Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 28 Feb 2007

Vol. 186 No. 8

National Oil Reserves Agency Bill 2006: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Molaim an Bille um an Ghníomhaireacht Chúltaca Ola Náisiúnta don Teach. I am pleased to have the opportunity to present the National Oil Reserves Agency Bill to the House. This Bill, which was initiated in the Dáil in June 2006, is an important part of the Government's energy agenda.

The Government's Green Paper on energy policy, Towards a Sustainable Energy Future for Ireland, has set out the framework for national energy policy for the medium to long term. The policy proposals to be set out in the forthcoming White Paper will be informed by projections in respect of growth in energy demand and related economic and demographic trends, as well as the requirements to ensure sustainability and security of energy supplies and fuel diversity.

In addition to work under way on the development of the Green Paper on energy policy as a White Paper, the Energy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2006 was enacted at the end of December. The Act has expanded the functions of the Commission for Energy Regulation, CER, the independent statutory body responsible for regulating and overseeing the liberalisation of Ireland's electricity and natural gas sectors. Earlier this afternoon, this House considered the Electricity Regulation (Amendment) (Single Electricity Market) Bill 2006 and is due to consider Report and Final Stages of this Bill tomorrow. This Bill will be an important step in the delivery of the single electricity market that will contribute to a more secure and cost efficient service for all customers.

A detailed explanatory memorandum has been published that provides a synopsis of the provisions of this Bill as initiated. While the Bill has undergone some changes in the course of its passage through the Dáil, these changes have not been fundamental. Amendments to the Bill by Dáil Éireann have resulted in the insertion of three new sections — sections 49, 57 and 62 — which were introduced with the objective of strengthening the Bill.

The Bill has a number of strands which I will outline. It will establish the National Oil Reserves Agency, NORA, as a stand alone non-commercial State body under the aegis of the Department with responsibility for the maintenance of strategic supplies of oil in line with the State's oil stockholding obligations to the European Union and the International Energy Agency, IEA. It will transfer the Irish National Petroleum Corporation's shareholding in the National Oil Reserves Agency to the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources and will provide for the continued operation of the agency as a private limited company under the Companies Acts. It will provide for the continued operation of a variable levy on disposals of petroleum products to be imposed on oil companies and oil consumers. Such a levy has operated since 1995 under the European Communities (Minimum Stocks of Petroleum Oils) Regulations 1995. It will make provision for the furnishing to the Minister of regular returns in respect of oil purchases, sales, consumption, imports and exports by oil companies, oil consumers and the National Oil Reserves Agency and will provide for monitoring of compliance with its provisions and the application of penalties in the event of non-compliance.

Before discussing the detailed provisions of the Bill, I wish to outline the background to the National Oil Reserves Agency, which was set up in 1995 as a subsidiary of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation. Arising from its membership of the European Union and the International Energy Agency, Ireland has obligations to maintain levels of national oil stocks. At present, it must maintain 90 days of previous year consumption under the EU system and 90 days of previous year net imports under the IEA system.

Prior to 1995, the oil companies in Ireland were obliged to meet a substantial portion of these oil stockholding obligations. This system proved unsatisfactory and, under the European Communities (Minimum Stocks of Petroleum Oil) Regulations 1995, responsibility for the maintenance of strategic stockholding was vested in the National Oil Reserves Agency. For pragmatic reasons, the agency was established as a subsidiary of the INPC. Since 1995 NORA has acted as the agent of the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources with the function of arranging for the holding of strategic oil stocks at a level determined, at least annually, by the Minister.

The period since 1995 has coincided with the emergence of the Celtic tiger and the phenomenal increase in the country's oil consumption. This increase has impacted on the volumes of strategic stocks required to meet the 90 days obligation of the IEA and the EU. On 1 December 2006 Ireland's oil stock reserves were estimated at 129 days, well in excess of the 90 days obligation. With the disposal of the Bantry oil terminal and the Whitegate refinery in July 2001, NORA is the sole remaining subsidiary of the INPC. The INPC has no operational capacity and its current activities are limited to its rights and obligations arising from the sale and purchase agreement attaching to the 2001 transaction and meeting requirements under company law arising from its role as parent company to NORA. It is against this background that the Government agreed the agency should be established as an independent body under the aegis of the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, continuing to have responsibility for the maintenance of emergency oil reserves. The Bill provides that the INPC shareholding in NORA will be transferred to the Minister and the agency will continue to operate as a private limited company under the Companies Acts. On enactment of the Bill, therefore, NORA will no longer be a subsidiary of the INPC.

I will refer to the main provisions of the legislation in more detail. Part 2 provides for the transfer to the Minister of the share owned by the INPC in NORA. By means of a ministerial order, a share transfer day will be appointed as the day on which the INPC transfers the share owned by it in NORA to the Minister.

Part 3, which includes sections 7 to 31, inclusive, provides for the continuation of the agency as a limited company subject to the provisions of the Companies Acts. Provision is also made for wide-ranging corporate governance provisions. The principal functions and powers of NORA are set out in section 8. These include the maintenance of oil stocks, the provision of advice to the Minister on matters relating to the holding of oil stocks, the collection of a levy on petroleum products and the provision of advisory and technical assistance. The agency will have powers to acquire, hold, store, import, export, transport and exchange oil and it will also have powers to construct, acquire, maintain, operate and develop works, plant, storage tanks and pipelines for holding and transporting oil stocks. These provisions are necessary for the ongoing successful implementation by NORA of its oil stockholding responsibilities. Part 3 also makes provision for a company memorandum and articles of association, for alterations thereto and for the appointment of a board of directors of six persons. Provisions have been included in regard to the submission of strategy statements by the agency to the Minister, the drawing up of a code of conduct by the agency, the appointment of a chief executive by the directors, the setting out of CEO functions and the appointment of staff.

Since its establishment in 1995 the agency has been funded by a combination of a levy on oil companies and oil consumers on disposals of petroleum products and by commercial borrowings from financial institutions. It is proposed that this situation will continue. The legislative proposals regarding borrowing by NORA, set out in sections 26 and 27, propose an aggregate borrowing threshold of €1 billion, a figure which takes account of sustained high oil prices of recent years. NORA avails of commercial borrowings to fund the purchase of oil. Obligations regarding the submission of annual reports and accounts by the agency are provided for in sections 28 and 29. Section 31 provides that the NORA CEO may be examined by committees of the Houses of the Oireachtas on expenditure by the agency.

Part 4 sets out provisions relating to the maintenance of oil stocks by the agency. As a member of the IEA, Ireland is required to maintain emergency oil stocks equivalent to at least 90 days of net imports in the previous year. The EU imposes a similar requirement based on consumption. Section 32 provides that the agency shall maintain a level of oil stocks to comply with Ireland's stockholding obligations, or such higher level as the Minister may specify. Ireland meets its EU and IEA obligations through a combination of wholly owned stocks held in Ireland by NORA and industry-major oil consumers; wholly owned stocks held by NORA in other EU member states under cover of bilateral agreements; and oil stock "tickets" where NORA has entered into short-term commercial contracts — either in Ireland or in EU member states where a bilateral oil stockholding agreement has been concluded — with an option to purchase, in emergency circumstances, during the period of the contract.

Sections 32 and 33 provide that NORA may enter into contracts with third parties to hold stocks on its behalf either within the State or outside the State in accordance with a bilateral agreement. The facility to hold stocks under cover of bilateral agreements stems from EU stockholding legislation. A member state may hold stocks in the territory of another member state, subject to a bilateral oil stockholding agreement being in place between the respective states. Under such agreements, the host country guarantees that it will not oppose the transfer of the oil in question to Ireland in the event of an emergency. Section 34 obliges the Minister to decide what volumes of oil stocks are to be maintained to meet international obligations and requires that the Minister must keep the agency informed as to the volume of oil stocks it must maintain.

Section 35 provides for the issue of ministerial directions authorising the agency to release oil stocks in, for example, a case of major interruption in oil supplies. There would be no question of Ireland or any other oil consuming country attempting to deal on its own with such an interruption. If such a crisis were to occur, the response, including the release of emergency stocks and the identification of alternative sources of supplies, would take place primarily within the framework of the formal emergency regime developed and maintained by the IEA. This framework acknowledges that the management of major oil supply disruptions requires an international response.

Part 5 outlines provisions relating to the NORA levy on disposals of petroleum products. One of the key strands of the legislation is to provide for the continued operation of a variable levy on disposals of petroleum products by oil companies and oil consumers. The levy, which funds the holding and storage of oil and other operating expenses of the agency, is charged at the rate of 0.476 cent per litre on sales of petroleum products. It is applied to oil companies that use petrol, kerosene, gasoil and fuel oil for their own consumption and-or sales of these products within the State. The levy has remained unchanged since 1995.

Section 37 provides that expenses of the National Oil Reserves Agency, which are defined under section 36, will continue to be funded by the monthly levy on oil disposals. The National Oil Reserves Agency will continue to administer and collect the levy. The agency will also continue to be funded by borrowings from financial institutions towards the purchase of National Oil Reserves Agency owned oil stocks.

Section 38 provides for exemptions from the levy. At present oil consumer companies that hold in excess of 55 days reserves based on their previous year's consumption may claim an exemption from payment of levy. It is a commercial decision for each oil consumer as to whether it avails of the exemption or pays the levy. In order to avail of the exemption, an oil consumer will require dedicated tankage for oil storage over and above its normal operational requirements.

Section 38(2), as passed by Dáil Éireann, provides that an oil consumer may claim exemption from levy on the basis of a contract between an oil consumer and a third party to hold oil owned by the oil consumer for the purpose of the consumer claiming an exemption from levy. The Minister may consider a claim for exemption from levy provided that, before the contract was entered into, the contract proposals were submitted to the Minister.

While it is accepted that oil consumers will generally have adequate storage facilities to allow them claim an exemption from levy, nevertheless it is acknowledged that storage problems may arise from time to time where, for example, a company must temporarily decommission storage tanks in order to carry out necessary or unanticipated refurbishment works. Therefore, section 38 facilitates oil consumers who find themselves in this situation and also strengthens the Minister's powers in regard to the assessment of applications by oil consumers for exemption from levy payment.

Section 39 provides for the issue of monthly notifications to the agency by the Minister in regard to the volumes of petroleum products disposed of by each oil company and oil consumer in the preceding month. Volume assessments will be based on information provided by the companies or, in the absence of information being provided by a company, the Department will provide an estimate.

Section 40 provides for calculation by the Minister of the amount of levy payable by each oil company and oil consumer and for notifications of each company's liability to the agency. The levy charged will be based on disposals during each month and the rate of levy as prescribed by ministerial regulations. The Department notifies the agency of the relevant levy amounts payable by each company and the agency invoices the companies accordingly under section 41.

Section 41 provides that monthly notices be provided by the National Oil Reserves Agency to oil companies and oil consumers advising them as to the volumes of petroleum products disposed of, the rate of the levy, the amount of the levy due, the date by which the levy should be paid and any exemptions from levy payment. Section 42 provides for the charging of interest on levy not received by due date, while section 43 provides for the recovery by the agency, through the courts, of unpaid levy.

Section 44 provides for the making of regulations by the Minister relating to the levy. Regulations may be made in regard to a range of matters, including the rate of levy to be charged, the volume of products to be held by an oil consumer in order to claim an exemption from levy, the keeping of records by oil companies and oil consumers, the times at which levy payment becomes due and the rate of interest on unpaid levy. The section provides that if the prescribed rate of levy is varied, the new rate of levy will take effect three months after the making of a ministerial order.

Part 6, which encompasses sections 45 to 51, relates to enforcement provisions. Provisions are proposed to provide for inspection and monitoring of the premises of oil companies and major oil consumers. These provisions include the appointment of authorised officers, the powers of authorised officers and the issue of search warrants.

Section 49, as passed by Dáil Éireann, obliges authorised officers to report certain matters. The section provides that an authorised officer who, while in the course of an audit of an oil company or an oil consumer or while operating under a search warrant, forms the opinion that an activity is being carried out at a premises which is either not in compliance with a regulatory provision or the officer considers that there is a risk to the health and safety of the employees is obliged to report the matter to the appropriate authority. Examples of "appropriate authority" include the Garda Síochána, the Health and Safety Authority, the local authority and the Revenue Commissioners. A regulatory provision includes any provision made under legislation concerning the protection of employees, the protection of the environment or the regulation of planning and development.

The offences provision under section 50 provides, inter alia, that a person is guilty of an offence if he or she obstructs an authorised officer in the exercise of a power conferred under section 47; fails to comply with a direction of an authorised officer under section 47(1)(c) or (e); fails to comply with section 62 (4)(b); alters records that the person has been required to produce; gives false information to an authorised officer; or impersonates an authorised officer.

Part 7 provides for amendments to relevant legislation and for revocation of the 1995 regulations. Sections 52 to 54, inclusive, provide for amendments to sections 7, 8 and 9 of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation Act 2001 to allow the transfer of the assets of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation to the National Oil Reserves Agency; and release of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation from its obligation to repay to the Minister any moneys that might be paid out by the INPC under the provisions of the ministerial guarantee pursuant to the sale and purchase agreement relating to the 2001 sale of Whitegate refinery and the Bantry terminal; and the alteration of the memorandum and articles of the Irish National Petroleum Corporation to reflect the provisions of the National Oil Reserves Agency legislation.

Section 55 provides for an amendment to the Freedom of Information Act to provide that NORA will come within the scope of the Freedom of Information Act. Section 56 revokes the European Communities (Minimum Stocks of Petroleum Oils) Regulations 1995 as the provisions of these regulations will become redundant after the Bill is enacted.

Part 8 provides for miscellaneous provisions relating to the making of ministerial regulations and orders, the prosecution of offences, penalties and the giving of notices. Section 57, which was agreed on Report Stage in Dáil Éireann, will allow regulations to be made under the National Oil Reserves Agency Act to give effect to amending legislation of the European Communities in so far as such legislation relates to oil stockholding. The absence of this type of provision in the National Oil Reserves Agency Bill would require an amendment to the National Oil Reserves Agency Act in order to give effect to any future European Union legislation relating to oil stockholding.

Ireland's obligations to the European Union and the International Energy Agency require the provision of monthly returns relating to oil imports, exports and consumption, together with details of oil stocks held by the National Oil Reserves Agency. These returns allow the EU and the International Energy Agency to monitor both oil usage and member countries' compliance with oil stockholding obligations.

Section 59 provides that the Minister may make regulations requiring oil companies and oil consumers to make written returns within specific timeframes. The proposals in regard to data provision do not include obligations on companies over and above obligations currently imposed.

I draw the attention of Senators to section 62, as agreed on Report Stage in the Dáil. This section relates to bilateral oil stocks held in the State on behalf of another member state and to oil stocks also held in the State on the National Oil Reserves Agency's behalf. The provision sets out criteria to be applied in regard to applications to the Minister to hold oil stocks in the State on behalf of another member state. Oil companies and oil consumers will be obliged to submit contract proposals to the Minister in advance of entering into any contract arrangement. The definition of "contract proposals" provides clarity in regard to the information to be submitted by companies to the Minister.

In order to ensure that the approval of bilateral contracts should not weaken Ireland's stockholding position, subsection (2) provides that the Minister, before deciding on a bilateral stockholding proposal, will have regard to the level of Ireland's national oil reserves and the availability of adequate stockholding facilities in the State for the purposes of meeting the State's stockholding obligations.

With regard to contracts between NORA and oil companies to store oil in the State on the agency's behalf, the section provides that such oil may not be drawn upon or replenished without the prior consent of the agency. The House will note that an offence provision has been created under section 50 of the Bill whereby it will be an offence if a person draws upon or replenishes stocks of the National Oil Reserves Agency without its prior consent.

The objective of strengthening the Minister's position in regard to the approval of bilateral stockholding contracts and of NORA's position in regard to the holding of stocks in the State on its behalf, has been met through the amendment of the Bill to include this provision.

On a general note, I hope the foregoing gives Senators a reasonable summary of the policies underpinning the Bill. The Minister is confident that the provisions of the Bill will have benefits for Ireland in terms of affording maximum protection in the event of a significant oil supply disruption.

The Minister of State at the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, Deputy John Browne, will be glad to provide any further information required by Senators to facilitate the early enactment of the Bill. I hope the Bill will be progressed into law at the earliest opportunity.

I welcome the Minister of State and his officials to the House. I will deputise for Senator Finucane who cannot be here.

Fine Gael welcomes this Bill. However, we note it was originally mooted for October 2004. It ironic to have an energy Bill which is already three years behind schedule. The Bill seeks to establish the National Oil Reserves Agency as a stand alone non-commercial State body under the aegis of the Minister with responsibility for the maintenance of strategic supplies of oil in line with the State's oil stockholding obligations to the EU and the International Energy Agency. It also seeks to transfer the Irish National Petroleum Corporation shareholding in NORA to the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources; to provide for a variable levy on disposals of petroleum products to be imposed on oil companies and oil consumers; to make provision for the furnishing to the Minister of regular returns regarding oil purchases, sales, consumption, imports and exports by oil companies, oil consumers and NORA; to provide for monitoring of compliance with provisions for the application of penalties in the event of failure by oil companies and oil consumers to comply with provisions; and to revoke the European Communities (Minimum Stocks of Petroleum Oils) Regulations 1995.

This is a structural Bill designed to put the National Oil Reserves Agency on a sound footing. Fine Gael has no problem with the Bill itself. However, as with the Energy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2006 it is astounding in the midst of a serious energy crisis that we are faced with such a dearth of meaningful proposals from the Government in this area.

At present, Ireland fulfils its EU commitments to the holding by NORA of up to 108 days of oil reserves. The Minister of State mentioned 129 days in his speech. While this is as it should be, it should be noted only 38 days supply is wholly owned by NORA. It might be worth considering increasing the share owned by NORA in the event of a major international emergency. We are a rich nation but we are very vulnerable when it comes to oil and fuel. It is important that we can afford to improve the mix in order that we are less reliant on industry-held stocks.

Bio-fuels have the potential to provide major benefits to our farmers, environment and economy. I am extremely annoyed and angry with the Government, not because of the closure of the sugar beet industry, which I feel was inevitable but which could have been kept operational for at least one more year, but because the Government let down everyone badly by failing to develop the sugar beet industry into a bio-fuel industry. It is clear this could have been done and that we are vulnerable as an island nation with no natural oil reserves. We failed to develop this area, even though special funding was available from the EU towards such activity.

Many European states began the process of kick-starting the bio-fuel industry by using set-aside land for the growing of bio-fuel crops. It is interesting to note that in the US, President Bush and the Republicans now take seriously climate change. This presents a unique opportunity for us. If I am correct, approximately 20 million tonnes of maize are exported from the US at present and it is felt this will stop if the US further develops its bio-fuel industry. This will present an opportunity for us. We must take stock of what is happening not only here and in Europe but also consider the impact of the US example and the opportunities it will present to us.

Irish agricultural land offers a huge potential to develop alternative energy crops. At present, the greatest potential for Irish crops in this industry lies in the development of bio-diesel and bioethanol not least because production is already under way, albeit on a small scale. We must focus on developing this area as a priority. The immediate focus must be on developing the process of fuel blending. Essentially, this involves blending standard motoring diesel with rapeseed oil to produce bio-diesel and petrol with bioethanol.

To be fair to the Government, the smoking ban was a major success as was the plastic bag tax because they were implemented throughout the country. We can discuss bio-fuel until we are blue in the face, but until every petrol station has bio-fuel readily available, consumers will not be able to switch. This is where we can take a leading role. We can follow on from the example of the smoking ban and the plastic bag tax where the Government was successful. I urge the Minister of State to seriously consider this.

Included in the Fine Gael proposals in this area are the removal of all excise duties on bio-fuels produced from renewable energy crops and the establishment of grants for producer groups which would consist of up to 50% of the cost of establishing the group, to a maximum of €300,000 per group. We must have a public competition for the establishment and operation of a number of bio-fuel processing plants strategically located in a selected number of locations. We would require capital start-up grants for these processing plants which would enable them to become established and begin viable processing operations. We would also require greater links with international bio-fuel processors and fuel suppliers and the relevant Departments, particularly the Departments of Transport and Agriculture and Food.

Fine Gael recently launched a policy document, Energy for the Future. This includes proposals for the reform of the VRT system, the necessity for blended fuel and the requirement for all public transport vehicles and public service vehicles to convert where practical and feasible to forms of bio-fuels. The Taoiseach's recent announcement was welcome but much more remains to be done.

Fine Gael believes if the correct steps are taken now we can deliver real change in the short term through lower carbon dioxide emissions and in the long term by reaching a generation capacity of 33% of our electricity needs within 20 years. We cannot and must not concentrate on long-term 20 or 50 year targets to the detriment of immediate action to reduce CO2 levels now. It has become increasingly evident that apart from higher oil and energy costs, this country is particularly vulnerable when it comes to storage facilities for oil or gas. Hence, the recent need to introduce the National Oil Reserves Agency Bill without detail.

Regardless of continued political instability in energy producing countries such as those in the Middle East, the Government should take on board the Fine Gael energy policy and incorporate it in the national plan. This would put in place energy conservation such as vehicle labelling, development of bio-fuels, home heat conservation through insulation, the use of alternatives, a major plan to develop the alternative energy industry and the necessary back-up to guarantee security of supply. Such a move would not only conserve and replace energy and develop the energy sector but would also draw public attention to the necessity of taking such steps involving both industrial and domestic customers who rely heavily on reliable energy sources.

I hope to obtain planning permission shortly to build my own house. I am keenly aware of the various energy sources available. What comes across loud and clear is the need to insulate the house properly in the first place. We can speak about energy this evening, but unless we have in place systems and standards to ensure houses are properly insulated, we will draw on more and more energy. The Government has failed miserably in this regard.

When I was canvassing on Sunday, I had grave difficulty in hearing doorbells ringing in older houses because of insulation and double glazed windows. I knocked on doors in a brand new estate in Carlow and I may as well have been knocking on paper walls. I could hear the doorbell with crystal clarity when I rang, as well as a dog barking inside. I thought to myself afterwards that the houses could not be built to the standard they should be in terms of heat and noise insulation.

This Government has failed to look after citizens buying property. I do not envy people buying property in Dublin and I wonder how many terraced or semi-detached properties have proper walls between neighbours. This has significant implications for heat loss, etc.

It is time the Department for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government and the Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources worked together to enhance further the grants available to people for building new houses and insulating existing houses. The building standards in the 1970s and 1980s were certainly not what they should have been and we must learn from that. We all have a role to play and when we build a house. It should require very little energy. The key word in this is "insulation".

I wish to ask the Minister about VAT on fuel bills. Every day we are being crippled despite talk of a low-tax economy. I discovered today that more than €600 million was taken in last year in VAT on gas, ESB and telecommunications. We should consider the area and reduce the amount of VAT payable to help consumers who are being crippled.

I was amazed to learn from the Minister of State's speech that we have 129 days of oil reserves, which is welcome. It is amazing that whenever oil prices increase, they go up immediately at the petrol pumps but when they go down, there can be a few extra days or weeks before the consumer gets the benefit. The Government should monitor and pursue this issue. This begs the question why, if we have so much in reserve, and I presume petrol companies in this country buy in bulk, there is an immediate increase when the price of oil goes up and a slow decrease when its cost goes down.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Michael Ahern, to the House. I also welcome the Bill before the House which focuses on the security of our supply of oil, the life blood of economic life in any country today. I can think of no other substance whose loss would have such a profound effect on the workings of this planet and we, in common with just about every other country in the world, are entirely dependent on a steady, guaranteed supply of oil. If I were to be flippant about it I would suggest that it is oil which really makes the world go round, and Ireland with it.

A guaranteed supply of oil is vital for the development of the economy and, in so far as it is possible, we should maintain our oil reserves to a prudent level. Most Members of this House will remember the oil shortages of 1973 and 1979, caused not by a visible diminution of the oil reserves of the Middle East but by a refusal of the oil states there to pump enough oil from the ground to meet world needs.

The 1973 shortage was caused by an embargo as a direct result of the Yom Kippur war between Israel and Egypt and we got squashed between the two factions. The result was alarming across the world, with people no longer able to drive their cars with the same freedom as heretofore and economic activity threatened across the board. It was the first time there had been a fuel shortage since the Second World War and people did not like it. There were long lines of motorists at the petrol pumps queuing for the precious petrol, with negative consequences.

First, many were away from their work because filling stations were open for only a few hours a day and there was consequent loss of productivity. Second, as a result of the long queues, engines were left running for long periods with consequent loss of fuel. There was a feeling of doom and gloom over the country and an air of general insecurity. It was pointless even for Governments to try to promise action, much less an increase in the availability of petrol. We just had to sit there and take the punishment.

The point is that our economy, while dependent on oil even then, was not a fraction of what it is now. A serious oil shortage, for whatever reason, be it a political act, a sense that world supplies are running out, or the result of conflict, would be disastrous, not only for Ireland but for the entire world trade.

This was not an energy shortage per se. There was no shortage of any type of energy except that derived from petroleum and there was no real shortage of petroleum, just that those who provided it had decided they were not being paid enough for it. It is tempting to blame the oil suppliers of the Middle East for their greed, but they were only doing what any businessmen would have done and what most unprincipled businessmen would have done a lot sooner.

The result was that the price of a gallon of petrol jumped by 150%, which bit deep into the economy. The only benefit may have been that it made us aware of the limitations of the supply of petroleum and brought us a new consciousness of the realities of energy limitations. However, we have not done much different in the meantime.

Like every other developing country, we have become very dependent on oil and gas and we must ask ourselves if those sources of energy will always exist in sufficient quantity to serve our needs. We must begin to pursue and develop other sources of energy and there is no point in waiting until supplies of oil and gas begin to run out in earnest or become unavailable through political instability, natural disaster or other crisis.

We have seen such things happen in the past and paid the price through greatly inflated energy bills. We must start now on the practical development and further research of solar energy, wind and wave power and hydro sources. We should pursue an active programme of developing alternative forms of fuel in our transport fleet, especially biomass and ethanol.

Between 1990 and 2004, there was a large increase in oil imports to this country and, in that same period, the cost of oil rose from $15 a barrel to approximately $65 currently. It has even been higher in recent months and the Iran crisis and the possibility of US military action against that country will not help to stabilise prices, except at an exorbitant level.

There is no reason to believe the price of oil on the international markets or at the pumps will drop significantly in the near future. In the past, the OPEC countries increased output to stabilise the price of oil on the world market, but this in turn has its own dangers in the faster reduction of reserves, which will also help to hasten a scarcity. There was great uncertainty at that stage, something which we cannot afford to see happen again. We live in a most uncertain age.

I know the National Oil Reserves Agency is responsible for maintaining emergency oil stocks in Ireland and Irish stocks held in other EU states under bilateral agreement. Under these agreements, the host country agrees that it will not oppose the transfer of the oil in question to Ireland in the event of an emergency. This is fine in theory and in the easy-going peaceful times of today, but we should face the possibility that if there were to be a worldwide shortage, and economies and national survival depend on oil supplies, it may well be a case of every country for itself and the principle of "What I have, I hold" may well come to the fore.

There is nothing like being totally independent, as any farmer will say, for regardless of how friendly and helpful neighbours are, there is always some obligation when a machine, fodder or other item is loaned. In times of crisis, it is better to be independent and have it oneself, and this is what I want to see in this country. Quite simply, how can we guarantee the holding state will release whatever is being held in that country for us? If the country has a problem, the natural instinct will be to keep it. When the time comes, will our agreements hold up? In times of crisis, principles can go out the window and practicalities take over. We might well ask where this oil will be stored. Will it be in the UK, elsewhere in Europe or even in western Europe?

We have seen in recent years and months how Russia more or less held its neighbours to ransom by not releasing gas supplies until they were virtually on their knees. We do not want to be that dependent or that vulnerable to pressure or blackmail. Storage will have to be near this country and within the control of governments which will guarantee release of our stocks when required.

Do we not have sufficient oil capacity ourselves, and should we provide further capacity within our jurisdiction, perhaps on an uninhabited island? It strikes me that even if we were to store crude oil, the chances of getting it back in a crisis situation after it has been refined abroad may be rather slim. Do we have the refining capability to produce petrol from crude oil and should we provide or extend it? I have no doubt that the Minister of State will clarify these matters through the course of the debate.

Under section 23, a member of a local authority who becomes a director of the National Oil Reserves Agency would need to stand down from office. I am somewhat puzzled by this because that member would have been democratically elected to administer public affairs. I could understand more readily if the director were a Member of the Oireachtas or a Member of the European Parliament because NORA will report to both bodies and there could be a conflict of interests.

The right of a local authority member to sit on certain agencies has been curtailed by several recent Acts. It is a provision with which I am uncomfortable. It would appear that public representatives are being penalised for being elected and I am asking the Minister of State to re-examine this provision. Such people are appointed to bodies such as NORA because they have expertise in a particular area and it would be unwise to lose that expertise if a member needed to resign or forgo membership of the board. I am not in agreement with the principle that members of local authorities should not be included in any of these agencies or boards.

It is important to fund research into the practicalities and provision of other forms of energy in Ireland, such as hydroelectric, wind, biomass, solar energy, etc. These have worked well elsewhere and we have an abundance of wind and wave power that no other European country has.

Waterford City Council is providing an affordable housing scheme in Ballygunner where the houses have not yet been allocated. Solar panels have been installed in a number of houses for heating purposes and I commend the council on leading the way in this respect. After some time, further information on the usefulness and economic viability of such energy generation will become available and local authorities and, perhaps, those in the private sector might follow suit. I look forward to the day when solar energy panels or some other simple, but as yet unheard of, technology will be incorporated in every house to reduce the overall demand on public energy supplies. Not that long ago, double glazing was non-existent or installed in only the more expensive and upmarket houses. Now, it is standard practice in virtually every house being constructed or refurbished.

This and other initiatives would go towards a reduction of our dependence on oil and I commend the Government on providing grants towards the provision of wood chip and other alternative energy boilers in houses. There may be some difficulty in providing the burning material for these systems in sufficient quantities, which is a sure sign of growth in the market, but the market will react to ensure an adequate supply in due course.

I welcome the Taoiseach's statement last weekend to the effect that he would like to ease planning regulations for the provision of solar panels and turbines in houses to generate electricity. Currently, a small wind turbine on the side of a house needs planning permission, but encouraging this kind of innovation among new house providers would add to a growing independence from the use of oil and other fossil fuels with consequent benefits for our environment and balance of payments. However, the planning process must be simplified and made more user-friendly. It seems odd that the provision of a satellite dish on the side of a house does not need planning permission while a smaller wind turbine, which would be far more productive, does. I welcome that the Taoiseach made this practical suggestion and I hope it will be implemented in the not too distant future.

I regret that we are not making full use of our railways and that, through our history, they have been under-utilised. This may have been justified in the economically slow decades after the foundation of the State, but we are well into our second decade of unprecedented growth and production. There have been 15 years of expansion in the demand for consumer goods and it has been necessary to transport them around the country primarily by road. We must take more transport vehicles off the road. The port tunnel initiative was an excellent venture and, when fully facilitated, will further ease traffic congestion with greater fuel efficiency. Trains would be even more fuel efficient and CIE must be encouraged to be more proactive in looking to expand its freight business because even our limited rail network has the potential to take a significant number of vehicles off the roads. The development of any element of our rail transport system, whether freight or passenger, to attract more users has the same potential and we must work more diligently in that direction.

The Bill is a bold and far-sighted measure and deals with a subject which is vital to our national interest. I commend it to the House.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House to discuss this important legislation which gives statutory effect to the establishment of the National Oil Reserves Agency. No one has difficulty with the Bill in principle and it has been passed by the Dáil. The Labour Party welcomes the statutory underpinning of NORA, which is long overdue. It started life in the Dáil before the 2006 summer recess and was discussed considerably. I am sure it will not take long to pass through this House.

As speakers have stated, providing NORA with statutory underpinning is important because everyone knows how dependent our country is on oil. That consumption per capita increased by more than 50% between 1990 and 2002 is notable and is in line with economic expansion and a great level of economic activity. Oil is the most significant element of our dependency, accounting for more than 55% of our total primary energy requirement in 2004. As Senator Kenneally pointed out, we must examine alternatives. We do not need to be told that the world’s oil production will peak. When that will be is a matter of some discussion and dispute.

As an economy with a significant energy requirement, we must examine our responsibility under the Kyoto Agreement, especially the manner in which we are overdependent on unsustainable energy sources, including oil, which has a considerable impact in terms of global warming. We have a responsibility, but the Government is not living up to it.

How quickly the context and conversation have changed is notable. Everyone knows that we must move away from our oil dependency. As there is a public will to do so, I appeal to the Government to build on that will in a better way than it has done. We must reduce our emissions, make our contribution to a safer world, recognise the dangers posed by an accelerated rate of global warming and allow people to use alternatives. I do not disagree with Senator Kenneally's suggestions.

I am a member of the Joint Committee on Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, at which a presentation was made by a Dutch expert two years ago or more. He claimed that our capacity for wind energy is so great that we could, if we managed it properly, be in a position to export it from this country. Think about how that would even further transform the level of national wealth. Ireland could be selling energy to our neighbours and into the European grid. It must be asked why we are not doing this. We would become as rich, in those terms, as oil producing countries have been for years. Furthermore, wind as a resource will never run out.

I should like to know why we are not developing wind energy at a greater level than we are currently. I come from a constituency where one has not to drive too far to see turbines and I have no difficulty with them. We should also be developing the capacity for offshore wind energy.

I am sure research has been done on the potential downsides to wind energy, in other words storage, in the context of Ireland being connected to the European grid. We know that oil will ultimately run out. Before that point is reached, however, supply could be problematic, given that in many cases it must be sourced from some of the world's more unstable regions. The level of production available on world markets is not something we can control. Given the upward price variations in oil in recent years and our dependency on it, it would be irresponsible not to look for alternatives and ways in which to reduce this dependency. In terms of the heating of homes and buildings there are many options available such as solar energy, wood chip and ways of tapping into the earth's natural energy through piping. Energy may be tapped low underneath a house simply by piping. All of these initiatives involve sustainable sources of energy. Bio-ethanol has been mentioned as well. None of these solutions will solve our energy problems on their own, but taken together in an overall strategy, their potential as alternatives must be accelerated.

I have mentioned emissions, carbon tax, the footprint question, all new terms that we have become familiar with only recently. People ask me all the time why new houses are not required to have solar panels. They ask why developers are not required to ensure that houses are meeting the standards necessary for fuel consumption to be at the most efficient and effective levels. We are simply not doing enough in that regard.

We also face a major issue with regard to our carbon tax responsibilities. Much of that, strictly speaking, is not the concern of this legislation, nonetheless I welcome the opportunity to raise these matters. We need a comprehensive strategy for developing alternatives. We need an effective and speedy strategy to reduce our dependence on oil. We not only know that oil will run out, but it is a non-sustainable resource and as such, contributes to global warming. We have responsibilities to the future, not only in environmental but economic terms, to manage a rapidly changing situation.

I welcome this legislation. I have some knowledge of its pre-history. In the late 1970s I was working on the energy section in the Department of Foreign Affairs with the then Department of Industry and Commerce and I have a clear recollection of all the discussions that were going on, with the EEC and more particularly, the International Energy Agency, IEA, about the holding of reserves. Ireland was hit, as were other countries, by the second international oil crisis. Other speakers have evoked spectacles of the long queues, shortages and enormous price rises which seriously disrupted the economy. People are apt to give political explanations of our difficulties in the 1970s and 1980s and these are valid enough, up to a point. However, it was the background of the enormous increase in the price of oil that created difficulties for all the western economies. The international recession that hit after the second oil crisis, in 1980, was very deep. It lasted a good deal longer in Ireland than in most other countries. None of us is in any doubt about the importance of measures that will help to cushion us, to a degree, against the repetition of those circumstances.

Taking a 25 year perspective, undoubtedly all countries have reduced somewhat what was then an acute dependence on imported oil. There has been a recognition of the need to diversify sources of energy, a matter that is preoccupying us as well. For a period the Government in the late 1970s established the Irish National Petroleum Corporation, INPC. It required one of the most inspired pieces of State body acquisition, the Whitegate oil refinery. This was started by the outgoing Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition and completed by the incoming Fianna Fáil Government in the spring of 1982. Even though a levy had to be imposed we were buying some degree of security of supply. There was also the Whiddy Island oil terminal, where some of the reserves were stored. As time passed we found we could have pragmatic arrangements whereby reserves for which particular countries were responsible could be held abroad.

We are not without occasional distant rumbles of thunder when it comes to energy supply, with politically motivated interruptions to gas supplies from Russia and other countries in eastern Europe, where the control of pipelines is mostly from Moscow. In the event, the temptation for the Kremlin to use some of its potential political clout is virtually irresistible, at least in the local areas.

There is also the political stand-off in terms of the Iraq war which severely disrupted supplies from what had been one of the most important oil producers in the Middle East, apart from Saudi Arabia. There is also the political situation vis-à-vis Iran. We certainly hope President Bush’s assurances that war will not break out there prove correct. Were conflict to break out, especially between the West and Iran, oil supplies could be highly disrupted. We certainly are not out of the woods.

I would be much happier if we were able to do more and that it was within our power to increase our security of supply. I am not referring to oil. The prolonged and continued stand-off over the Corrib gas field is not in the national interest. I hope that situation will be resolved. Perhaps on the other side of a general election, regardless of how it goes, it may be easier to resolve it. In the run-up to a general election, agitation on matters by various groups tends to increase.

The country needs those gas supplies, not because they would be available at a cheaper price than the world gas price, because that would not make economic sense, as we discovered with the Kinsale gas field and other forms of subsidised gas which were used for a period when employment was much less readily available and much more needed than today, but primarily from a security of supply point of view. While the initial stages of the project in terms of public relations and consultation with the local community left a great deal to be desired, many extraneous matters were brought into the issue. While safety considerations are legitimate matters for local groups to be concerned about and protest about, national energy policy is not a matter for groups to exercise obstruction. National energy policy is a matter for the Government and the Oireachtas.

I do not have much sympathy with what seems to be 1970s style national resource socialist thinking, the type of thinking that inspired decisions taken when Justin Keating was the Minister in charge of energy in the mid-1970s. We have moved on from that and more than 30 years have passed since then. Nobody expects that oil and gas supplies in this country, even if we have more of them than we suspect, will make us a wealthy nation. I remember writing papers in 1979 or 1980 on the political and economic consequences of oil-gas finds, which was an interesting exercise. Ireland has not turned out to be, and clearly will not be, a second Norway in terms of abundance of supply. We have managed to make significant progress in terms of prosperity through entirely different routes.

Energy is still important and the high cost of it is one of the threats in terms of the challenges to our competitiveness and continued prosperity. Oil will not be black or Spanish gold that somehow transforms the country. Any thinking based on that is fallacious.

We still need to pay attention and attribute importance to having in place a proper energy conservation policy. I accept there is such a policy and initiatives to encourage it but we need to keep working on that. The Taoiseach, at the recent Ógra Fianna Fáil conference in Galway, made a number of energy related environmental proposals, which I hope the next Government will implement.

I very much support this necessary Bill. It is important but it will only take us so far. Our security of energy supply relies on much more than energy policy, important though that is. It also relies on how international politics and diplomacy are conducted. It is important that we reduce the energy intensity of our economy.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I also welcome the opportunity to speak on this important Bill. Since the Second Stage debate on it in the other House last June, much has changed on the energy, environmental and agricultural fronts in regard to alternative energy. My party has made considerable strides to fill the gap left by Government's inaction on this issue.

This Bill allows us the chance to discuss the issue with which it is supposed to deal, namely, the availability of vital fuel supplies in a rapidly changing world. Our perspective today is dramatically different from even six months ago when this Bill was first debated, and it was recognised that alternative sources of energy to oil must be utilised.

If our economy continues to grow at its current rate, and it is to be hoped it will, demand for oil and various forms of energy will see a similar growth. It is up to us to ensure we opt for renewable energy alternatives in every case possible, which would dramatically reduce the impact in terms of the importation of fuels into this economy with the related economic and environmental cost. As an island, we are in a catch-22 situation. We import oil but need it to fuel the transportation necessary to bring in this essential fuel. Imports cannot be brought in underground and require transport by air or sea, increasing carbon emissions in the pursuit of more emission causing fuels.

Alarm bells are ringing loudly concerning climate change here and elsewhere in the world. Friends of the Earth and other groups spoke on this issue, which was hotly debated, at a meeting of a joint committee today. The Government has been persuaded to give up its passive stance on this issue and is responding, if somewhat belatedly, to the fact that we have one of the highest levels of greenhouse emissions per head of population in the world, exceeded only by the US and Luxembourg.

The European Commission's plan to force car makers to cut the amount of carbon dioxide produced by their cars to an average figure of 130 g per km by 2012 is welcome, but this 19% cut, however, is only a step and must be augmented in Ireland by Fine Gael's plan to charge heavy polluting vehicles a higher rate of VRT, a proposal Fianna Fáil completely side-stepped. The European Commission has taken a vital step in standing up to producers of big heavy polluting cars and this cut should do much to tackle greenhouse gas emissions across Europe. However, this figure relates to average output and while there are many makes of car that already emit less than 130 g of CO2 per kilometre, there are other makes of large luxury cars producing twice the target amount.

A carrot and stick approach is needed to confront these polluters. In power, Fine Gael will reduce emissions from vehicles by establishing a system of energy-efficiency labelling for vehicles and rewarding those that are awarded a higher rating with a reduced rate of VRT. Similarly, vehicles with a lower rate of efficiency will be penalised with a higher rate of VRT. Fine Gael published this policy as long ago as November 2005, inviting the Government to adopt the proposal as it is vital carbon dioxide emissions are cut. Fianna Fáil completely ignored this issue, blocking Fine Gael's VRT plan and providing a 12-month window in the last budget for a massive increase in sales of vehicles that emit huge amounts of greenhouse gas.

Cars are taxed according to their CC level.

Under this Government, Ireland is already emitting twice its Kyoto obligations and taxpayers will pay for Government inaction.

The release by the ESB of two sites for the development of new independent power stations at Lanesboro, County Longford and Shannonbridge, County Offaly, have the potential to provide a much needed injection to the development of the renewable crop sector in Ireland, especially in the midlands. These two new sites have the ability to support local jobs and the farming community and to put renewable crops firmly on the agenda. Under an agreement between the ESB and the Commission for Energy Regulation, the site of the former Lanesboro and Shannonbridge power stations will be offered for sale with immediate effect to independent electricity generators. This is a very positive development and has huge potential to kick start the development of wood chip fuelled power stations in the midlands, which would support local employment in the harvesting and chipping of crops such as willow.

Wood chip boilers are manufactured in County Tipperary.

It would also provide local farmers with an alternative cash crop that would sustain rural communities. Wood chip provides a more sustainable long-term income to farmers compared with biofuels, which are prone to competition from imports. Therefore, such a policy would also address Ireland's vulnerability to imported oil, gas, coal and biofuels, which in the longer term could have an impact on the location of foreign direct investment in the country.

The failure by the Government to implement a co-ordinated strategy on renewable energy will reduce the positive potential impact of the two new sites. This is because of the contradictory approach taken by different Departments. For example, farmers who grow such crops will lose their REPS and disadvantaged area payments. This is regrettable because farmers who wish to grow alternative crops will be denied those payments. Under the Department of Agriculture and Food's scheme for promoting the growing of renewable energy crops, a local farmer in REPS would lose €12,000 of existing income by growing 100 acres of such crops. Land in the counties of Longford, Westmeath, Roscommon and Offaly would be ideally suited to growing renewable energy crops such as willow, but it is less beneficial to grow the crops in these areas due to the clawback structure being put in place by the Department. Under the Minister's scheme, farmers will receive grants to grow elephant grass and willow. However, if they receive this grant, they will not be able to draw down their REPS or disadvantaged area payments on lands used to produce energy crops.

It is also imperative that the Government sets clear targets for the wood energy sector in Ireland. There are currently no targets in place to allow for the replacement of imported fossil fuels with domestic wood energy. Such a strategy is now urgently required and in tandem with this the Government must introduce a public service obligation. The public currently pays a small levy per unit of electricity which is then used to subsidise Bord na Móna for its peat production, as peat cannot compete with oil and coal. This levy is in place as peat is our only indigenous energy source. Therefore, it is vital to extend this levy to other indigenous energy sources, such as renewable energy. However, as it stands, unlike peat, renewables are at a commercial disadvantage as they do not receive support.

If the Government delays addressing the anomaly whereby farmers lose part of their current income supports if they grow renewable energy crops——

Does this have any connection with the Bill under discussion?

——or if it fails to put wood chip on the same footing as peat, commercial decisions will be made by the purchasers of these sites which may not have the same financial impact for farming or the local economy. I am delighted the Minister for Agriculture and Food has responded to pressure and recently announced an energy crop scheme with €8 million in funding. This will provide a boost to hard-pressed farmers and help to tackle the looming energy crisis. It had seemed our ideas were falling on deaf ears for some time.

The Senator should conclude.

However, the plan shows a typical lack of joined-up thinking from the Government, with the shameful exclusion of REPS farmers from the scheme.

Ten out of ten for relevance.

The Government has been very slow to respond to the increasing energy crisis, but this is a welcome start to the development of a renewable energy sector within the farming industry. Farmers have been deterred from producing energy crops due to start-up costs and a lack of Government incentives, yet once again there is a closed door for some of our farmers.

Senator Bannon should conclude.

Fine Gael has also addressed some of these problems and will continue to do so.

But not the Bill we are discussing.

Ireland has an ever-increasing dependency on imported fuels which at 90%, compared to an EU average of 50%, is a huge threat to our economy. The Government needs to wake up to that threat. I would love to have more time, because I was hoping to address a number of issues——

The Bill, perhaps?

Senator Kenneally stated that we should utilise our rail service. We are trying to ensure——

I ask the Senator to conclude. We are out of time.

There are plans to utilise our rail service, but we have been misled by the Government and by Senators in the House on the opening up of the midland railway line between Mullingar and Athlone.

I think Senator Bannon took the wrong railway track.

I thank the Senators for their contributions to what was an open and wide-ranging discussion. I know the Minister, Deputy Dempsey, is looking forward to their assistance in bringing forward this Bill. It is evident from the debate that there is widespread support from all Senators for its provisions. Many interesting views were expressed on various aspects of energy policy and I welcome the contribution to the general debate on this important area. The Minister is looking forward to early consideration of the Bill on Committee Stage, with the overall objective of progressing it to the Statute Book as quickly as possible.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 6 March 2007.

When is it proposed to sit again?

On Thursday, 1 March at 10.30 a.m.

Sitting suspended at 8.40 p.m. and resumed at 8.50 p.m.
Top
Share