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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 Oct 2024

Vol. 303 No. 2

Criminal Justice (Amendment) Bill 2024: Second Stage

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I welcome the opportunity to present this Bill to the Seanad. It is short but important legislation that addresses constitutional infirmities in law recently identified by the High Court. I thank Senator Ward, who has done a large amount of extremely important work in respect of the legislation. Last month, the High Court ruled that a person who commits murder when under 18 but who turns 18 years before sentencing cannot be subject to the mandatory life sentence for murder. The mandatory life sentence for murder is provided for in section 2 of the Criminal Justice Act 1990. The Bill's objective is straightforward. It seeks to disapply the mandatory life sentence for murder for those who age out, that is, those who commit the offence when under 18 but who turn 18 before sentencing. The Bill gives effect to a surgical fix of section 2 of the 1990 Act to rectify the infirmities identified by the High Court.

I stress that there is an urgency to enacting the amendments before the House because of impending murder trials involving aged-out children in the coming weeks. The proposed amendments the Bill gives effect to will ensure that the courts have appropriate options available when sentencing in these cases, including the option to sentence an aged-out child on trial to life imprisonment. The courts will also have the option to sentence an aged-out child to a determinate sentence.

I will outline the background to the Bill and why there is a need for these urgent legislative amendments. In its judgment in the case of Amah and Musueni v. Ireland and others on 2 September, the High Court found that it was unconstitutional to impose the mandatory life sentence for murder on a person who committed the offence while still a child but was sentenced after their 18th birthday. The case was taken by two persons who were 17 when they were charged with murder but who have turned 18 in the interim. If found guilty, they would be subject to a mandatory life sentence under section 2 of the Criminal Justice Act 1990. That Act provides for a mandatory life sentence of imprisonment for any person who commits murder. However, section 156 of the Children Act 2001 creates an exception to this for children, so the mandatory life sentence does not apply to children who are sentenced as children. The Oireachtas has recognised that a more nuanced approach to sentencing principles is appropriate where the offender is a child under the age of 18. Their age and level of maturity may be taken into consideration by the sentencing court when determining the penalty to be imposed. However, in criminal justice proceedings for murder, it is the date of the sentencing hearing that determines how offenders should be sentenced. Thus, under existing law, where an aged-out child offender is found guilty, they will automatically be sentenced to imprisonment for life on conviction for murder, whereas a child convicted and sentenced while still under 18 does not automatically receive this sentence. The High Court was clear that this unequal treatment of offenders who have committed murder while children but who are sentenced differently because of the date of sentencing is unconstitutional. The High Court held that to impose the mandatory life sentence on a child who ages out would be a breach of their rights under Article 40.1 of the Constitution because of this inequality with other children who commit the offence of murder. A child convicted of murder may receive a life sentence, whereas a child convicted of murder who has turned 18 must receive a life sentence. The practical effect of the High Court decision is that it will be difficult to proceed with prosecutions in these types of cases, given the lack of clarity on what sentence can be imposed if the person is found guilty.

There is an urgency to these amendments because there are several murder trials scheduled over the coming months involving aged-out children, including a sentencing hearing this month and two murder trials in November. Consequently, the Attorney General advised that legislative remedy is required as a matter of urgency.

At its meeting on 10 September, the Government was informed that an appeal of the court's judgment was unlikely to succeed and agreed to proceed with drafting this Bill to address the issues identified by the High Court. Given the significant implications if not addressed quickly, the justice committee agreed to waive pre-legislative scrutiny and the Government approved publication of the Bill before the House on 18 September. The legislation will be commenced upon enactment.

I will outline what exactly is proposed in the Bill in order to address the issue identified by the High Court. It comprises five sections. Section 1 is a standard provision for definitions of terms used throughout the Bill. The Criminal Justice Act 1990 has been defined as the "Act of 1990".

Section 2 amends section 2 of the Act of 1990, which provides for the mandatory life sentence for murder. The section acts to disapply the mandatory life sentence for murder and will apply only to children who commit murder when they are under the age of 18 but who turn 18 before or on the day of sentencing. The section does not stipulate the sentence that must be imposed on any aged-out child who has been convicted of murder. By not providing for any sentence for aged-out children, sentencing will default to the common law powers and the court will be able to impose any appropriate sentence. This means that, for aged-out children, judges will have discretion as to whether to hand down a life sentence or a determinate sentence. This approach is the most comparable to how a non-aged-out child would be sentenced and therefore ensures that the two cohorts are treated the same.

The issue of not having a statutory sentence for murder and therefore reverting to common law was raised in the Dáil. I reassure colleagues this is intentional and is necessary to comply with the High Court judgment. It is true there has been a statutory sentence for murder for adults since 1861. However, since section 156 of the Children Act 2001 came into operation and disapplied the mandatory life sentence for murder for children, there has been no statutory sentence for children who commit murder. Therefore, the 2001 Act is silent in respect of children who commit murder. In order to comply with the equality principle underpinning the High Court judgment and to ensure that children and aged-out children are treated equally, there can be no statutory sentence for aged-out children who commit murder. A statutory sentence for aged-out children but none for children would undermine equality in the treatment of the two cohorts and this is precisely what the Oireachtas has to remedy.

Section 3 amends section 4 of the Criminal Justice Act 1990.

Section 4 mandates a minimum custodial period for those sentenced for treason, capital murder or attempts to commit such murder, such as the murder of a member of An Garda Síochána or a prison officer. As this provision does not apply to children, it needs to be disapplied for aged-out children in order to comply with the High Court judgment. Similar to the previous amendment, no minimum sentence for aged-out children has been stipulated in line with how non-aged-out children are treated if they are found guilty.

Section 4 also inserts a new section 4A into the Criminal Justice Act 1990. This section will provide for the retrospective application of these amendments. Essentially, the amendments will apply in respect of offences committed before the date of coming into operation of this Bill, where final judgment has not been reached and all appeals exhausted. This is in line with advice received from the Attorney General and with domestic and European Court of Human Rights case law.

I welcome the Bill. It is overdue. We did not need to wait until the High Court told us last month that this needed to be done. I drafted a Bill that came before the House in March 2023, namely the Criminal Justice (Juvenile Offenders) Bill, Bill No. 30 of 2023, which sought to do the same thing in a different way and went slightly further.

The idea behind this Bill is simple. The notion that somebody can commit an offence as a child but be treated as an adult when it comes to being tried and sentenced for that offence is a nonsense. It completely ignores the fact we treat children differently in criminal law, and with good reason.

We take a different attitude to people who are under age, when they have not reached the age of capacity to do certain things, when they have not reached the age of criminal responsibility in certain instances.

The Minister of State mentioned the Children Act. Quite apart from the Children Act, which requires courts to behave differently towards children, in the context of the criminal law we treat them differently and with good reason. There is a major problem with the way the law is now and not just because of the incongruity of treating a child or a person who is accused of a crime differently because they are older. Worse than that, an offence may be committed when a child is 17 and that child may be suspected by the Garda. While I do not for a moment suggest that the Garda do so, in our law there is an incentive for it to delay arresting and prosecuting that child until he or she ages out. There is a greater tariff of sentence available for all offences, including murder, in respect of that person once they are over 18 than would be the case if they were 17 when the offence was committed. That is wrong, it is inconsistent and it should not be the case.

It is not just murder that this applies to. The Children Act has provisions that do not apply to murder and other offences. As a general rule, we should be treating somebody in relation to an offence they may or may not have committed. When they are being tried for that offence, they should be treated as if they were at the age they were when the offence was committed. That makes sense. Murder is perhaps the offence in respect of which there was the most stark contrast because of the mandatory life sentence.

In this jurisdiction, we have life sentences for murder for good reason. I am generally not in favour of mandatory minimum sentences and would much rather a judge would have the discretion, within the tariff on the range set down by the Oireachtas, to make the decision as to where the particular offence and, perhaps most importantly, the offender fall in the context of the scheme of whatever sentences are available. When it comes to murder, we have removed that discretion from the courts because it is literally the most serious offence we can think of in this jurisdiction.

It is important to remember that a life sentence in Ireland is a life sentence. It is not like our neighbouring jurisdiction where it is defined as, I think, being 13 to 15 years or maybe 13 to 17 years. It is not a time-defined matter. That, in itself, is a problem the Department is wrestling with. At the moment, someone sentenced to life imprisonment in Ireland is under sentence for life. It does not mean they are spending their life behind bars but even when they are released, they are on licence. At any point a decision can be made to return the person to jail for whatever stated misconduct. The rules on that are fairly open to abuse.

I can think of some very high-profile people who have been convicted of murder and who spent inordinately longer behind bars in prison than other people may have done for less high-profile murders simply because the person with responsibility for making the decision about the release is the Minister for Justice and it has been politically untenable to release some people because of the nature of murders they committed. That may be a discussion for another day. It is worth marking the fact that life sentences reflect the seriousness with which the Oireachtas and society view the offence of murder. A life sentence is a real sentence; it is a sentence for life.

I will come to this further on Committee Stage. The Criminal Justice (Amendment) Bill only deals with murder; it does not deal with treason. Perhaps the Minister of State might outline why that is the case. Section 2 of the 1990 Act addresses sentences for murder and treason. I know there is a diminishing trade in treason in this jurisdiction. I do not know when we last had a treason prosecution here and I hope we do not have one a long time. I hope even more that no child would be involved in treasonous activity. However, the 1990 Act deals with both offences.

The Bill that I drafted in 2023 removed the mandatory life sentence in respect of both offences. Currently, a person convicted of treason in Ireland gets a mandatory life sentence and a person convicted of murder gets a mandatory life sentence, and the same is true for children. When the Bill before the House is passed, there will not be a mandatory life sentence for a child for murder but there will be a mandatory life sentence for a child for treason. I do not understand why that was left out.

I welcome the Bill. It is very important. I particularly welcome the retrospective aspect of it, which is very unusual in Irish legislation. The provision in section 4 to make this retrospectively active is exceptional but also important because it deals with people who may already have committed an offence or are currently before a court. I welcome that element of it. I do not propose to use the entirety of my time. Suffice to say that on behalf of Fine Gael, I welcome the Bill. I welcome it as somebody who has been pursuing this subject for more than 18 months. I look forward to the Minister of State's response to some of the issues I have raised.

I welcome the Minister of State. He has clearly explained the rationale behind the Bill, which I support. I fully understand the necessity for this important legislation. I thank the departmental officials particularly for the explanatory memorandum. This is a very short Bill containing only four sections. What it involves is clearly explained.

Senator Ward has tabled an amendment that we will deal with later. However, I ask the Minister of State to comment on it anyway because I think this is going to be a pretty tight engagement here today. The acceptance of that amendment involves the deletion of section 2. I do not think that would be the Minister of State's intention. I ask him to flag his intention in that regard. I presume he will not agree to deleting section 2. I ask him to confirm that.

I welcome the Bill and fully understand the necessity for it. I understand why it has come to us at this time and I wish the Minister of State well with it.

I welcome the Minister of State back to the House this afternoon for the debate on this very important legislation. As others have mentioned, it is a very short but nevertheless very important Bill. I am delighted to see it moving forward. I compliment my colleague Senator Ward on his work in this area. He has been very vocal on this. He alluded to the retrospective aspect in section 4, which is a very welcome development.

I will not delay matters. I very much welcome the Bill. The Fianna Fáil Party is delighted to see this legislation come through.

I thank the Senators for their contributions. I will address a number of matters when dealing with amendments on Committee Stage. In particular, I would like to outline why treason is not included, particularly as that is an obvious issue. We are not including treason at this time. The purpose of the Criminal Justice (Amendment) Bill 2024 is to deal with infirmities identified by the High Court in a limited and targeted way, that is to disapply the mandatory life sentence for murder for those who have aged out. It is recognised that the principle of the High Court judgment could also apply to the offence of treason. However, it was not the subject of the case before court which was murder.

Importantly, disapplying the mandatory life sentence for treason is more complicated because it is a constitutional offence and, therefore, sentencing powers would not default to common law sentencing powers as is the case with murder. The Treason Act 1939 and other references to treason in the Statute Book need to be examined in detail and carefully considered from a legal perspective. This will be done in due course, when not the subject to the present time pressures. It is very much on the Department's radar. It will be looked at with an element of urgency and importance. However, considering the time pressures right here and now and the added complexity around treason, we are not in a position to address it at this time.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

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