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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 26 May 2015

Vol. 240 No. 4

National Drugs Strategy: Statements

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Aodhán Ó Ríordáin.

I apologise for the delay as I was responding to a debate in the Dáil. I am pleased to address Members of the Seanad on my new role within the Department of Health, aligned to my responsibilities in the Departments of Justice and Equality and the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, in regard to the national drugs strategy. I wish to update the House on my priorities in advancing this agenda.

I am delighted to be afforded the opportunity to undertake this role. I see it as a vital role that needs the attention of a dedicated Minister. My experience as a teacher and principal in Dublin's north inner city taught me all about the horrors of drug abuse and the need to tackle the effects that it can have on the individual, their families and communities. I am deeply committed to doing all I can, as Minister of State, to reduce the damage that drug use causes to individuals and to wider Irish society. Problem drug use continues to be one of the most significant challenges facing our country. It results in damaging consequences for the individual concerned and for their families and it also impacts the wider community and society on multiple levels. Directly or indirectly, every community is affected by drug abuse and addiction.

Those struggling with drug problems are often the most marginalised in our society. They may have multiple, complex and interlocking needs such as poverty, housing, poor health and education, which require multiple interventions involving a range of different agencies. Consequently, the national drugs strategy aims to promote inter-agency working in a difficult cross-cutting policy and service area. Its overall objective is to tackle the harm caused to individuals and society by the misuse of drugs through a concerted focus on the five pillars, which are: supply reduction; prevention; treatment; rehabilitation; and research. The strategy is based on a co-ordinated approach across many Departments and agencies, in conjunction with the community and voluntary sectors. We are beginning work on a successor to the current strategy, about which I will speak in more detail later.

The national drugs prevalence survey 2010-11 provided key data on drug prevalence in Ireland. For example, levels of illegal drug use were mainly stable in Ireland between 2006-07 and 2010-11. Some 7% of all adults reported using any illegal drug in the year prior to the survey; cannabis was the most commonly used illegal drug and 6% of all adults reported using the drug in the year prior to the survey; 6.5% reported using sedatives and tranquillisers in the year prior to the survey; and 5% reported using anti-depressants in the same period. This survey is currently being repeated and the information gathered will inform future policy direction and contribute to the development of the new strategy.

Unfortunately, because of the nature of the particular issue, we do not have good data on heroin usage in Ireland. The national advisory committee on drugs and alcohol is undertaking a survey which will provide us with useful estimates of heroin usage. Even without this data, I am satisfied that heroin represents a substantial element of our drugs problem and I am determined to find the most effective ways to address this scourge.

The scale and nature of the drug problem in Ireland is constantly evolving. We need to maintain our focus on combating this serious problem. It is also useful to acknowledge some areas where significant progress has been made in recent years.

Prevention and awareness programmes constitute a significant part of the Government's response to the drug problem. The social, personal and health education programme is the foundation for developing awareness of drug and alcohol issues in schools. I know from my own experience as a teacher and principal that maximising school completion rates is central to the prevention of potential problem drug and alcohol use. In addition, research shows that having a positive experience of school and learning is a major protective factor that reduces the risk of substance use.

As well as providing substance use education in schools, young people at risk of drug misuse are supported through diversionary programmes providing facilities and services and are offered family support. Very significant investment is being made in the Garda youth diversion programme. It seeks to divert at risk young people from becoming involved in criminal behaviour, including drug-related crime, and in preventing their succumbing to drug misuse. My colleague, the Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald, recently announced that an additional €2.8 million has been secured under dormant assets funding. The funding will enable a further ten new Garda youth diversion projects to be established in targeted areas. This will bring to 110 the total number of youth diversion projects in operation nationwide.

Achieving improved health outcomes for people with addiction issues is a key priority in the HSE service plan for 2015. In recent years, the HSE has placed a particular emphasis on ensuring appropriate treatment services are provided, on a timely basis, for service users. Waiting times for access to services, particularly outside Dublin, have been considerably reduced. At the end of December 2014, over 97% of clients over the age of 18 accessed treatment within one calendar month of assessment, while 100% of those under 18 received treatment within one week. Additional funding of €2.1 million has been provided in the HSE's budget for 2015, which includes an additional 53 beds, creating 439 new treatments.

There is now comprehensive coverage of needle exchange services across the country. The expansion of needle exchange outside Dublin, with the support of funding from the Elton John Aids Foundation, has resulted in the recruitment and training of over 130 community pharmacies. I recently attended a presentation by the HSE on how this programme is operated and I was impressed by the success of the initiative to date. In fact, during 2014 over 42,000 packs which contained over 240,000 needles were given out.

Approximately 9,800 people are availing of opioid substitution treatment. The number of new entrants to treatment, whose main problem drug is heroin, is in decline. However, in recent years the rise in polydrug use, including alcohol and prescription medication, has become an increasing cause for concern.

I welcome the HSE-led project on naloxone which was launched in recent days. Naloxone is an antidote used to reverse the effects of opioid drugs like heroin, morphine and methadone in some overdoses. This innovative project involves training lay persons such as the family and friends of a drug user, in the administration of a naloxone injection to overdose victims. Research shows that providing increased access to naloxone for people likely to witness an overdose is an effective way of reducing overdose deaths. I have no doubt that lives will be saved as a result of this initiative. Every drug-related death is a tragedy for the families and friends of the person involved and has a considerable impact on communities and society as a whole. The provision of naloxone to those most at risk and their families is a real step in the right direction.

We also need to consider the introduction of medically supervised injecting rooms. There is a problem with street injecting in Dublin and elsewhere. This creates a public nuisance and is unhygienic and unsafe for drug users. There are supervised injecting facilities in a number of other countries and it is a policy I am very interested in. Last week, I received a draft legislative proposal from Ana Liffey and the Bar Council's voluntary assistance scheme which would allow for the provision of such services. I welcome the initiative and I have asked my officials to examine the practical and legal issues surrounding the proposal.

A longitudinal drug treatment outcome study measuring the effectiveness of opioid treatment, called the Research Outcome Study in Ireland or ROSIE study, showed that drug treatment works. Significant reductions are shown in the key outcome areas of drug use, involvement in crime and in injecting drug use.

In terms of drug supply reduction, the drug market and associated crime has a particularly corrosive impact on Irish communities, whether that is by virtue of gangland crime and related murders or through the intimidation imposed on local communities by those involved in drug crime. Our criminal justice agencies continue to play a significant role in seeking to address the many challenges faced in tackling such drug-related criminal activity. Our law enforcement response in targeting those involved in drug trafficking remains an important feature of our overall approach in addressing the drugs issue. The continued disruption of the supply of illicit drugs remains a key priority area which is reflected in the Garda Síochána's policing plan for 2015.

Work in this area is being led by the recently merged Garda Drugs and Organised Crime Bureau. The bureau works with dedicated drug units across the country and other national units, including the Criminal Assets Bureau and targets those involved in the illicit sale and supply of drugs.

The specific strategies put in place by An Garda Síochána to address drug supply include the operation of targeted intelligence-led initiatives focused on particular aspects of the drugs trade. A further feature of our policing response is An Garda Síochána's ongoing close co-operation with the Revenue Commissioners' Customs service and with other national drug law enforcement agencies such as the Health Products Regulatory Authority in tackling drug supply.

At an international level, An Garda Síochána has strategic partnerships in place targeting drug trafficking, including working closely with relevant law enforcement agencies such as Interpol and Europol. Last November, I was delighted to attend and speak at a successful major global conference that was held in Dublin which focused on tackling pharmaceutical crime. The conference was jointly hosted by Interpol, An Garda Síochána and the Health Products Regulatory Authority.

In addition, the national drugs strategy includes a number of specific actions which target related aspects of drug crime. For example, the problem of drug-related threats and intimidation has been the subject of increasing concern. The Government is determined to tackle this form of criminality which has a detrimental effect on families, communities and society as a whole. Under the strategy, a framework for tackling this particular problem has been put in place by An Garda Síochána. The drug-related intimidation programme has been established by the Garda national drugs unit in conjunction with the community based national family support network. The purpose of this programme is to respond to the needs of drug users, their family members and-or friends who experience drug-related intimidation to repay drug debts.

While good progress has been made, much work remains to be done. Problem drug users are individuals with their own individual needs. We must focus on their health needs and continue to promote the recovery of problem drug users, help them reintegrate into society and reach their full potential. This means services having a common vision on recovery and working together through a client-centred approach to foster client progression.

All services need to get behind the national drugs rehabilitation framework which is being rolled out across the country, with the support of the drug and alcohol task forces. The framework aims to ensure a continuum of care for the recovering drug user through promoting a client centred approach to rehabilitation across the spectrum of services and based on shared care planning.

Drug misuse is associated with a wide array of negative physical and mental health outcomes that are exacerbated with advancing age. Ireland has an ageing population of people in opiate substitution treatment. The needs of this cohort pose unique challenges for services and underline the need for joined-up interagency working.

In 2012, there were 633 drug-related deaths in Ireland, which is a small decline in the overall number of drug-related deaths when compared with the 2011 figures. The number of deaths in which heroin was involved also continues to decline. Nevertheless, drug-related deaths still remain at an unacceptable level and every death is a tragedy. Evidence shows that those who are out of treatment are approximately three times more likely to die than those who are stable in treatment. Accordingly, we need to redouble our efforts to get people into treatment and on a recovery pathway.

Alcohol causes significant damage across the population, in workplaces, to children and creates a substantial burden on all in Irish society. The Government is committed to taking action to protect the health and well-being of the wider public, especially children, from alcohol use. A comprehensive and detailed package of measures has been approved to address the problem.

The general scheme of the public health (alcohol) Bill was published last February and the Bill is being drafted.

The Minister for Health intends to have the Bill before the summer recess and to introduce it in the Houses of the Oireachtas in the autumn. The legislation is the most far-reaching proposed by any Irish Government, with alcohol being addressed for the first time as a public health measure. The Bill is part of a comprehensive suite of measures to reduce excessive patterns of alcohol consumption, as set out in the steering group report on a national substance misuse strategy. My colleague, the Minister, Deputy Leo Varadkar, is leading the implementation of this strategy.

In March this year, the Minister for Health brought forward emergency legislation to deal with an adverse Court of Appeal decision regarding the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977. The purpose of this Act is to prevent the misuse of dangerous or otherwise harmful substances, and it does so by declaring substances to be controlled under the Act and then imposing a range of controls on substances depending on their therapeutic or other value and their potential for misuse. The type of control provided for includes controls on possession, supply, importation and exportation, cultivation, licensing, administration, record-keeping, prescription-writing, destruction and safe custody of controlled drugs. The Act also establishes offences and penalties for non-compliance. Substances may be controlled by two mechanisms: either by being listed in the Schedule to the Act, or by being declared controlled by means of a Government order made under section 2(2). It was this section which the Court of Appeal ruling declared unconstitutional. The court found that while it was appropriate for the Oireachtas to delegate the power to the Government to declare substances to be controlled, the Act did not offer sufficient guidance to the Government in its exercise of this power. The ruling had the effect of decontrolling all substances that had been controlled by Government order, including ecstasy, new psychoactive substances and benzodiazepines. This meant it was no longer an offence to possess these substances. The Oireachtas passed emergency legislation on 11 March to restore the controls on such substances by placing these in the Schedule to the Act. In addition, emergency legislation, namely the Misuse of Drugs (Amendment) Act 2015, confirmed a number of ministerial orders and regulations made under the Act. This means that those orders and regulations are as if they were an Act of the Oireachtas and cannot be amended or revoked without primary legislation.

My aim in the coming months is to bring forward another Bill to amend the Misuse of Drugs Act so as to allow the Government to control substances anew, thereby meeting our EU and international obligations to control substances that are dangerous and have the potential for abuse. Furthermore, the Bill will clarify the provisions under which Ministerial orders and regulations are made. This will once again allow regulations to be made and, if necessary and appropriate, to impose stricter or less strict controls on substances which are already covered under the legislation.

As Minister of State with responsibility for the national drugs strategy, I will be leading the development of the drugs strategy for the period after 2016. My intention in the coming months is to lay the groundwork for a concise and focused policy, placing a clear emphasis on the practical implementation of actions. The other consideration is the optimum timeframe for the new strategy, bearing in mind the evolving nature of the drugs phenomenon. This work will include an assessment of the extent to which the current strategy has provided an effective policy response to the drug problem. An examination of the approach to drugs policy and practice in other jurisdictions will also help to identify any additional evidence-based approaches that might be considered in an Irish context. I intend to consult widely and to meet all groups and stakeholders concerned with the drugs issue. I want to listen to the concerns of those affected, and I am particularly keen to hear from young people, service users and their families. I also want to hear from Members of this House who have an interest in and concern about this area.

I wish the Minister of State all the best in his new role, which involves responsibility for drugs. However, given the delivery of his 16-page speech and the fact it was printed beforehand, he might as well have posted it out to us and we could have read it at our leisure. I did not see the fire and passion we need and which, in fairness, the Minister of State shows in many other areas. I want him to take my remarks constructively. He displays excellent resolve in many areas and needs to do so in this one. Some original thinking is required. Many of the previous approaches have not worked. If the objective is for us to eliminate illegal drug use, which I presume it is, as a society and a Government we have failed miserably in that. My party was in government for many of those years and I do not exempt us from criticism on this issue.

The appointment of the Minister of State was very welcome. It was late, which was not his fault but rather that of the Government. There seemed to be complete forgetfulness in this area. On one of the few occasions on which I saw Leaders' Questions on the television, I saw Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan ask the Taoiseach about a drugs issue. His answer was, essentially, that he would get back to the Deputy. It struck me at the time that for a Taoiseach of the country not to be completely au fait with this area was disappointing, to be quite honest.

Earlier this year Fianna Fáil brought forward new policy proposals seeking to address the challenge of the prevalence of drug abuse in society. It is a challenge and there is no point in denying it. The people who advocate legalisation strategies cannot deny that there is a problem. The problem is not simply the illegal distribution of drugs; rather, the problem is the effects many of the illegal drugs have on people in terms of addiction, and the long-term effects some non-addictive drugs appear to have on people. We all know people who smoke a lot of cannabis and - let us be honest - it has an effect on them. The idea that cannabis is a harmless drug or does not cause problems is not correct. We know people who smoke it on a very regular basis and are not fulfilling their normal roles in society, as far as I can see.

Fianna Fáil pledged to appoint a Minister for drugs because at the time we saw that there was a clear gap and that a Minister with specific responsibility for this problem was needed. There are also health and justice issues, as well as how we deal with people in communities where drug abuse is rampant. We welcome the fact that the Government has finally appointed the Minister of State. Fianna Fáil is often accused of having no policies, but this was one policy that was adopted. We had such a policy when in government, and we felt it needed to continue.

We want to build on the national drugs strategy and the Minister of State is considering this. We hope it is done relatively quickly. The Minister of State referred to the period after 2016. We want to implement a new national substance misuse strategy which is inclusive of all drugs, including alcohol and cannabis. In fairness to the Minister of State, there was substantial discussion of alcohol in his speech.

We need to address anti-social behaviour experienced in cities as a result of drug abuse. Senator Marie-Louise O'Donnell famously did a slot on the "Today" show on RTE about O'Connell Street and the difficulties encountered by people walking on it and there is no doubt that a lot of the difficulties are drug-fuelled. Fianna Fáil also believes after-care services need to be improved. There is no point in pretending that things in this area are static. The landscape of drug use in Ireland has changed dramatically and there are emerging needs regarding the nature and prevalence of drug use throughout the country.

We once thought heroin was a problem of inner-city Dublin. Everyone's eyes have been opened to the heroin problem. Substance misuse is complex and cuts across other issues, including poverty and a lack of resources in communities. It has a major impact, and the problem can be caused by various social and personal factors. The drugs issue causes other problems. There is a chain reaction.

Alcohol and cannabis misuse is prevalent. I understand alcohol misuse among young people is decreasing overall, about which I am glad, but it may not be enough compared to the situation ten years ago or more. That may have something to do with the financial situation and the price of alcohol. Many people drink less now than they did when economic times were better and perhaps that is good. There seems to have been a lack of urgency on the part of the Government to address the issue, which has resulted in an inadequate response. We would say this was symbolised by the negligence of the Cabinet, which has responsibility for appointing Ministers of State, in appointing a Minister of State with responsibility for dealing with the drugs problem.

A former Fianna Fáil Minister, Mr. Pat Carey, helped to tie things together between different Departments and agencies in order to bring forward a strategy.

My party has published its national drugs action plan, but I was not involved in its production as I was not the spokesperson on drugs at the time. My colleagues who produced the plan had extensive consultation with various groups. My colleague Senator Darragh O'Brien is chairman of the drugs task force on the north side of Dublin; he has, therefore, great experience of this issue. My colleagues spoke to the groups who are working to tackle the abuse of drugs at community level. People had an overwhelming sense that the drugs crisis had slipped off the Government's agenda. I encourage the Minister of State to show the same passion he has displayed when debating other issues such as asylum seekers. His personal commitment to the marriage equality referendum has been second to none. On certain issues he might not get the result that he wants from the Cabinet. I ask him to give a personal commitment to tackle this issue, because he is capable of making changes and getting a better response from the Government.

My party's first proposal was to appoint a Minister with responsibility for drugs. Communication between the various services in the Department of Health, the Department of Justice and Equality, social services, Tusla, local government and community services can be conducted on an ad hoc basis, and services often operate in isolation. There is a genuine and urgent need for political leadership, which the Minister of State has the potential to provide, in order to create workable structures and to close the gap that has emerged between the Government, which is the maker of policy, and the providers on the ground.

There is an escalating crisis in polydrug use and the increasing use of cannabis. I do not favour any legalisation of cannabis, even in other forms, because it changes one's personality.

As the Minister of State has mentioned, the sale and abuse of prescription drugs has infiltrated communities across the country. I have a lot more to say on drugs, but I only have eight minutes. Let us be clear. The Minister of State has an important role to play. Other matters have gone off the agenda because they have been dealt with. It is now time for him to grasp this nettle and do what he can. I urge him to get his house in order, get the strategy laid down and get the agencies to work together to curb drug abuse. The problem is increasing in areas where it would not have been in existence ten years ago. Heroin use is a relatively static phenomenon but it has caused huge problems for a lot of people. The drugs landscape has changed so much, as the Minister of State acknowledged in his speech. My party will support him once he is seen to be tackling the issue and making a genuine effort.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House and thank him for the work that he has done in this area. I compliment him on the way he has dealt with the media. He has conveyed a positive message on the new approach being taken to tackle this issue. We need a new approach to certain ways we have of dealing with the matter.

Let us look at an interesting study produced by the European School Survey Project, which interviewed 2,200 children aged under 16 years and found that 19% of them reported using an illicit drug in their lifetime. The figure is quite high, but it is still lower than the figure of 22% obtained from a similar survey. The National Advisory Committee on Drugs and Alcohol, NACDA, also carried out research which showed that 27% of participants reported using illegal drugs in their lifetime. The percentage was broken down into the following categories: in the 25 to 34 age group, 42% of participants confirmed they had used illicit drugs; in the 35 to 44 age group, it was 29%; and in the 15 to 24 age group, it was 27%. Those figures highlight the fact that there is an important job to be done in education and trying to steer people away from ever touching illicit drugs.

The national drugs strategy 2009 to 2016 sets out 63 objectives and we have made progress in these areas. The five pillars of the strategy are supply reduction, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and research.

The Joint Committee on Health and Children recently heard a presentation on drug addition and recovery. One of the speakers was a project leader from a HSE-run project in Dublin. He talked about the principles that reflect recovery and said:

Recovery is self-directed and empowering. Recovery involves a personal recognition of the need for change and transformation. Recovery involves rejoining and rebuilding life in the community. Recovery involves addressing discrimination and transcending shame and stigma.

Those are some of the issues that need to be highlighted. Recovery for a person who has a drug problem, which involves personal recognition of the need for change and transformation, requires a lot of support. When people arrive at that stage, a large number of them know that abstaining from drugs is the way they want to go, but it is difficult for them to succeed unless they have support. A survey of 1,007 drug users in Scotland showed that 56.6% identified abstinence as their main aspiration. To achieve that they need every bit of support, not only from friends, but from family and the health service also.

An interesting report entitled Addiction Recovery: A Contagious Paradigm! was presented to the Joint committee on Health and Children in 2014. I shall quote one of the people cited in the report, who said:

I saw the good life of those in recovery, began to buy into the process. ... Started to put on iPod and had a watch the time going to clinic and avoid speaking to others who were using drugs. I started seeing a counsellor, talking about self, stuff and family (once per week). Starting going out walking to mountains with non-using friends, every fortnight for full day. I also played soccer every Monday night. Began to write, keeping a diary.

He continued by stating the supports he received were the key to his recovery. The report just shows that we need to ensure support services are available.

In the national drugs strategy 2009 to 2016 we set out 63 objectives, but we need to continue to review the processes that are in place and see what changes must be made. The Minister of State has already identified a number of changes to be made in the comprehensive speech that he delivered here this evening, which were also mentioned in his broadcasts.

It is important that we look at alternatives. I was approached by one of the people who provide alternatives to methadone. We have had a high reliance on methadone as a heroin substitute and as a way to get people out of their difficulties. I apologise, but I cannot pronounce the name of the alternative drug that is available.

Yes. We need a change in legislation if we want to introduce it. Has the Government looked at alternatives to methadone? Quite a large number of people have been on methadone for more than ten years. An expert group was set up to assess the situation. The drug is called-----

It is called Suboxone.

Suboxone, yes; my apologies. An expert group recommended that Suboxone be introduced, but we need a change in legislation first.

Amending legislation will be necessary to allow it to be used. There are advantages in using the product as opposed to methadone. It has been tested and there is a reduced risk of misuse, overdose and death. It is unlikely to be diverted as a street drug and it reduces the top-up use of heroin. My figures are from 2012, when the latest data on drug related deaths implicated methadone in 86 deaths, be it alone or with another drug. They also noted that 68% of those who died in similar circumstances in 2011 accessed diverted methadone illegally, as they were not in treatment at the time. While methadone has been effective, there comes a time to consider its alternatives. Will amending legislation be introduced in 2015 and is it likely to be in place during this Government's lifetime?

The Minister of State has outlined what he intends to do in terms of supervision and access to facilities. These are welcome developments, but we must always consider new ways of dealing with this matter. We should highlight the importance of education, be it in schools, youth clubs or sport clubs, in outlining the dangers involved in using any type of illicit drug.

Cuirim céad fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. Fáiltím go mór roimh an díospóireacht iontach tábhachtach seo agus fáiltím freisin roimh cheapachán an Aire Stáit mar Aire atá ag plé le cúrsaí drugaí. Ach an oiread leis an Seanadóir a bhí ag labhairt romham, is deacair a fheiceáil, cé chomh cumasach agus atá an tAire Stáit, cén chaoi ar féidir leis na tránna ar fad a fhreastal maidir leis na cúraimí ar fad atá air agus cén chaoi ar féidir leis dóthain airde a thabhairt ar an cheist fíor-thábhachtach seo. Nílim ag fáil lochta ar an Aire Stáit, ach ag fáil lochta ar leagan amach na hoibre.

This is a complex issue. I have first-hand experience of dealing with drug and alcohol addiction close to home. It is not just a question of dealing with the addiction, but also the societal, familial and economic issues involved. The national drugs strategy has been running since 2009 and is to conclude in 2016. While it aims to cut across public policy and service delivery to tackle the drug problem, it is recognised by many as having failed to achieve that in any meaningful way. The numbers of those addicted to heroin is increasing and drug related deaths have increased by 50% in the past decade. At a joint policing committee meeting that I attended in Galway yesterday, the superintendent reiterated her concerns about the alarming increase in the misuse of heroin. Ecstasy tablet use everywhere has also increased. A councillor who was a taxi driver stated that he regularly had to clear ecstasy tablets out of the back of his cab on Saturday evenings. This indicates how much misuse there has been among our young people. The terrible and tragic death of Ana Hick in Dublin recently indicates that drugs are available not just in Galway, Dublin and so on, but also in any rural town that has a disco on a Saturday night. One is probably likely to find that some drugs are available quite handily to young people.

When one understands that funding to local drugs task forces has been cut by almost 80% in the past five years, the reasons for these issues, as well as the societal issues, become clear. In rural areas in recent years, health, support and social services have been cut back drastically. This has not helped the situation. My colleague, Sinn Féin's health spokesperson, Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, recently welcomed the Minister of State's appointment, as did I. Prior to that, we had the unfortunate circumstance of the current Government being the first in 21 years not to have a Minister of State with responsibility for dealing with the drugs problem. However, I must ask what the Minister of State's main priority is, as he also has responsibility for equality, new communities, culture and commemorations.

The Minister of State has stated the current national drugs strategy is too old and has lost energy and focus. We are happy with some of his statements so far and that he is willing to engage new methods in the fight against drugs. He stated he would be supportive of the introduction of injection centres for addicts. We should not rush to rule that proposal out before discussing it, as it seems to have some merit. There were issues with the dumping of drug paraphernalia in Galway recently, particularly in Westside, Ballinfoyle and Ballybane. This major problem must be addressed.

The alternative to injection centres for addicts is a continuation of the current dangers and problems with which we are all too familiar, including carelessly disposed of needles and the health risks of injecting in non-clinical settings. Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, who has met representatives of the Ana Liffey Drug Project, has stated we should be open to discussing the proposition, including its benefits and down sides, and making an informed decision based on all of the facts. I note the Minster of State's comments to the effect that methadone maintenance is not working for a cohort of drug addicts. There are more than 10,000 registered methadone users in the State, a large number; therefore, we must ensure we examine all options. I understand some of those being considered may be more expensive, but perhaps the Minister of State might comment on the small group of people who are receiving suboxone, how they are doing and whether consideration has been given to extending this project. The Minister of State has provided details on naloxone, but perhaps he could give more detail on that project. Naloxone has been made available for prescription to opioid drug users, the aim being to reduce drug related deaths. How will this be monitored and what is its end point?

Last month, the Minister of State told us that there were a number of addiction counsellor posts vacant in the Dublin region. Where are there vacancies in other regions? What has been done to ensure recruitment?

The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Health and Children recently agreed to address the issue of legal highs, mindful of the deaths that had occurred consequent on the use of those substances, not only in Ireland but on a European basis. A new strategy must address any legislative loophole and ensure that repeats of inadvertent legalisation do not occur. We as legislators, and the Government in the first instance, must address the damage being done to society by drugs. This problem faces every town and disproportionately affects communities that have been hardest hit by the current and previous Governments' austerity policies. A new national drugs strategy must recognise this and be adequately resourced for its duration so that the number taking drugs, and taken by drugs, does not continue to increase.

Today sees a work to rule in University Hospital Galway by the Psychiatric Nurses Association, PNA, which told me that two of the problems were overcrowding and the pressure on its members as a result of cutbacks in addiction services and so on. Obviously, this is a broad problem. I wish the Minister of State well in his efforts to tackle it, but I am concerned that he has a great deal on his plate.

I welcome the Minister of State and his appointment to this new role with responsibility for the national drugs strategy. That appointment is positive and the Minister of State brings immense commitment to the matter, given his personal experience as a teacher and principal in an area that had a significant drug problem and as a Labour Party colleague. I am glad that he has this role. I welcome the initiatives that have been taken and on which he has addressed the House, particularly those relating to SPHE, youth diversion projects, the extra funding for same and the interagency approach that has been adopted in the national drugs strategy and will be continued in the new strategy for the period after 2016. The Minister of State mentioned that, if we run out of time in this debate, he would be glad to return at a future date. It is an issue on which many of us have strong views and the Minister of State brings a passion to it.

We are conscious of the harm caused by drugs. The Minister of State mentioned a figure of 633 drug related deaths in 2012. From my background as a criminal justice practitioner who has represented many people before the criminal courts down through the years and often defended people with serious opiate addiction problems, I am well aware of the harm that can be caused by the misuse of drugs, but we need to bring to the debate on a national drugs strategy a measured and rational approach that is based on a harm reduction model.

I am glad to hear the Minister of State that say he is looking at evidence-based approaches that have been taken in other jurisdictions, because that is something we need to consider in devising a new national drugs strategy.

There are three things I would like to see us adopt in the new national drugs strategy. We need to treat addiction as a medical problem, a health problem predominantly, and not a criminal justice problem. From the Minister of State's speech and from our knowledge of the area, we would be very conscious that this is the case on the ground and that we have, as others have said, about 10,000 people on opiate substance programmes administered by the HSE. We recognise that addiction is a medical issue. I am glad to hear the Minister of State speak about the expansion of the needle exchange programme and I absolutely support him on the idea of the medically supervised injecting rooms. That is a hugely positive development in dealing with the harms associated with addiction. "Positive" is perhaps the wrong word to use in the context, but it would certainly be an improvement on the sort of street injecting that causes other problems around public order, intimidation of the public, and so on.

We also need to look in a rational sense at the way in which certain drugs that are controlled, particularly cannabis, may be used for medicinal purposes. There is a growing debate on this internationally. I have spoken to the Minister of State about this and I know of many people who, for example, have small children with very serious medical conditions which they believe can be improved or better managed through medical marijuana. We have seen a great deal of use of that and its development in the United States. I would like to develop that conversation with the Minister of State, because we should not be fearful about it. If there is an evidence-based rationale for prescribing cannabis or a cannabinoid for medical reasons, we should look at that issue.

We need to look more broadly at our drugs policy from a harm reduction perspective. I am glad to say that other members of the Joint Committee on Justice, Defence and Equality, of which I am also a member, will be travelling to Lisbon in June, in a few weeks time, to look at the model that has been adopted in Portugal. This is of great interest as an alternative model very much based on harm reduction, as opposed to the prohibitionist model with which we are, unfortunately, more familiar. I have said before that if we use a sort of "Boston-Berlin" argument about policies generally on the economy and society, then in Ireland we clearly follow a Boston model on drugs. That is unfortunate because it is based on the simple, crude and wildly unrealistic idea that criminal law can stop people from using drugs. In other words, if drug possession is a criminal offence, this will deter people from taking drugs and eliminate drug use. We know this prohibitionist approach does not work. The war on drugs has not stopped people using drugs, just as asking people to abstain from sex will not prevent the spread of sexually transmitted diseases or HIV. We must take a more realistic and rational evidence-based approach to this. The Berlin model, which is more common in some European jurisdictions, recognises that the elimination of drug use is impossible. It seeks instead to reduce or prevent the harms that can arise from drug use, through medical means predominantly rather than through criminal law. This involves taking on the approaches the Minister of State talked about through seeking to educate people about the dangers associated with harmful drug use.

We also need to acknowledge the class issue in terms of drug use. This is rarely spoken about but is very obvious for any criminal justice practitioner. Broadly, in any society, there are two groups of drug users: those from disadvantaged backgrounds, who are more likely to be criminalised for their drug use, and middle class users, who use drugs recreationally and who tend to go undetected and remain outside the criminal law. We see that class difference in Ireland broadly and tragically holding true for the consequences of drug-taking. Heroin addiction has caused terrible tragedy and devastation within many disadvantaged communities, but middle class ecstasy and cocaine use does not have, or certainly has not been perceived to have, those terrible social and economic consequences in different societies. This phenomenon is not exclusive to drug offences. I have written more generally about class in the criminal justice system, because we know there is a deep-rooted class bias in the criminal justice system more generally. However, it is important that any rational drugs policy would take into account the class difference and the fact that there are different means of using drugs and different sorts of harm caused by the use of drugs. Also, from a criminal justice perspective, we must all be very conscious of the huge harm caused by the criminalisation of drugs, the growth of criminal gangs and the huge damage done to communities by the prevalence of those criminal gangs. That is another reason to look in a more rational and measured way at how we develop drug policy in Ireland. I hope the Minister of State will take some of those comments and concerns on board in working with other agencies and Departments on devising the new national drugs strategy for the period after 2016. I look forward to working with him on it.

I congratulate the Minister of State on the excellent result of the marriage equality referendum at the weekend and his efforts in that regard. I also welcome his new role as Minister of State with responsibility for dealing with the drugs problem. I was heartened to see the frank, open and honest interview he gave on national television a few weeks ago. It was a breath of fresh air into this debate. I am glad he seems to be the right man for the job. The issue of drugs in our society is quite big. It can often go under the radar and it is something that many of us in Leinster House are a bit afraid of talking about. Talking about drugs and other issues and dealing with them can often be seen as a big taboo. Raising the issue and proposing a debate on alternative ways to deal with drugs, recreational drugs in particular, is something that might not be seen as very popular in constituencies. However, it is a debate that needs to be had.

Drugs are in our society, about which there is no doubt. They have become part and parcel of our society. For many people, they are part and parcel of every weekend. I know how obvious it was to me. Coming back to a small area, one can see people on drugs. When out and about on weekends, some people are in and out of the pub as they would be to smoke a cigarette. They are out taking lines or whatever else. It has become a very common occurrence. Most of the people I have been meeting and dealing with are sensible, smart, progressive and forward-thinking. Often we are seen in this House as being far behind the times. Brushing something under the carpet and pretending it is not there is not the way to go. Drugs are no longer the preserve of the hoi polloi and while the likes of celebrity overdoses - Katy French, Gerry Ryan and others - hit the headlines, often the young people who overdose, and there has been an alarming increase in that recently, do not seem to get as much attention. I know of two deaths in Clonroche in Wexford recently. The death of Ana Hick has been mentioned by previous speakers, and Michael Coleman, Liam Coffey and others also come to mind. They took an alternative drug to MDMA with the same effect, which is called PMMA and is a very dangerous drug. It is something about which people need to be educated.

Part of the problem is that the control and supply of drugs is now in the hands of ruthless criminal organisations which do not give a damn about what they are selling, who they are selling it to and the consequences. These are my thoughts from what I see happening on the ground. Criminalisation has failed miserably. I agree with Senator Ivana Bacik on that issue. It has not reduced the demand and therefore, in economic parlance, it has not reduced the supply. From the IFSC to the more rural parishes, there are people taking drugs. Anyone living in the real world can see this. It has become tolerated and accepted in my generation and the younger generation. In a group of friends, it is often the case that some people will smoke the odd joint, others take cocaine and others speed, some take pills, some take all of these substances, while some do not take any. Half the craic for young people when they start taking drugs is that they are illegal and there is a criminal risk attached to it. If that were changed, it would reduce the allure for many young people and those with an inquisitive mind. As has been said, we need investment in education programmes. We must give people the proper information on drugs.

We need to explain openly, frankly and honestly the pros and cons of different drugs and their good and bad effects. Then we should allow people to make up their own minds, take whatever risk they want and put whatever they want to into their own bodies. It would be far better if the control, supply and sale of these substances were in the hands of trained medical professionals acting on the State’s behalf rather than in the hands of the 13-year-old young fellow I happened to meet outside a popular Dublin pub several weeks ago. He was completely, totally and utterly off his face, with huge wads of cash in his possession and a real fancy top-of-the-range mobile phone. He did not know where he was and was very frightened, looking for help.

The damage criminal organisations are doing to our society, as the Minister of State outlined, is very hard to qualify. My brother worked in a disadvantaged school in Moyross, County Limerick. In such an area, when a young fellow sees the economic benefit from the sale of drugs, that is how they get caught up in it. My brother remarked to me that nine of his past pupils were lost to gangland violence. That does not count the number of families affected. I would prefer the State to control this business rather than the Dundons, the McCarthys, paramilitaries or other criminal mafia gangs that operate in this country. The fact this now comes under the Department of Health rather than the Department of Justice and Equality is certainly a step in the right direction.

With regard to what Senator Thomas Byrne said about cannabis users, the problem is-----

The Senator has gone way over his time.

I promise I will finish in one minute.

No way. That will give the Senator eight minutes.

A debate on more lenient drug policies based on speculation and fear-mongering rather than empirical evidence is not positive. In Portugal, a standard-bearer when it comes to drugs policy, decriminalisation has not increased drug use. Anyone who analyses Portugal’s ten-year experiment in decriminalisation would learn much, as well as from policy in Colorado and other states or countries.

The Senator should not ignore the Chair. His time has well expired.

I wish the Minister of State well. He is the right man for the right time.

I call Senator Gerard P. Craughwell. We were wondering where he was earlier after requesting time in this debate. He has five minutes.

I will not even take five minutes.

I congratulate the Minister of State on the tremendous success in the referendum at the weekend. I saw his joy in the RDS. It was palpable and great to see. He did a great job, as did his party, on which he is to be congratulated. I stood with the Minister of State, Deputy Kevin Humphreys, on Leeson Street Bridge canvassing. Fair play to him - he stopped the poor unfortunate pedestrians on a day the Luas had stopped.

The Minister of State has been given what I believe is the poisoned chalice of dealing with drugs strategy. Anyone who has been unfortunate enough to spend a night in an accident and emergency department - God knows I have spent enough of them there myself with the old ticker every now and then - will have seen the unfortunates affected by drugs. I do not believe there is a way to tackle the drugs problem other than to take it out of the hands of the warlords and drugs lords who are making massive money from it and killing one another to get control over it. The only way I ever see us solving this problem is by tackling it - by legalising it and, in some way, controlling it from there.

Over two years prior to my coming into the House, I had the privilege of visiting schools all over the country. Without a doubt, there are drug pushers sitting outside the gates of some second level schools waiting for the kids to come out. That is where we need to tackle them. Knowing the Minister of State’s background, I know that he will take it on.

I thank Members for their good wishes and the constructive comments most Senators made. My commitment was questioned, however, and the manner of my delivery was criticised. I promise to work on this in the future. I always know when somebody has very little to say about a topic; they tend to focus on the Minister’s delivery.

Unfortunately, it is not just outside the school gates that there tends to be some drug dealing going on but within the schools too. We have to be mindful of the stresses and strains that teachers are constantly undergoing in this regard. On the glamorous lifestyle that seems to be attached to the drugs trade, as I have often said, if one locks a child out of mainstream society and they do not get respect from it, they will find a parallel economy and a way of getting empowerment and prestige. The drugs trade is glamorous, lucrative and exciting, and gets one cheap and easy money. There is a challenge in the education system and in wider society to tackle this issue.

Senator Colm Burke asked about the use of Suboxone to treat drug addiction. There is not a legislative blockage as such, but we will need regulations because we are dealing with a small cohort of people for whom Suboxone is being prescribed. Further regulations will be needed in the Bill to expand on this.

There has been a reduction in funding for the local drugs task forces, but nowhere near 80%. The Irish Times clarified that this was not the case. It has been 9.8% in the past nine years. While no one wants to defend such a reduction, it is the reality of what the entire country went through for several years. In fact, every drugs task force got an extra €48,000 this year.

I concur with Senator Ivana Bacik about putting the emphasis on harm reduction. It is welcome that the justice committee is going to Portugal. Portugal had a different approach when it came to decriminalising drugs. When I use that term, I want to make it clear that I am not talking about legalisation. Those are two very different things. We have to come back to the research and wonder why 70% of those going through the courts for drugs offences were found in possession of amounts for personal use. This seems to be a complete waste of Garda time and the time of the Courts Service. It is primarily a health issue for those with addictions or problems, not a criminal justice issue, and that is the way in which it should be tackled.

The issue of class was raised. In my experience, drugs are everywhere. Neither is it just a Dublin issue. It affects other urban centres and rural areas. As I have said before, middle-class families have ways of hiding drug addiction and drug problems in a way that working-class people sometimes cannot. Drug gangs get their funding from middle-class recreational drug takers who think there is absolutely no connection between their recreational drug use at the weekend and a dead body found in a pool of blood with a gunshot wound to the head or a heroin baby born with an addiction problem. There is obviously a link. When one takes recreational drugs, then one is feeding that menace.

I appreciate the support for the suggestion of consumption rooms. I know that people will have concerns around how they will manifest themselves and be operated. If one examines what happens in Sydney and the 88 such centres across Europe, it is an approach to the cohort of drugs users who are so desperate that they will inject heroin in an alleyway or the stairwell of a flats complex. Recently, I took a 45-minute walk around Dublin city centre with the Ana Liffey Drug Project, which advocates this new approach. We did not have to walk very far to see all the paraphernalia of drug taking, syringes and so forth.

What gardaí, those working with drug addicts, the addicts themselves and even the retailers working in the city centre will say is that this is not good for anybody. It is not good for the image of the city and it certainly is not good for the individuals to have to reduce themselves to a position where they feel they have nowhere else to go for their medical need, for their addiction, than down a side alley to inject themselves. Should we not find some new approach to that small enough cohort of people who do not fit the criteria to go into a mainstream programme for treatment and, in this way, facilitate them to do what they do in a more dignified fashion as a step toward recovery? I think it is worthy of assessment and investigation, and it is something I am determined to do.

This House has a good reputation for coming together collectively and on a cross-party basis to focus on issues such as direct provision and other issues of common intent. If this House was to come together collectively and on a cross-party basis and say this is something that should be investigated, this would stop it being a political football and we could take a practical approach to those most vulnerable of drug users who are most inclined to get involved in anti-social behaviour, burglary, muggings and all the rest of it because their need is so great.

We have a fantastic opportunity at this time, as a collective, due to the redrafting of the national drugs strategy. There should be a shorter timeframe for the next strategy because seven years is too long and perhaps a five-year strategy would be better the next time. Given the Misuse of Drugs Act is being amended in the Dáil, this means we have a number of windows of opportunity through which we can force these issues.

I would appreciate the opportunity to come back to this House to toss these issues around, as I have done on other issues. I have been asked whether I am too busy. I do not think anybody is too busy to deal with the drugs crisis and the drugs issues we have in this country. I do not think we can say the situation is worse or better; it is just different. The drugs issue changes drastically all the time. The age cohorts are different; we have lost a generation to heroin and the people are now older. The needs are different and the type of drug use is different, with polydrug use now common. The complication with alcohol is different and the type of drinking being done is different.

If drugs are changing, we have to change our approach. The "just say no" approach will work for some people, including children, and we can frighten some children away from drug use completely. However, it does not work for everybody. We have to accept that and work on issues that may actually achieve something. The approaches in Portugal and in Sydney may be something we could look at but we have to get beyond the idea of calling people who have a medical need by a nickname, calling them junkies and assuming they are just human litter, and that as long as we push them away and do not see them, the problem is solved. I do not believe that. If we believe in a republic, and we all now believe in equality, the person who is injecting in the side alley in Dublin city centre, or in any town or part of this country, is as equal a citizen as any of the rest of us and deserves the dignity of having the State help him or her through what is obviously a medical need. I do not believe the criminal justice system is the best way to do this. I appreciate the comments made by Senators and I am happy to come back to the House at any time to flesh out these issues.

When is it proposed to sit again?

At 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

The Seanad adjourned at 8.15 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 27 May 2015.
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