which steered through the second referendum on the Nice treaty. It is in favour of European expansion. It used Ireland's membership of the European Union for the benefit of this country. It is clear, however, that we must also protect the interests of the economy and the people. In my constituency there are 10%—

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator has run out of time.

The Chair did not give me a warning. I should get injury time to make up for Senator Ryan's interruptions. Lest he try to daub me with red ink or paint or any other colour, let him talk to migrant and other workers in my area.

I am available to assist them in any way possible. I welcome workers from abroad, but I only extend that welcome on the basis that there are opportunities here for them and not at the expense of Irish people who may again be forced to emigrate.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Browne. I thank Senator Leyden for his kind comments. He has at last recognised the fact that only for Fine Gael, the second Nice referendum would not have been passed.

I did not say "only".

As Senator Leyden will be aware, Fine Gael is the most pro-European party in the State. We are part of the strongest alliance in the European Union and we have produced some of the best leaders within the European Union such as Peter Sutherland, Garret Fitzgerald John Bruton and Enda Kenny. They are recognised as super-leaders—

They went off the track over the landing in Shannon last week.

The Senator got the red paint for it.

This Bill has been brought before the House with what could in other circumstances be referred to as undue haste. It was published on Monday and is here for consideration today. I have been concerned at the haste in which other Bills have been brought before the House without adequate time being given for research purposes. I hope it will not be repeated in the future.

I support the Bill because it provides a safeguard for our labour market and is an important legislative initiative. The enlargement of the EU from 15 to 25 states, with the resultant freedom of the citizens of these states to work within the Union without employment permits, will have an as yet unknown effect on our economy, which is in a current state of decline. The Tánaiste has acknowledged that she could be making changes to the Bill if the situation deteriorates further. She has shown a lack of confidence in the economy in statements made in the media. That is disappointing and it sends out the wrong signals.

It is important that the situation is constantly monitored and that controls be put in place during and after the transitional period from the first day of accession in May 2004. The changing profile of the Irish labour force in recent years, with an increased presence not only of EU workers but also of migrant workers from outside the Union, has been necessitated by our changing economic profile. These people have brought a range of skills and strengths that have added greatly to our overall well-being.

I welcome the expansion of the EU, with the resultant broadening of the European base. I sincerely hope that the current split within Europe may pass and that the expanded Union will work to solidify our common goals. I am concerned that the future of Europe could be threatened by the war in Iraq.

I have travelled with other councillors to Slovakia and other applicant states on a number of occasions and I have been struck by our common bonds.

I believe the Senator nearly got a council seat over there because he travels to that part of the world so often.

They are a welcoming and very well-educated people. They are very interested in events in the European Union. Their politicians are young, enthusiastic and well-educated. The country has a very rich heritage and culture and they have a great deal in common with us. I welcome them and other applicant states into the European Union because their entry will be mutually beneficial. They regard Ireland as one of the most pro-EU countries in Europe.

The blame for the blip that occurred during the first referendum on Nice rests with the Fianna Fáil-PD Government for not presenting the facts properly to the people. Luckily, Fine Gael took over and organised a proper campaign which ensured that accurate facts were delivered to the electorate. The people trusted Fine Gael and my party ensured that the treaty was ratified at the second attempt. The party has been complimented for the stance it adopted and the manner in which the case was argued. Former Taoisigh such as Garret Fitzgerald and John Bruton threw their weight behind the second referendum.

Fine Gael threw out John Bruton and Michael Noonan.

This is acknowledged throughout Europe and by the applicant states. I predict that in the not too distant future it will also be acknowledged by the Irish electorate who will dump the current Government and hopefully replace it with a Fine Gael-led Administration.

As a country that saw unprecedented emigration in the not too distant past, people here are familiar with the notion of working outside their own country. We should have a positive attitude to a free access policy within Europe. However, without the ability to foretell future growth or decline, it is imperative to put measures in place to protect our workforce. Work permits must be reintroduced if circumstances change.

I welcome the Bill. It is not often I compliment an Opposition Minister for bringing a Bill before the House.

He is not an Opposition Minister, he is a Government Minister.

I apologise, he is a Government Minister.

Cuireann sé áthas croí orm bheith in ann tacú leis an reachtaíocht atá os comhair an Tí inniu mar cruthaíonn sé an gradam atá ag an tír ó thaobh traidisiúin agus staire de. Chuirfeadh sé ionadh ar éinne más rud é nach mbeadh an tír sásta dul chun cinn a dhéanamh ar chomhoibriú go mór mór le cuid de na tíortha atá luaite sa Bhille.

I regard this Bill as enlightened and progressive legislation.

Hear, hear.

During the second debate on the Nice treaty, I met people from eastern European countries who found it very difficult to understand how a country like Ireland, with its history and the challenges that confronted it over the centuries, would not welcome those countries into the family of nations. We are all familiar with the names of the applicant states often because they are associated with sad periods of history. Mention of Czechoslovakia or Poland was generally in the context of oppression. Many of those countries suffered the worst excesses of communism, but they still retained their sense of independence and a vision that one day they would have control of their own destinies.

Ireland is a young state but an old nation. We should remember the base of deprivation from which this country began. We depended on other nations to come to our aid and to show solidarity. The very word "solidarity" is associated with Poland. We should remember the troubles and trials its people endured. It was thought at the time that theirs was an impossible task and that they would never break loose from the grip of the oppressor, but they succeeded in doing so.

It is the fight after freedom has been achieved that is the most difficult of all. People need to be encouraged and given a sense of hope. They must be given the support to help themselves. Many emerging countries do not fulfil their expectations as quickly as they may wish. That was true in Ireland's case. The decades immediately after independence and after the excitement of gaining control of our own destiny were difficult.

Much of our infrastructure had been destroyed and there was the legacy of dependence which results from a country being occupied. We must refer to that background in this context.

During the debate on the Nice treaty I always explained to friends from eastern European countries that Ireland was not being unsupportive or unhelpful. This legislation underlines that fact. The similarities, in many senses, have been mentioned. We appear to have a similar focus on quality of life. We have many of the same traditions which we had to keep intact against all the difficulties. Because we are far removed from each other and because of the political situation it has not always been possible to develop the relationships we would have liked during the years. I visited many eastern bloc countries before the fall of communism and it was obvious, even though the people had to conform, that they never accepted the situation in which they found themselves.

We must demonstrate to our own people that many of their fears are not correct. We are talking about fine dedicated people who want to be part of the family of nations. We should not characterise them as if they were coming as beggers, lacking in education and not equal to ourselves. That would be a very wrong message in which we all have a role to play. The language we use, the manner in which we debate the issue and the efforts we make to interact when they come to this country are important. Let us demonstrate their worth because they have much to contribute. They are able in many ways to encourage us to maintain our own culture and traditions. Wherever they provide employment or services, they will be able to compete with any at home because of their background and because they welcome opportunities.

People are very critical at times and try to minimise how good America was to us. It was particularly good to us in the most difficult years. We have highlighted some of the difficulties Irish emigrants experienced but in the end they were very successful, both in the creation of wealth and the part they played in the Legislature and international affairs while based in America. We should not underestimate the fact that we, too, needed help, assistance and acceptance. We have that tradition in Ireland and must be careful to respond to it.

If we look at the labour market in Ireland, there are still difficulties in many areas in getting people to fill particular jobs. I have had direct experience of this. We recently found it difficult to employ two extra staff because there was no interest in the work. This is also true in the catering area in which many non-Irish nationals are employed. My experience of them is that they are courteous, helpful and anxious to do a good job. What more do we want?

The negativity associated with the Nice treaty debate always worried me. The countries concerned will overcome the challenges. They will surmount the deprivation and eventually be international trading partners. It is important for us to forge relationships with them, even for purely mercenary reasons, because we will want them as trading partners. If we leave a legacy of misunderstanding that in some way we did not want to be part of their development, we will suffer in a trading sense. There will be other countries which will step into the breach at that time. We were lucky that for more than a decade we had been interacting with communities within them. We have exchanged delegations on many occasions and had many cultural and social exchanges. There was a knowledge of Ireland. It is not as if we were a small peripheral player. In many ways they looked to us for answers during the years. We are lucky, therfore, to have created that relationship with them.

The legislation we are debating states clearly where we stand. It will no longer be a matter of people feeling they are not welcome or there is some illegality attached to their being here. We are accepting them as full partners in the European Community. Never before was European solidarity more necessary. This is an opportunity for us to put down a marker. Ireland was pro-European before there was a European Union. We interacted with European countries through the centuries, which explains our current status. It shows once again that we are a mature state and an ancient nation. It is important that this message goes out. I compliment the Government on the speed with which it introduced the legislation and how well crafted it is.

I agree with a lot of what Senator Ó Murchú said and disagree with the tenor of what Senator Leyden had to say. I am concerned about the use of words such as "floodgates" and "being too generous". This proposal is in our national interest. There are two aspects to the Bill, both of which I welcome.

It makes sense to establish a right of entry for new citizens of the European Union from the date they join. This move will benefit Ireland. There will be more referendums and if we are to win them, we must point out the benefits. I was an illegal worker in Europe in the 1950s. I do not think young people recognise the benefits we get from the European Union. We must, therefore, take every opportunity to declare them. Such a privilege is likely to be of greatest benefit to the new countries in the early years before they have an opportunity to build their economies to the point where they can provide full employment for their citizens. I welcome the legislation from that point of view. I also welcome it because it makes good economic sense to have a united Europe with free movement of labour.

The other main plank of the Bill relates to those who will still be subject to the work permit regime, in other words, people from outside the EU area. If we are not careful in this regard, what happened to Turkish workers in Germany in the past 48 years could happen here. They were called "guest" workers who never assimilated because they were told they could work in the country, that they would be used while they were needed and, as soon as they were not needed, that they would be sent home. We have taken steps to ensure we are protected if there is a downturn in the economy in the first couple of years. I hope we will not have to use this clause but it is wise to include it.

I have one concern which the Minister of State may be able to answer. What will happen to someone who comes here to work and cannot do so? Will they be able to avail of social welfare benefits in the first couple of years? Does the generosity to which Senator Leyden referred extend to this aspect?

If we are to sell ourselves to the rest of Europe and sell the benefits of Europe to our citizens to ensure their support in future referenda on European Union treaties, we must show the benefits we get from being members of the Union. This means welcoming the applicant countries as member states and making their citizens feel welcome here. There are economic benefits to this approach. It makes sense in a balanced economy to fill vacancies at the best price. This argument is not always easy to understand. If we are to be economically successful we must ensure value for money in the products and services we produce and in the jobs we offer.

Senator Ó Murchú and others referred to the difficulties in getting employment, even in terms of securing applications for well paid jobs. I am pleased to note in recent years that while Irish people are not prepared to take up some forms of low paid employment, others are. Some jobs do not exist if the rate is too high. Petrol pump attendants were phased out because it was no longer economical to employ people to serve petrol. Self-service stations became the norm. That trend may make sense, not only in garages but also in other areas. However, we should seek to ensure that these types of jobs continue to exist and that Irish people are encouraged to work in them. If that is not possible we should welcome others in Europe who may wish to fill any vacancies.

This is a good Bill. The precautions taken by the Minister indicate a recognition of the dangers and that the necessary steps will be taken to address them should they arise.

I apologise for the absence of the Minster of State at the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Michael Ahern, who had to attend an important function. I thank Senators for their contributions to this important debate.

I am happy the Government has decided to facilitate freedom of movement for the purpose of work by nationals from what will be the new European Union member states with effect from May 2004. This will help to strengthen further the mutual benefits to be gained by Irish society and by nationals of the accession states in the economic field. It will also put on a more secure footing the movement of persons for work from central and eastern Europe that has occurred in recent years. This will be of benefit to both employers and employees concerned.

The safeguard provisions should serve to reassure those who might be concerned at the prospect that migration flows may be sufficient to cause a disturbance in the labour market at a later stage. We will have the same safeguard options as other member states in a similar position. I am sure Senators will agree that this is a good time to remedy the defects in the existing legal basis covering the granting of employment permits. At present no effective penalty can be imposed on an employer who knowingly employs a person in respect of whom a permit is needed or where such a permit has not been obtained.

While there is general welcome for the Bill, concerns have been expressed about various aspects. I am sure that on Committee Stage, the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment will consider some of the suggestions made. Like the rest of us, she does not have a monopoly of wisdom on the best way to proceed.

Senator Coghlan raised a number of points. Employment law will be enforced in all cases. After EU enlargement, recruitment from the wider world should mainly be confined to skilled labour. This will reduce the possibility of exploitation.

Senator Morrissey and others referred to the exploitation of the work permits system. Concentrating most of our immigration needs within the enlarged EU should reduce the capacity for exploitation by charging for permits. In this regard, problems with the processing time was referred to. At present more than 1,000 permits a week are processed. Although the economy is slowing, there is an increasing demand for permits, from 3,000 applications in January 2002 to 4,000 in January 2003.

However, employers will have to undertake forward planning. It is the Department's intention to revert to a pattern of issuing permits within 15 working days. As public representatives we will always be subject to pressure from employers seeking overnight decisions. However, given the huge number of applications to the Department it is practically impossible to proceed on that basis. In my constituency there is a huge influx of migratory workers, especially in the summer, when there is a heavy demand for labour in the soft fruit industry and other areas. Applications are usually left to the last moment. While permits will be granted, employers, especially in the fruit industry, should apply in time. Otherwise everybody will be blamed if permits are not granted when required.

While work permits for truck drivers are granted, insurance for the drivers is often not provided because a driver's licence does not comply with Irish licence requirements. This is an example of the kinds of delays inherent in the process. They must be addressed. There should be less bureaucracy and more openness.

Senator Tuffy expressed her unease about the safeguard clause. There is nothing in the legislation that provides for the expulsion of non-nationals if there is an economic downturn. However, it is prudent to be able to regulate new entrants in such circumstances. Senator Tuffy also referred to the introduction of a green card system. The case for Ireland requiring it is not proven, but the Government has an open mind. We should be able to meet most of our needs from within an enlarged European Union. In debating issues of this kind we sometimes tend to forget that Ireland is a member state.

Senator Henry expressed concerns about medical personnel and recruitment to the universities. Medical personnel can get working visas and authorisations outside the country without delay. They do not need work permits. The Department has reached agreement with the conference of the heads of Irish universities on the position of academic staff and researchers. There will be a more open and streamlined system in the future.

Senator O'Toole talked about the managed system. It is not sacrosanct but may change. The work permit system is flexible and reflects general European practice. This differs from the policies of the settlement countries such as Canada and Australia. Further change is not ruled out in this area. We will inform employers that we are obliged by the treaty to give preference to nationals of accession countries between now and the accession time.

The Minister will go into more detail on Committee Stage. I thank the Senators for their contributions today. We look forward to a continued enlightened debate on Committee Stage.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 1 April 2003.
Sitting suspended at 1.05 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.
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