It is a pleasure to be here. Brexit has fundamentally changed the political landscape across this island and has significantly brought forward the prospect of constitutional change. We, as an island and a as people, are anything but prepared for where that change may take us. We have no way of anticipating when a Border poll could be called, nor do we know how much time might pass between the calling of a vote and the holding of a referendum. That is why it is so important that work be done now to prepare.
In my submission, I focused on five key areas, namely, education, political institutions, civic dialogue, voting rights and citizenship legislation. I made several recommendations on actions to be taken before and after a vote. For the purposes of this statement, I want to focus primarily on what can be done now.
On civic dialogue, there is a real and pressing need for more spaces and structures for dialogue across this island. In Ireland, as many have noted already, the citizens' assemblies have proven effective at making the case for progressive change but no comparable structure exists in the North. The Civic Forum for Northern Ireland, outlined within the text of the Good Friday Agreement, was to be a structure for engagement, intended to foster better understanding between communities and act as a much-needed bridge between Northern Ireland's combative politics and its citizens. However, it was disbanded after only two years. It would seem perfectly reasonable and rational to reform the Civic Forum for Northern Ireland, in tandem with an all-island citizens' assembly, in 2023, the year of the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. The fateful reformation of the Civic Forum for Northern Ireland could provide a space to discuss the many social, economic and cultural issues affecting the region. The benefits of meaningful engagement and public consultation cannot be understated. When it comes to political institutions and participation, I recommend to the committee that an effort be made in the here and now to increase the number of northern voices in Dublin. Three seats should be reserved for Northern Ireland in the Taoiseach's nominations to the Seanad, one for each of the dominant traditions. Additionally, political parties should make an effort, in the event of any by-elections, to seek out northern candidates.
On future planning in the event of constitutional change, I have suggested that a transition period be established and that Stormont, as it is now in devolution, end with reunification. In an effort to decentralise, the Chamber should be split between Dublin and Belfast. In terms of inclusion of marginalised communities, I have suggested a unionist panel in the Seanad and the bedding in of using the Taoiseach's nominations to increase diversity and representation.
It will surprise few that I included citizenship legislation in my submission, given my experience. While our case resulted in significant changes to UK immigration law, gaps in legislation remain. Action has to be taken in advance of constitutional change in order to legally protect citizenship entitlements. These changes are not just to protect Irish citizens but also British citizens. Without intervention, British citizenship entitlements would become vulnerable after just one generation.
I have a particular interest in education because the merging of two education systems would present an opportunity to collate best practice and, importantly, would enable a full-scale modernisation of the education system and curriculum. The North has one of the most segregated education systems in Europe, with 93% of schools remaining divided on religious lines. In the South, religion still plays an overbearing role in the education system. Education across the island has diverged significantly since partition, with disparities in school structures, teacher's pay, school governance and assessment. Considerable work would be required to create an all-island education system.
