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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 16 Nov 2006

Vol. 185 No. 5

Drug Misuse: Statements.

I am pleased have an opportunity this afternoon to update the Members of the Seanad on the efforts we are making to combat the misuse of drugs in society. Given that all jurisdictions have difficulties in coping with this problem, which is encountered throughout the world, it is hardly surprising that Ireland has problems in this regard. We are dealing with the misuse of drugs in a concerted, planned and integrated manner on several fronts. Considerable progress is being made under the national drugs strategy, for example. I will outline the Government's plans to disrupt drug misuse in Ireland and to alleviate the problems caused by drugs. We should state honestly that there are no quick and easy answers. There is no magic wand. No single action will solve this problem overnight. Ireland's drug problem is part of a worldwide problem. All we can do is try to manage it as best we can.

The national drugs strategy, which covers the years between 2001 and 2008, demonstrates the Government's commitment to addressing the problem of drug use in a proactive and decisive way. The strategy places a balanced and complimentary focus on reducing drug-related harm, continuing efforts to disrupt the operation of the drug market and increasing the focus on the rehabilitation of problem drug users, which are particularly important policy goals. There have been encouraging signs of progress in recent years in areas like drug seizures and the expansion of treatment services. Preventative services aimed at young people who are at risk have been rolled out through the work of the young people's facilities and services fund. The research outcome study in Ireland, which evaluated the effectiveness of heroin treatment, recently issued some positive findings. It is important to recognise that progress has been made in the past few years through a process of co-operation and partnership. While that process can be difficult at times, we must focus on the fact that it is more beneficial to work together in a united way than to utilise a fragmented approach, especially when we are dealing with a problem as pervasive as drug misuse. The co-operation, work and involvement of many agencies and communities throughout the country are important in dealing with this problem.

Our policies need to be flexible because the nature of this country's drugs problem is constantly evolving — the increased use of cocaine is a case in point. I am confident the problem of cocaine use is being addressed by the implementation of the actions in the national drugs strategy. When I recognised the need for an overview of this emerging threat, I sought a joint briefing paper from the National Advisory Committee on Drugs and the national drugs strategy team. I am awaiting responses from the relevant agencies and Departments, such as the Health Service Executive and the Garda Síochána, about how the recommendations of the joint briefing paper might be progressed. I envisage that the matter will be followed up further in December, at the next meeting of the interdepartmental group on drugs. I am determined we will continue to emphasise that cocaine is a dangerous drug which drastically affects physical and mental health and causes social and economic harm to individuals and society. Like the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, I stress that the use of cocaine directly contributes to the illegal drugs industry and the crime and violence associated with it.

Six local drugs task force area projects which are specifically aimed at cocaine have been allocated funding of €420,000 in 2006 under the emerging needs fund. Five of the projects, which focus on the provision of direct community-based services for cocaine users, are located within existing services. The sixth project is supporting the development of an information booklet. The purpose of the emerging needs fund is to address the changing demands in local drugs task force areas, which is what the communities have requested. I approved 67 projects under the fund, but I am disappointed that just six of them deal specifically with cocaine. When I initiated the fund, I thought that communities and local drugs task forces would propose many projects relating to cocaine, but just six such projects have emerged.

I have launched four pilot cocaine treatment projects, which will examine various ways of treating cocaine use, and a training initiative, which will focus on frontline workers. I have provided funding of approximately €400,000 to support these initiatives. While the projects are at varying stages of progress, preliminary evaluation reports will be available on most of them shortly. It is hoped the results of the evaluations will lead to the formulation of effective actions aimed at tackling cocaine misuse. Next month's meeting in Belfast of the British-Irish Council sectoral group on the misuse of drugs, which I will chair, will consider the challenges presented by problem cocaine use.

There may be some validity in the accusation that a great deal of the treatment being provided under the national drug strategy relates to heroin. If one considers the problems which originally led to the establishment of the local drugs task forces, one will find that many of them related to the misuse of heroin in disadvantaged areas. Many of the services which are currently offered have evolved from that background. The charge that is sometimes made — that our services and treatment facilities are very opiate orientated and we are not taking other drugs into account — probably has some validity. If one is being counselled for a problem relating to a specific drug, one should be able to receive counselling in respect of other drugs if one needs it. If workers are upskilled, they should be able to deal with problems relating to ecstasy and cocaine as well as to heroin. I do not doubt that some of the people who are using cocaine at present are traditional heroin users. Some of them are polydrug users — they will use different drugs from week to week. They will use anything that is available to them, including alcohol. The third category is made up of the so-called recreational users. We must examine this group to see how we can treat the people involved because they represent a different cohort. They would not normally seek what they see as traditional drug treatment services.

The strategy addresses the problem of drug misuse across a number of pillars, namely, supply reduction, prevention, treatment and research, with a fifth pillar on rehabilitation now added to bring more focus on this important aspect of the work. The overall strategy is being implemented across a range of Departments and agencies in conjunction with the community and voluntary sectors, all co-ordinated by my Department. We have made considerable progress in implementing the 100 actions set out in the strategy. This was borne out by the mid-term review that took place last year.

As indicated, rehabilitation emerged as a central issue during the consultation process of that review. The conclusion was that, although there had been significant improvements in treatment provision and while a great deal of work was already being done with respect to rehabilitation, a more focused approach was needed on this element of the strategy. Arising from the review, rehabilitation was made the fifth pillar of the strategy and a working group on drug rehabilitation, chaired by my Department, was established to develop an integrated rehabilitation provision. The group has taken a holistic view of rehabilitation and while it recognises the importance of clients being activated and prepared to fulfil their role in the push towards rehabilitation, it sees the empowering of recovering problem drug users as a key aim of the process so that they can re-engage with society in a manner consistent with their needs and expectations.

The view was expressed that we were putting people on methadone and I will speak about the success of that later. Many felt that methadone treatment is only a short-term measure and that we needed to pull the rehabilitation services together and provide a continuum of care. In this way, people could progress from one level of rehabilitation to another. Their education, employment and housing needs should be brought together so that we could stabilise them, wean them off methadone and get them back to making a useful contribution to their families and to society.

Some of the key recommendations of the working group are likely to focus on ensuring that actions 47, 48 and 50 of the national drugs strategy are met. These actions largely relate to providing a continuum of care for clients through planned progression paths for each problem drug user while ensuring that quality standards are achieved in the services provided. The group is also likely to deal with wider supports needed by recovering problem drug users in areas such as community employment schemes, education, housing and child care while recognising the need to involve the families of problem drug users in the process. I expect the working group to complete its report shortly with a view to beginning the implementation of its recommendations in 2007. The Health Service Executive has also set up a working group specifically dealing with residential treatment and rehabilitation for substance users. This group, on which my Department is represented, is examining the residential rehabilitation requirements of substance misuse, including alcohol, and it will report as early as possible next year.

The national drugs strategy team and the drugs task forces, local and regional, have played a very important role in tackling the drug problem. Many services and facilities have been established in recent years through the local drugs task force system. Since 1997, almost €125 million has been allocated to support this work across the 14 local drugs task force areas. More than 450 community-based projects have been established, employing more than 300 staff. They deliver services such as advice and support for drug misusers and their families, treatment, outreach and crisis intervention services, as well as drug training programmes for community groups. The focus of the local drugs task force plans is on the development of community-based initiatives to link in with the programmes and services already being delivered or planned by the statutory agencies. Under the emerging needs fund I allocated €4 million to 67 projects over the past 15 months.

The creation of the regional drugs task forces, covering all parts of the country outside the 14 local drugs task force areas, is further proof that we are delivering on the commitments in the programme for Government. An initial total allocation of €5 million was approved in 2006 to the ten regional drugs task forces to begin implementation of the plans they drew up and submitted to us. It is envisaged that the funding will be increased on an incremental basis to achieve the full roll-out of the plans. This is estimated to cost around €14 million annually, but it may take them about three years to implement their plans fully. Meanwhile, nine of the ten regional drugs task forces now have full-time co-ordinators in place and the rate of progress is increasing. The national drugs strategy team has been working closely with the regional drugs task forces to get their programmes up and running. A total of 68 projects have been initiated in 2006. It is envisaged that around 80 projects will be in progress by the end of the year. The projects involved range from prevention initiatives and work with youth to treatment services and outreach work.

With respect to supply reduction, I acknowledge the work of the Garda Síochána and the Customs and Excise service of the Office of the Revenue Commissioners on their considerable successes. The strategy specifies a number of challenging supply reduction targets for the Garda Síochána through drug seizures, and these targets are being met. Garda strategies for dealing with drug offences are designed to undermine the activities of organised criminal networks involved in the trafficking and distribution of illicit drugs. These strategies include gathering intelligence on individuals and organisations involved in the distribution of drugs, conducting targeted operations on criminal networks based on intelligence gathered as well as working in collaboration with other law enforcement agencies, both within and outside the jurisdiction, to address the national and international aspects of drug trafficking and distribution.

I have also overseen the Government's investment in facilities and services aimed at diverting young people away from drug misuse through the young people's facilities and services fund. This fund was established by the Government in 1998 to assist in the development of youth facilities, including sport, recreational facilities and services in disadvantaged areas where a significant drug problem exists or has the potential to develop. We have spent more than €100 million on 460 facility and services projects, employing 325 people. Between the local drugs task force projects and young people's projects, about 650 jobs have been created that did not exist nine years ago. Those people are doing a great deal of work and I am sorry we did not ask these community people nine years ago how many youth and project workers were needed. I think they would have said that 20 or 30 people were needed and not 650. A massive investment has been made by the State in those areas. Most of the 650 people employed are in the Dublin area and they provide a range of services. We will have to examine carefully whether they are all delivering what they set out to do because it is a significant annual investment by the Government.

The Health Service Executive has also made great strides in the provision of treatment. More than 8,300 heroin users now receive methadone treatment. Recently the national advisory committee on drugs published the research outcome study in Ireland, ROSIE. That study, carried out under action 99 of the national drugs strategy, involved 404 people in drug treatment services, following them for a year. They were interviewed periodically, and changes were observed and documented. The overall message from the study was that treatment works. I was very pleased with the results, since one often wonders, and people ask, whether the substantial State investment every year is achieving its aims or whether we are simply providing 650 jobs without doing anything to wean people off drugs or minimise their drug problems.

The clear message from that study, which followed more than 400 people in drug services, was that treatment works. The key findings from the outcomes at the end of the first year were that there were significant reductions in heroin and other drug use; 27% were abstinent from all drugs, excluding alcohol, after one year; there were extensive reductions in drug injecting, both in the number of days and the number of times per day; there were improvements in the study group's physical and mental health; there were extensive reductions in criminal activity; and there was increased contact with health and social care services and a low mortality rate.

Some people were still involved in crime, but we all know that if one does not provide services, people with a drug problem will feed it in two ways. The first is through involvement in crime such as robbery and mugging to get the price of their next fix. The other is that they turn into mini-dealers themselves, recruiting friends and others to make money. Through our bringing them into services, putting them on methadone and supporting them, after a year they were much more aware of the damage their habit was causing them. They had not all walked away from drugs but many of them showed an improvement. While they were still on drugs, it was a lesser problem for them.

The national advisory committee is also involved in organising the all-Ireland drug prevalence survey, for which a contract has recently been placed. Fieldwork is in progress and will continue until April 2007, with the first report on national prevalence figures and trends expected in autumn 2007. We had an all-Ireland study a few years ago, and this new one will enable us to measure the effect of action taken in recent years.

Three basic questions are asked in such studies: whether one has ever used drugs, whether one has done so the last year, and whether one has done so in the last month. The last two are the important issues because the numbers who have used drugs at least once in a lifetime are increasing all the time because some younger people who have done so are now entering older categories. When we receive the outcome of the study next year, it will show us trends in drugs and how many are using each drug. While that question is asked overall, it is also asked regarding cocaine, heroin, ecstasy, magic mushrooms and so on in particular.

Education, prevention and awareness initiatives with regard to drugs are continuing. Our children are now being educated on the dangers of drugs through dedicated modules of the social, personal and health education, SPHE, programme in all primary and post-primary schools. That is complemented by the work of the national drugs awareness campaign.

Tackling the drug problem is a key priority for the Government and will continue to be so. That commitment is evidenced by the allocation of €43 million to my Department's Vote for the drugs initiative and young people's facilities and services fund in 2006, an increase of 37% on the original 2005 allocation. More or less everything that we do is a pilot project and when those are evaluated, they are made mainstream and devolved to other agencies and Departments. When mainstreamed projects are included, one sees that the Government is spending €70 million per year on projects that originated at community level. Projects worth €20 million or €25 million that started in phase 1 of the plans have been mainstreamed.

At community level, approximately €70 million a year is being spent by the Government on projects that started at local community level, serviced by approximately 650 full-time staff. That shows a substantial Government investment. The Health Service Executive spends approximately €80 million a year, and there are also the Garda and Customs and Excise. Overall, the Government now spends between €190 million and €200 million a year through various arms, agencies and Departments on dealing with the problems of drug supply and treatment.

I look forward to hearing Members' comments and will be happy to assist them by clarifying any issues. I thank the House for the opportunity of speaking on the issue today.

I welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Deputy Noel Ahern, to the House to discuss this important matter which grows in seriousness with every passing week.

The Minister of State acknowledged the challenging nature of the task. It is very difficult to seal every port and harbour of our island community to combat the importation of drugs. The seriousness of the Minister of State's brief is acknowledged in his portfolio, but he covers the areas of competence of the Department of Education and Science and, regarding resources for gardaí, the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. The job can be advanced and tackled only through collaboration on drug control between all Departments.

I will focus first on preventative measures. I acknowledge and welcome the fact that there has been an increase in personnel in the community sector. However, there are still considerable deficits in community infrastructure from Malin Head in County Donegal to Mizen Head in County Cork. We may think that we will tackle drugs and raise awareness of their dangers among young people through building sports facilities and community buildings. That is a key component, but we also need the human resources through a dedicated roll-out of youth workers by using the Youth Work Act 2001 as best we can. Youth workers must operate in a voluntary or paid capacity in every village, town and city.

I welcome the 650 extra jobs over the past nine years that the Minister of State mentioned, but that still does not go far enough. The voluntary sector has been crying out for some time for the roll-out of a proper, strategic, informal, paid community and youth work sector. The need was never more evident than in my county over the Hallowe'en period when we suffered a great many incidents of anti-social behaviour. They were not all down to idle minds with nothing to do, but we must work on the gap that exists at interdepartmental level.

We should use the Youth Work Act 2001 to bring together young people in informal settings. We must combine our energies in creating awareness of the dangers of drugs, including the constant heroin problems of this city. Those are the issues and challenges we must tackle. The Minister of State acknowledged the existence of programmes delivered through primary and secondary schools, which I also welcome. However, young people engage in a more relaxed and open way when they are placed in an informal setting. This will only happen when they are removed from their schools and uniforms and the top-down system of education that obtains in this country. They must be placed in the non-formal sector where they can engage with their peers and in which youth workers can create awareness among them. That is one of the preventative measures that is required. The Minister of State acknowledged that there are programmes in the primary and secondary sectors but such programmes must also operate in the non-formal sector.

The Garda Síochána is fighting a serious battle in respect of the drug epidemic in this country. It is trying to combat organised gangs, the advanced communication systems used by drug dealers and the absolute hunger that exists, especially in Dublin, for heroin. Gardaí are trying to fight this scourge. I urge the Minister of State to use his influence with the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. Plain clothes officers are trying to intercept drug deals and identify the major players, and they are doing so without the use of guns, batons or bullet-proof vests. From the point of view of safety, a greater level of resources must be allocated in this regard. It is a miracle that those members of the force engaged in drug busts have not suffered serious injury or been killed. This matter cannot be taken lightly. We take the actions of these officers for granted because we do not see what they do. The individuals to whom I refer are not the gardaí we see patrolling our streets; they operate in very dangerous environments and do a good job in that regard.

The Garda Síochána recently intercepted €11 million worth of heroin. That was a major drug bust on the part of the force and everyone else involved. However, the interception of those drugs will only lead to a two-week gap in supply in specific areas. This highlights the enormity of the task we face in respect of combating drug abuse.

At a human level, one need only talk to primary and secondary school teachers in Dublin to discover what is happening. One teacher informed me that she is aware of a national school in which half of the 28 students in sixth class have lost a brother, sister or someone else to whom they were close as a result of the drugs trade. That is a stark reality and we must come to terms with it if we are ever to move forward. We should challenge ourselves and invite feedback from teachers in respect of how we should combat drug abuse because we do not have the answers. I accept, however, that we can put forward solutions.

An 18 year old youth was recently confronted by a garda who asked how he had ended up addicted to heroin, the devil's drug. The youth replied that his mother had injected him with it when he was 14 years of age. How do we even think about coming to terms with this matter and facing up to the challenges involved when we are talking about first, second and third generation drug addiction? The only way we will obtain answers is to continue to engage in debate and challenge ourselves in terms of how best to draw up ways to protect young people. We cannot give up hope and we must learn from our mistakes. The 18 year old to whom I refer stated that when he was first injected with heroin at 14 years of age, he got a buzz and an almighty adrenaline rush. As a heroin addict, however, he no longer gets that buzz and is merely trying to get by and feel normal on a day-to-day basis.

On the subject of resources, I will not even place on the public record the number of sniffer dogs available. However, I am aware it is minimal. I do not want to send out a signal that we cannot compete in terms of combating drug abuse. The number of sniffer dogs that are trained to detect heroin is also minimal. Gardaí will require additional sniffer dogs if they are to compete in the environment in which they are trying to compete. Will the Minister of State communicate that fact to the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform?

On the legal front, when someone is arrested on suspicion of dealing in heroin, be it a user or a supplier, a difficulty arises because such an individual can either swallow the small tablets of heroin or hide them in another way to which I will not refer on the public record and then deny access to his or her person to a doctor trying to extract the drug. Tougher measures should be introduced to facilitate doctors trying to extract heroin tablets from such individuals.

We live on an island and I live on the coast thereof. Anyone who lives in an area such as that in which I reside is aware that it is impossible to seal our coastline. Two weeks ago, the miraculous cure put forward by the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources was that if we get rid of all the drift net fishermen, salmon would be free to swim up our rivers to reach their spawning grounds. People in coastal communities live in the real world and are aware that poachers operate in a professional manner and use sub-aqua techniques to remove far more salmon from our rivers and coastal waters than drift net fishermen. I use that analogy because when one lives in a coastal community, one knows it is almost impossible to prevent the importation of drugs. The only way we can combat this problem — this epidemic — is through awareness, protecting and informing young people, building up the self esteem and self confidence of young people, working in an informal environment, working with youth workers and working in a protected environment where young people are not thrown out as fodder. As legislators, we are all responsible.

This is not a political debate. It is an issue on which both sides of the House are on the same message. We must continue to be on that message and we must challenge ourselves, open up the debate and move it forward. We need to provide information and protection for young people. We owe it to them because we have let down generations of people. There are first, second and third generation heroin addicts. It is our responsibility and duty to continue the debate.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern, to the House and compliment him on his work in this portfolio. Most accept that he has an exceptionally proactive profile. He adopts a no-nonsense approach to what he must do and he is not prepared to become defeatist. As he stated, there is no quick solution to the problem, which is generally accepted. Indeed, if we want to understand the extent of that problem, we can see it in the very successes that have been achieved in our fight against drug abuse. Statistics show that in 2002, €49 million worth of drugs were seized. In 2003 the figure for seizures was almost €100 million and in 2004 it was approximately €132 million.

I welcome Senator McHugh's comment that this is not a political issue. Of course it is not; it is a human issue that is perhaps one of the most important matters with which we must deal. That is why this debate, and all other debates on this issue, are so very important.

There are three main groups of victims of drug abuse: the misusers, the families of misusers and their communities. If we look back over the years, it is sad to realise that just when we think we are getting on top of the drug problem, we find there is an increase in the use of cocaine and heroin, which is a further difficulty. Following the mid-term review of the national drugs strategy, it was evident the strategy was meeting with considerable success, which most would accept. However, because the goalposts change as the problems maximise, it is essential to refocus on the priorities, which I am glad to note the task force has done. It would be wrong to put in place a strategy and believe it would be relevant for all time. We accept it is necessary to keep the strategy under constant review.

If we consider how we might tackle the problem and how the strategy has been pieced together, the most important element is to prevent drug dealing. The review accepted there will undoubtedly always be a need for more gardaí and more community policing, but that is only one element. We must ask ourselves fundamental questions. Why do so many people need drugs? Why do they experiment with drugs? This does not involve a small number of people. Many in all sections of society use drugs.

The answer to these questions has its roots in our lifestyles. First, there has been a change in family values and structures since the time when there was always one parent at home to bring about a focus and a degree of discipline and accountability. Second, we are more affluent and more money is available. Third, there is a greater exploitation of youth, which is evident in the type of advertising seen not just on television but in marketing generally. These factors must be kept in mind. No matter what answers we have to the immediate problem, we must keep an eye on the ball with regard to the fundamental issues which must be revisited from time to time.

This can be done in two ways. The first involves education, which is already being undertaken. Some people have been especially proactive in this area and perhaps at times they become disillusioned that education programmes have not been taken on board by the young. Perhaps they have been taken on board but we are not aware by how much. How many times have such programmes prevented young people from going down that road by alerting them to dangers of drug taking? One could almost go so far as to suggest that if one becomes addicted to hard drugs, it is the end of life as we know it. Senator McHugh made the point that there is an initial buzz but after that, one is addicted and requires the substance just to get by. People do not realise this at the time. Perhaps many have been prevented from going down that road but it is important to get the message across.

The second point is that role models have a major part to play. It is amazing how people from the world of entertainment and sports can have such an attraction for the young. Again, this results from marketing and advertising. Role models should be presented to the young in the context of avoiding substances that will rule their lives.

In that regard, alcohol must be included. I am glad that in recent years there has been increasing awareness that one of the most prevalent drugs is alcohol. This is not a question of being anti-alcohol. People can drink sensibly, as they have always done. However, one cannot suggest binge drinking is sensible. As I understand it, binge drinking is drinking for the sake of getting drunk. We have heard of cases where young people were prepared to work for two days per week, perhaps in a fast food outlet, so they could spend their earnings on binge drinking at the weekend.

The difficulties we have may be related to vested interests. We were very slow not so much to acknowledge but to promote the concept that alcohol is a drug. There were vested interests which did not want the word "drug" associated with drinking. One can see this even in the structures and resources available to us. We must be courageous in this regard. Alcohol and drugs must be dealt with by the same agencies and using the same resources. If we do not do that, we are ignoring one of the biggest problems in society.

Following a terrible recent tragedy outside a nightclub in Dublin, "Prime Time" made a number of television programmes highlighting the anti-social behaviour which resulted from alcohol abuse in particular, although I am sure drugs were involved as well. Most people, who do not experience this behaviour at 2 a.m. or 3 a.m., suddenly became aware of this cancerous element in society. The newspapers then began writing responsible editorials. I recall stating in the House at that time that it would be a seven-day wonder, there would be an outcry and people would be outraged by what was depicted. That happened but if we regulate and legislate to build that outrage into the structure, it will help.

Great emphasis is placed on rehabilitation and I am glad that is part and parcel of the Minster of State's strategy. I have been fortunate to hear young people who have been rehabilitated and it gives one's spirits a lift when one witnesses the absolute enthusiasm they have for life again. They almost have a missionary zeal as they encourage other people not to go down the same road. The Minister of State is correct that treatment works and the positives of what is being achieved must be promoted all the time. If additional resources are needed for rehabilitation, they should be provided.

I am delighted an extensive number of FÁS schemes play a role in the rehabilitation of drug abusers and addicts. When people who have difficulties take up a scheme, they work with people who are not addicted to drugs and the normality of the situation and the insulation provided by that environment can be every bit as powerful as medication in helping them. The FÁS model should be examined because I have witnessed how quickly it works. Perhaps the Minister of State should re-examine the model to establish how interaction can be improved.

I refer to alcohol sponsorship and a suggestion I have made previously. Where organisations benefit from sponsorship by alcohol firms, they should be compensated so that they do not need to take such sponsorship. It would be a step in the right direction because, at the end of the day, sponsorship, even if it only relates to the corporate image of the firm, gives credence to a link between alcohol and achievement, which is not correct.

Alcohol advertising should be banned in the same way as tobacco advertising. Members will recall the outcry when the former Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, introduced the tobacco regulations. People thought the end of the world was nigh but the smoking ban has been accepted. Smokers will put up their hands nowadays and admit it was a good development. Many of them have endeavoured to give up because of the unfashionable nature of smoking. A similar ban should apply to alcohol because it is a health hazard, especially among young people. To use entertainers and sports people to advertise alcohol and to link achievement with drink is wrong. I fail to see a reason we should not take the bull by the horns in this instance and put an end to alcohol advertising once and for all. The drinks companies will survive and they will still be able promote their products but they should be prevented from using the airwaves and print media and a change should be made in this regard.

I wish the Minister of State well. The statistics outline what has been achieved in a short time. All Departments have brought resources to bear on this issue and significant consultation has taken place. Ten regional task forces are working on this issue and these initiatives indicate the speed at which the programme is being rolled out. However, as the Minister of State said, there is no easy solution to this problem and no one would ever thank us if we became defeatist. We must always focus, therefore, on the positive as well as the problem.

I welcome the Minister of State. He is correct that this is a difficult problem, internationally and domestically. We must keep a close eye on what effective initiatives are being taken in other countries to combat drug abuse as we try to put our own solutions together. I have always been fascinated by people who are keen to legalise drugs, which is a road I would not follow. A number of cities and towns in Holland, as an experiment, provide cafes where people can use small amounts of cannabis without fear of prosecution, but one of the most recent reports on this initiative states that because so many foreign drug addicts are travelling to Amsterdam, for example, the authorities have attempted to locate drugs cafes in towns along the German and Belgian border. They have been accused by the Belgian and German Governments of anti-social behaviour by trying to move their problem as close as possible to other countries.

Drug abuse is not being defeated on the international stage and it is particularly worrying that because the war is going so badly in Afghanistan owing to a lack of troops and a lack of improvement in the general conditions of the Afghan population, heroin production will be larger and better than ever this year. This is destined for the European and American markets.

Domestically, the Government is doing a great deal. It has managed to persuade a number of local communities, although not all, that it is better to locate drug treatment clinics in their localities rather than leaving drug addicts in their areas with nowhere to go for treatment. One of the first clinics was established in Baggot Street Hospital, near where I live. It has proven over time to be a great source of relief to me because when I received representations from people in which they appealed that a drug clinic should not be set up in their community, I was able to tell them truthfully that a drug clinic was open down the road from me and I found it addressed the issue gradually. Initially there were so few clinics that all the addicts from south Dublin attended the Baggot Street clinic but, gradually, the situation was brought under control. Society must accept that if we have such problems, we must deal with them. I visit Mountjoy Prison regularly and I regret prisoners are in what the governor described as the biggest methadone clinic in the country because many of those involved in crime are addicted to drugs.

The recent Dáil na nÓg report was interesting. The children who attended the Parliament in Croke Park sought mandatory education for parents and children about drugs. This highlights that they know drugs are a serious business and they want this message brought home to children and their parents. Education policy in this area must be examined because the State is not getting involved early enough. An Oasis report on drug awareness programmes stated second level schools will be required to put in place effective substance abuse policies. Unfortunately, this issue must also be addressed at primary level because too many children are coming into contact with drugs for the first time at primary school age.

Substance abuse policies must be put in place in primary schools. I know how difficult it can be to set up these school programmes. For example, parents may object. However, we should be strengthened by the fact that the children in Dáil na nÓg wanted mandatory education for parents and children. The Minister of State could quote that statement to any objectors. Owing to parents' objections, the Stay Safe programme has had problems and only operates in approximately 70% of schools. Parents should be told that this is a serious issue. Sometimes, the most out-of-touch parents believe that such programmes are not necessary. Perhaps we could try to work in this regard.

We must address the issue of providing young people with places where they are not exposed to drugs or drink. It is amazing how little they ask for. Examining the reports of the National Youth Council of Ireland and Dáil na nÓg, the main measures sought are safe and warm places where young people can make their own entertainment and where no alcohol or drugs are available. If this is what children want, investing as much money as we can to make facilities available to them would be worthwhile.

Senator Ó Murchú was right in his address of alcohol abuse among teenagers and youths. From national statistics, there is a good correlation between drink and drugs. Drink is frequently the gateway drug. It is the drug of choice in this country and we are one of its greatest consumers in the European Union. We should not believe that our example is not passed onto our children. The Dáil na nÓg participants wanted a greater restriction placed on the advertising of alcohol. Leaving aside the Vintners' Federation of Ireland, the Minister of State is pushing an open door.

While I cannot speak for the rest of the country, the Minister of State was right to state that cocaine has overtaken heroin in Dublin in terms of consumption. It is with horror that I listen to the many middle class people who believe that they are not on drugs if they take cocaine. This is a worrying development. Cocaine addiction is a serious physical and psychological issue and we have no idea of its effect on people's work, career prospects and so forth. It is depressing to learn that many people believe that cocaine is a good, clean drug, as was described to be by a woman in her 30s. I do not know what she thinks is a dirty drug.

Drugs are cheap. When one hears of the significant quantities seized and the drugs that get through, one wonders why the market has not collapsed. While there are many drugs around, only a certain number of people can buy them. Frequently, I am told of drugs that cost only €10. For this reason, I was not in favour of mandatory sentences for people with certain quantities of drugs found on them. Should we take the quantity as being valued at the top or the bottom end of the marketplace in downtown Dublin? It is not helpful and, unfortunately, circumstances change. I have met enough mules to know that people become involved in carrying drugs for the most appalling reasons, for example, blackmail. We would be wise to allow judges the freedom to address each issue.

A considerable number of people are addicted to prescription drugs. I became peripherally involved in a case. The Garda contacted me concerning prescriptions purportedly written on my prescription pad that had been handed into a few chemists. The telephone number was wrong, the prescriptions were not properly made out, my name did not list a degree and there were no addresses included for the people for whom the drugs were supposedly prescribed, but they managed to get the prescriptions cashed in several chemists. The pharmacies in question were not out of the way. We must ask pharmacists to be careful when scrutinising prescriptions.

Subsequently, the Garda explained that this is a common practice and that it is not difficult for addicts to order prescription pads which can be posted to them. Since that event several years ago, an effort has been made to address the issue of printers being fooled into sending prescription pads to people who are not doctors. We must keep a close eye on the prescription drugs situation.

While only a small number of cases have passed through the drug courts, the courts appear to be working well, a situation I hope will be promoted. Regarding the Criminal Court, the 2004 report on court statistics is interesting. Some 1,091 and 2,068 drug offences were dealt with in Dublin and Limerick, respectively. The Dublin figure includes Dún Laoghaire, Swords, Richmond and the Chancery Street Children's Court but excludes Kilmainham and Tallaght. Of the Dublin cases, 159 were dismissed and 341 were struck out, but I cannot work out why. The statistics give no explanation. Close to half the cases were either dismissed or struck out, but I do not know whether the people involved agreed to go into treatment, the evidence was not good enough or no one turned up. I would have liked to have found out more about this.

Some 69 people were sentenced to imprisonment. Unless they were big drug dealers, this was probably just as well because they become more enthusiastic when they go to prison and are presented with the opportunity to expand their network of drug suppliers. This is probably the right way to go about the matter. Some people were sentenced to suspended imprisonment and 149 were given fines. I hope the latter were not subsequently imprisoned because they failed to pay those fines.

From listening to the debate, the Minister of State has the support of all Senators in doing something about drug addiction. It is not a party political issue and anyone with good ideas should come forward.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House and I welcome the opportunity to discuss the abuse of drugs. Given that the global drugs industry is worth as much as $500 billion and the estimated worth of Ireland's drugs industry is €1 billion, it is easy to see how people are attracted to becoming involved financially.

When we are out on the streets, the problems we encounter cannot be measured in financial terms. The effect a drug addict has on his or her immediate family and the wider community can be devastating. Every day in the north inner city, I see the consequences. In the 1980s, communities took to the streets because of the scourge of heroin in the north inner city and throughout Dublin. Parents, relatives and friends of people who were dying because of the use of heroin became involved. It took such action for successive Governments to take notice of what was happening. Fortunately, since then huge progress has been made for which I congratulate the Minister of State and his Department. I am spokesperson on the drugs strategy in the Seanad and I have seen at first hand the improvements that have taken place on the ground at all levels, on the part of gardaí, in rehabilitation and treatment services and in education.

It is widely accepted that there is no standard international model to deal with drug addiction and the consequences of the misuse of drugs. There always will be a market and people willing to supply it, which is not surprising given the amounts of money involved. However, we are resourcing the problem to a much greater extent than previously and it is having an effect. I have been involved with the local drugs task force in the north inner city since its inception and the different strands of the strategy are having an obvious effect. There are still problems and people, for whatever reason, continue to slip through the net, whether they are waiting for detox treatment, for counselling or for methodone. We must, therefore, concentrate on those areas.

The co-operation between the State agencies and the local communities plays, as the Minister of State said, a huge role in the implementation of the strategy and I see that on a daily basis. Three times a year we attend a local policing forum in the north inner city. The community, gardaí, the local authority and the various health agencies come together to discuss the problems. At the last meeting a Garda spent 20 minutes reporting the various seizures that had been made since the previous forum, which was startling. The seizures varied from amounts carried by a person for his or her own use to major hauls involving millions of euro worth of ecstasy tablets, cocaine, heroin and cannabis. That shows the effect the drugs squads around the country are having and the Garda Síochána must be congratulated. It needs as much resources as possible to keep the work going. It is accepted internationally that seizures account for only 10% of what is in circulation, which is a frightening thought. However, the Garda is well on target to meet its requirements under the strategy.

There are three tiers to the problem. The first is international trafficking and production and, as Senator Henry said, we must think differently about that element of the problem. We must consider international ways of tackling the drugs coming out of Afghanistan, Colombia and other places, including encouraging the replacement of poppies as the cash crops in such countries. The EU has a role to play and the Garda is in regular contact with Interpol in that regard. The Department should continue to pursue that approach.

The second tier is the import and distribution into the country, at which point the main dealers make their money as the drugs are broken up and distributed. The final tier involves the local dealers and the market. As I said, there always will be a market and young people will always want to experiment as that is in the nature of young people. However, we must educate them to make choices not to submit to peer pressure.

We see the effects of the misuse of alcohol in our young population. As Senator Ó Murchú said, they are making television programmes about it now. We must continue to educate and huge strides have been made. The SPHE, which has been compulsory in all primary and secondary schools since 2003, is having an effect. However, we must develop the curriculum to take account of changes taking place. There are new drugs on the market with different effects from those with which we are familiar. Young people, parents and teachers must be educated to recognise the signs, to give advice and to deal with the problem appropriately. Garda youth diversion programmes are hugely successful and I know a couple in my own area, but they need resourcing and a greater framework on which to build. Other successful models exist and the more we adopt the better.

I have my reservations about methodone treatment. I have not seen the ROSIE report, to which the Minister of State referred, but it seems very interesting. It claims 27% of users are abstinent from all drugs after one year's treatment but I would be concerned about the other three quarters of users. We have all seen the recent publicity concerning the Liffey boardwalk and the problems there, which were attributed to recovering addicts. That the boardwalk is equidistant from three major treatment centres meant it became a place of congregation for people in rehabilitation. Methodone is only one of the treatments available.

There have been huge strides forward in combatting drugs. I urge the Minister of State to continue the good work that has been done. Local communities will offer co-operation and support, as will this House where there is cross-party support. I look forward to the strategy going from strength to strength.

The Chief Justice, Mr. John Murray, said recently that there was no minor form of drug dealing as far as the courts were concerned and that all suppliers were at risk of serious sentences irrespective of the type of drug or its value. When jailing drug dealers, he said the courts are entitled to take into account the impact of the offence on the local community and on society as a whole. The Chief Justice went on to say the drug problem had to be taken seriously and that it was not a matter of degrees of seriousness. I welcome these comments from the Chief Justice and I express the wish that the mandatory sentences, laid down in legislation, be acted upon on a far more frequent basis than at present.

The latest crime statistics highlight two interesting points about drugs and the criminal justice system. Arrests for possession of drugs for sale or supply has increased by 7.7% year on year but, looking at the third quarter to quarter figures, it is clear there was a big increase in arrests between 2005 and 2006, which begs the question as to whether gardaí are more efficient in making arrests or increased numbers of drug dealers are on the streets. I am inclined to support both options.

The Garda has made major strides in arresting the bigger fish between the third quarter of 2005 and the third quarter of 2006. This period saw a 62.5% increase in arrests for the cultivation, manufacture and importation of drugs. Cocaine related prosecutions accounted for 11% of total prosecutions, almost equalling those of heroin which accounted of 11.2% of the total.

A worrying finding of a 2004 Garda study, compared with a similar study conducted in 1997, relates to the apparent stabilisation of local drug markets over time and the reported easier availability of drugs. The 2004 study records an increase from 46% to 76% in the number of people stating they sourced their drugs from a local dealer. This has serious implications for local policing and other supply control initiatives. The recruitment of the promised extra gardaí by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform might be one way to counteract this trend. However, many other measures are required.

Drug use is usually assumed to be an urban phenomenon. However, when the size of population is taken into account, two areas outside Dublin are highlighted as having high relative rates of problem abuse, my constituency of Waterford and Carlow. Carlow has the highest rate of problem drug abuse in the country.

With regard to health implications, a report by J. Long earlier this year has found that there was a fall in the number of HIV cases among injecting drug users between 1994 and 1998. It was suggested this might be attributable to the introduction and expansion of harm reduction measures. However, this was contradicted by the sharp increase in the number of drug users testing positive for HIV in 1999 with 69 new cases while 2000 saw 83 new cases.

Drug abuse has no boundaries. It is alarming that the use of cocaine is now moving into new sectors and achieving a recreational Hollywood style appeal, particularly in middle class areas, although the stigma associated with treatment is preventing many of these users from seeking help. The Coolmine Therapeutic Community has said that while the practice of injecting opiates has become endemic in deprived urban areas, there has been a marked increase in cocaine use across a range of different user groups.

The risk of acquiring HIV and hepatitis C is associated with certain high dependency drug areas and may be linked to cocaine use. The results of the Long study highlight the emerging cocaine problem and the high risk practices associated with it. The findings are that current harm reduction methods are not robust enough to prevent the transmission of HIV among heroin users who also use cocaine. There is a clear need to ascertain which aspects of harm reduction are inefficient and to determine what changes of harm reduction services are required to prevent transmission. In other words, a coherent well structured approach must be put in place as a matter of urgency.

Fine Gael proposes the creation of a unified approach to drug and alcohol abuse. This would mean the creation of a single comprehensive national addiction strategy, to tackle both alcohol and illicit drug abuse. It would represent an acceptance that increasing numbers of young people are abusing both alcohol and drugs. The groundwork of implementing this strategy could be carried out by expanding the role, functions, manpower and resources available to the existing local and regional drugs task forces, many of which have significant expertise in tackling addiction.

We suggest, and if elected to Government will introduce, a structured health care plan for each recovering drug and-or alcohol abuser to assist in overcoming their addictions. Those on methadone maintenance would be subject to a six-monthly review by health care professionals, which would assess their progress and examine the feasibility of drug free treatment options. The latter would also mean expanding support services for recovering addicts to pursue drug free rehabilitation.

We will create a mentor system, where all drug and alcohol abusers who seek assistance, will have one health professional attached to their cases. This professional, whether youth worker, drug worker or social worker, would act as a point of contact for the drug-alcohol misuser and would inform drug misusers of all the services available to them.

We will increase support services, particularly counselling services, for those seeking treatment for cocaine abuse, in addition to increasing training for health care professionals to deal with the growing cocaine problem. We will expand the availability of primary health care services as part of the service currently provided by drug services, to include general health information, dental services, hepatitis vaccinations, HIV, hepatitis and TB testing and community care.

We will expand outreach services to specifically target hard-to-reach drug and alcohol abusers, such as mothers, the young and the homeless, with a concerted effort to get drug abusers to engage with the regular drug services. This will involve increasing both the number and resources available to the outreach service. We will also expand existing support services to the parents and families affected by drug misuse through the creation and expansion of family support network units to involve families and addicts. Such support services would also concentrate on issues such as family break up and relationship breakdown.

Furthermore, we will expand targeted outreach programmes, particularly drugs education, to vulnerable young people such as those who drop out of schools or are young offenders who are likely to miss out on drug education at school. The Minister and his party colleagues have consistently asked us what our policies are on a wide range of issues. I have outlined just some of our proposals in this area. I hope they will form part of any targeted action in the future, irrespective of who is in Government.

It is good to hear a constructive speech from the Opposition, rare as it is. There are good initiatives outlined in the Senator's contribution and they will be taken into account by the Minister of State. It is important to acknowledge the work being done by the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern, and to thank him for his contribution to this debate. It set out the strategy being followed by the Government to deal with this complicated issue, which is a cause of concern both nationally and internationally.

The Cathaoirleach comes from the same geographical area as I, and for many years that area was spared the scourge of the distressing drug problem experienced in the inner city areas of Dublin and Limerick. To a large extent it did not have the type of criminal activity and drug abuse experienced in cities in the past 30 or 40 years. There is an escalating problem in Limerick city, although it is confined to a small section of the community and is contained within certain parts of the inner city. It has been suggested that the neglect of these areas and the lack of facilities, be they recreational, leisure, social services and so forth, led to people turning to drug abuse, a devastating and tragic activity.

It is unfortunate that what we were spared for many years is now creeping, slowly but steadily, into rural areas, especially in my constituency. There have been some bad incidents recently involving drugs. This has caused distress, anxiety and some soul-searching as to how it can be dealt with at a time when it was generally believed that at a national level we were coming to grips with the problem. If it had been contained in the area in which it had been prevalent for many years, the prospects of it spreading at its current alarming rate in isolated rural areas would have been minimised, if not eliminated.

I join other speakers in complimenting the members of the Garda Síochána on the work they are doing. The number of detentions and seizures, particularly in the past year or so, is an indication of a robust approach by all those involved, whether it be the drugs squad, other members of the Garda Síochána or Revenue. The result is encouraging in that they appear to be coming to grips with the escalating problem by seizing substantial quantities of drugs which otherwise would be on the market causing more damage.

It is important to get across the message about the dangers drugs pose to young people, in particular, from whom part of the solution must come. We should try to get a response from them similar to the one we are seeking in respect of dangerous driving. We could involve them in the partnership arrangement about which the Minister of State spoke. Until we do this, we will not get the results we want.

I am particularly concerned about the increased availability of speed, ecstasy tablets and cannabis at events such as concerts and festivals, particularly in the summer. There is a necessity to make sure the culture which is introducing a drugs element to those attractive social events and leisure activities is stamped out. Young people must play a part in this, as well as the Garda Síochána, the interdepartmental committees and the other interventions mentioned by the Minister of State.

Senator Henry spoke about cannabis cafés. I am not sure whether she advocated them but in so far as my opinion is worth anything, their introduction would be a unmitigated disaster. I urge the Minister of State to vehemently oppose any such suggestion which has been made for various reasons at various times, that this might be a useful initiative to try to curb the escalation of the drugs problem. Introducing cannabis cafés would be a recipe for disaster and I oppose the suggestion.

It is important to get across to young people involved in a minor way in drugs that there is only disaster waiting for them at the end of the road in what is an escalating problem. They only have to look at the devastation and tragedy caused in some of our cities, with people being shot in their cars and homes and bodies being found on the side of the road. The tragedy for the families affected should bring home to the younger generation the need to make every effort to stem this horrific development which inevitably leads to death and disaster for families and upset for hundreds.

There is a drugs squad in Ennis which is successful in so far it goes. I support the view expressed by previous speakers on the necessity to supplement the efforts of the drugs squad with support from the other agencies which have responsibilities in tackling this problem.

The Health Service Executive recently organised a conference in Dublin at which various agencies, organisations, Departments, the Garda Síochána and others involved in tackling the drugs problem came together to form an initiative to try to come to grips with it. While that initiative in Dublin is welcome, it must be replicated on a regional basis. There is a necessity in each region for a similar initiative under the aegis of the Minister of State, his officials and the interdepartmental committee. Conferences similar to the one held in Dublin could be organised at which the various agencies, whether it be the Health Service Executive or educationists, could meet at local level to come to grips with the problems in their area.

I compliment the Minister of State on the work he is doing and I urge him to continue with the approach he is taking because some success is being achieved. If Fine Gael brings forward new important initiatives, they could be built in but the main focus of attention in dealing with this issue must be on young people. Unless they take the initiative and work with the drugs squad, other members of the Garda Síochána and the State agencies to try to find solutions to the problem, it will continue and the long-term result will be further death and devastation.

I listened both here and in my office to many of the contributions which were constructive. There is no doubt that measures are being taken that were not taken previously. Senator Cummins's contribution, in particular, was very thoughtful. There was much in it with which I agree.

There is an issue at the core of this debate which has not been discussed. For the past 25 years Members of these Houses have been talking about the drugs problem. For a long time we had two related issues to address, one of which was the gradual infiltration of our youth culture by cannabis, in particular, and, to a limited but worrying extent, ecstasy. Parallel with this — perhaps it was not wisely discussed in the same debate — was the extraordinary invasion of heroin into the poorest communities in Dublin, in particular. For a long time it was exclusively and overwhelmingly a Dublin issue. My understanding is that some of the drug gangs in Cork struck moral poses about the fact that they did not sell heroin and it somehow made them feel superior. They have got over this now that they have discovered how much money is to be made.

I am open to Members on the Government side misrepresenting the problem. To a degree, we confused the solutions by pretending that there was not a fundamental difference between a youngster who used cannabis on a regular basis and another who used heroin on a regular basis. The truth is that they are not the same. The outcomes are not likely to be the same but there is an overlap. There is no disputing the fact that some young people who started using cannabis ended up using heroin but one could go further back and discover that they all started with cigarettes or alcohol before they used any other substance. On the question of a gateway drug, it is a matter of looking through the sequence and deciding where the barrier is but there is no overwhelming argument that moving the barrier and redefining something as a gateway drug will stop anybody from taking drugs.

I do not believe in the prohibition of alcohol, for instance. It did not make any difference in the United States; in fact, it probably did more harm. On the other hand, it is not sensible to legalise the use of something that is currently illegal.

When discussing drug misuse, we need to realise the reasons illegal substances are used by various sectors of society are profoundly different. For example, I believe the overwhelming use of heroin is a consequence of extraordinary social deprivation. My party was in Government for part of the period when this became an issue, so the comment is not a party political one. There has been a sense of abandonment of communities in this city for a long number of years. A whole generation was blighted by heroin and the belief that nobody cared.

This abandonment was confirmed when these communities finally set up local campaigns against drugs. By whom they were organised or motivated is secondary. It was not that these people were naive, but as a result of the campaigns, they saw more gardaí in their communities policing the anti-drugs campaigners because of their alleged suspect political affiliations than they ever saw of the gardaí policing drug pushers. There were more gardaí in their inner city communities because of the anti-drugs campaigners. It is possible that a significant number of those involved in the anti-drugs campaigns had less than noble motives. However, it is a fact that in the perception of the communities with most victims, there was more visible police activity regulating, controlling and policing the anti-drugs campaigns than ever regulated, policed and controlled the drug pushers.

There was a story in this morning's newspapers about a well known Dublin city drug pusher. This man absconded from prison when serving a long sentence. Deputy Gregory, who represents the inner city, said everybody knew where he was living long before he was arrested. However, despite having absconded once, when he was rearrested, he was returned to an open prison, Shelton Abbey. I do not know what sort of check is made on the type of person suited to an open prison, but a person who absconded when on three days compassionate leave and who was missing for months is not the obvious choice. This situation is heartbreaking for communities where such individuals are seen as the source of so much evil. This is one side of the drug problem and the Minister of State adverted to the fact that serious resources are being provided to try to deal with it.

There is another issue of concern, one that used to manifest in cannabis abuse. When I was of an age when a culture existed where cannabis was widely used — when I was a student — the overwhelming group of those who used cannabis on an intermittent basis were aware of a reasonable balance between the risks they took and their reason for using the drug. They also had a genuine belief that intermittent use was not a serious health risk. They may have been wrong, but theirs was a conscious and rational decision. What I find disturbing now is the increasing use of cocaine, the harmful effects of which are not in any doubt. Nobody would argue that there is not a serious health or addiction risk or the risk of a serious personality disorder attached to its regular use.

The generation that used cannabis made a reasonably rational decision to do so. However, I cannot see how it is possible to make a rational decision to use cocaine on a regular basis. We should be disturbed that this decision is being made by the best educated generation we have ever had. It is a generation with more access to knowledge, information and money, yet it seems to have abandoned any element of rationality in the area of substance use, including its attitude to alcohol.

Some people think it funny that I have often mentioned that in my life I never set out to get drunk. I often ended up drunk, but I never set out to get drunk. I set out to enjoy myself and the consequence was I drank more than I should. I am not alone in that. It is disturbing that nowadays a significant number of comparatively well off, well educated young people's idea of a night out is to set out to get drunk. If they remember what they did for the night, they are convinced they did not have a great time.

It is very disturbing that this culture of obliviousness to the consequence of one's actions is manifest in our society. There is a sense that it does not matter that one is doing one's self profound physical damage in one's 20s, when one should be looking forward to what life has to offer. Many of our young people who are well off financially and in good jobs, deliberately and knowingly practise a lifestyle which will do them serious harm. This is an issue we need to address in terms of abuse of drugs.

If 20% of people are indifferent to their long-term health and to their short-term security, they will not be concerned about whether they end up in prison. It appears to me that their sense of life values is vastly different from ours. The inconvenience of being caught does not trouble them and they will not be deterred by penalties. These people know what the penalties are because they are well informed. The situation for them is different than for others such as drug pushers. The greatest deterrent for all criminals is the likelihood of being caught, rather than whether the penalty is five, six or ten years in prison.

What future strategy should we develop on drugs? We, the older generation, all believed somewhat naively that if we gave people information early about drugs, they would not act stupidly. Unfortunately, we have considerable evidence that people are acting stupidly, even though they know how much harm they will do to themselves. Normally I head back to Cork early on a Thursday, but I stayed late today because I want debate on this issue to begin. What is happening in the minds of a large section of the population between the ages of 20 to 35? They are not poor or deprived, but have grown up in considerable privilege and have well paid jobs.

These young people have developed a kind of hedonistic obliviousness. I am quite an enthusiast for hedonism, provided people are doing what they enjoy and understand what they are doing. However, this is a kind of oblivious hedonism. It is a sense that there is no future and that nothing matters, not even life. I believe this attitude spills over in its extreme case into our suicide epidemic. Something has happened to the mentality of some of our young people which has nothing to do with protest, experiment or amusement. It has to do with a sense of obliviousness and a sense that life is pointless, meaningless and worthless and that we might as well act this way because there is nothing more worth doing.

My contribution may not be as constructive as Senator Cummins's was, but it comes from my genuinely serious concern for the future of Irish society. I am concerned about why we have this new manifestation of what is apparently widespread, middle class abuse of an inherently profoundly dangerous substance.

I thank Senators for expressing their views and acknowledge their desire to co-operate in fighting this problem. Senator McHugh discussed the issue as it affects youth. While the Department of Education and Science has overall responsibility for the Youth Work Act, we have established the young people's services and facilities fund to specifically target areas and communities at risk from drug problems. We have spent more than €125 million in recovered drugs and dormant accounts money on providing youth workers and facilities such as youth cafés. These facilities are concentrated in the greater Dublin area, including the inner city and the suburbs built in the 1970s, such as Coolock, Finglas, Clondalkin and Tallaght, to help young people avoid the dangers of drug abuse by offering them a choice of activities.

Senators McHugh and Ryan claimed the State was ignoring and deserting people. While some of their comments may be partly true and the State's significant increase in spending may indeed be belated, questions of personal responsibility remain. If people are prepare to ruin their own health and lives, the State cannot be fully responsible for them. It certainly has a duty to help those who are prepared to seek help but it cannot be blamed if people act recklessly. If some mother injects her 13 year-old child with heroin, it is not fair to blame the Government. The problems that arise for some people are very complex.

Senators Cummins and Ó Murchú made the connection between alcohol and drugs. At meetings of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body and at international level, I sometimes encounter Ministers who describe themselves as having responsibility for drugs, alcohol and tobacco. However, the drugs strategy in Ireland was developed separately because it was originally a reaction to heroin abuse in particular areas. Ten years ago, if one suggested that local taskforce members should become involved in alcohol control, they would have freaked out because they saw themselves as responsible for addressing a specific problem. On the other hand, people have claimed at meetings of regional drugs taskforces that the biggest problem in their areas is alcohol. The local drugs taskforces in Dublin have also realised the prevalence of what is known as poly-drug users, who consume alcohol one night and whatever is available the next. Therefore, the argument against linking alcohol and drug strategies has become less certain.

The current policy of Government is that my Department has responsibility for the drugs strategy, while the Department of Health and Children is responsible for alcohol. Linkages can be made between the strategy's five pillars of supply reduction, prevention, treatment, research and rehabilitation. In schools, for example, the dangers of addiction are emphasised and, whether one refers to cannabis or alcohol, linkages can be made at the prevention level. However, differences arise in terms of the legality of alcohol and the illegality of other drugs. In addition, heroin and, to a lesser extent, cocaine are concentrated in disadvantaged areas and among certain age groups, whereas alcohol is consumed by young and old, rich and poor. The possibility remains, however, of linking the two policies, as is the case in other countries, and communities would not object as strenuously as before to such a linkage.

Senators outlined strategies for dealing with the drugs problem, many of which have already been implemented. I am not suggesting that everything is perfect but improvements have been made. I acknowledge that Senator Henry did not wish to score political points when she raised the need for communities to accept treatment facilities. We have all attended meetings on this issue. Some of the controversy which arose ten years ago, when people objected to treatment facilities, is resurfacing in towns throughout Ireland. However, it is preferable to provide treatment facilities because the alternative is that people will steal or become dealers to find the money for drugs. In one case, a doctor and Fine Gael Dáil candidate in Dublin West led a campaign against the plans of a pharmacy to supply methadone. Large clinics and local primary care centres already supply methadone but pharmacists can serve small numbers of people at the local level. My criticism of the candidate in question, who persuaded 300 frightened middle class women to attend a series of public meetings, is on the basis of his profession rather than his political affiliation. After all, every party is capable of spawning people who cannot resist the temptation to hang their names in lights. Many professionals in the health services were disappointed that one of their own, who should know more than the rest of us, led a charge in that direction.

Cocaine was mentioned by several Senators. There are still approximately 14,500 heroin users in the country and the image of people injecting themselves is particularly nasty. Heroin also carries a severe risks of infection and the sharing of needles and other paraphernalia causes a range of problems. However, even in disadvantaged areas, heroin has come to be regarded as a drug for losers. Cocaine is surrounded by the myth that it is a clean drug, even though it is probably more dangerous than heroin. It can cause serious complications in terms of heart attacks, strokes and respiratory infections and long-term use can result in mental health problems.

Cocaine users do not realise the damage they are doing to themselves. We encounter that attitude among middle class and recreational users but, while their health does not deteriorate as quickly as that of heroin users, they will encounter severe problems over the longer term. They may be able to sniff and snort again and walk away from it. I would never try to give the impression that one is hooked for life after one sniff. To say so is neither fair nor true. Those who develop a regular habit are in big trouble and very slow to cop on. Even given that State services may be perceived to be aimed at heroin users rather than users of other drugs, cocaine users do not recognise or accept they have a problem. It is often only after getting into trouble at work, in relationships or with the bank manager that they seek help, advice and counselling. When they are counselled or analysed, they admit they have a problem.

This problem, on which the State is spending nearly €200 million per year, will not go away. I appreciate the comments made by Senators because every Government will have to deal with the issue. Progress is being made. The single message I can send is that treatment works. When one hears statements to the effect that the number being treated in Waterford has increased by 500%, for example, one should realise this is good. It means there were no services five years ago and that there are some now. Five years ago drug users had to come to Dublin on the train or did not receive treatment. We are trying to attract them to treatment and work with them. I hope that over time we can make them recognise they are damaging their health.

I thank Members for their comments and their support for the national drugs strategy.

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