It is not always consistent. One man's broad church can be a manifestation of rank inconsistency in the opinion of another. However, I will leave that issue aside.
Deputy Gilmore raised a more substantial issue in respect of the legal question. The first point is that the provision was included specifically to give people an alternative way to be nominated. The irony is that the amendment would make it more difficult for those who were unable to get the requisite number of assentors.
The Supreme Court judgment is interesting on this issue. It will be helpful to the committee if I quote directly from the Supreme Court judgment in which it refers to the deposit of £300 that was required under the Electoral Act 1992. It states:
In contemporary Ireland it is difficult to comprehend how a sum anywhere in the region of £300 or its equivalent in Euro (or more if inflation is allowed for in the meantime) [that is, since 1992] could be considered a disproportionate measure for such a legitimate purpose or to involve invidious discrimination, given the costs necessarily incurred by candidates and the possibility, at least in certain circumstances, of a refund of the deposit. That is on page 22 of the Supreme Court judgment.
I am satisfied that the deposit proposals are very reasonable, fair and constitutionally stand. Certainly, the figure mentioned here is entirely in accordance with the view of the Supreme Court. In respect of introducing a deposit, the concerns one might validly have that it could trespass in some way on the Supreme Court judgment are dealt with in that section of the judgment on page 22. It is fair, constitutionally sound and part of an overall package. The measure is reasonable.
The amendment proposed by the Green Party would eliminate the choice that a non-party candidate would have. It would give a candidate no option but to use the assentor system and makes the arrangements introduced in the Bill less, rather than more, flexible. It introduces difficulties for an assentor who may have a point and wishes to stand in a constituency on a single issue and make some statement on it. It makes it less easy because, of course, one would have to fulfil the requirement.
It is also interesting from the point of view of making comparisons, which we always do. It would be helpful to look at international experience, which shows that there are widespread arrangements for having some prerequisite before one becomes a candidate. This prerequisite was dealt with Deputy Gormley in his thoughtful contribution, which I believed represented the Green Party's views in the Dáil. Clearly, it did not.
Some states, for example Austria, Australia, the UK and the Netherlands, require both assentors and deposits. Deposits are very commonplace internationally, as is some form of authentification of nomination. Where assents are used, the typical pattern is to require many more signatures than is the case in Ireland. For example, in Portugal, 5,000 assentors are needed, while in the Netherlands, which is always regarded as a pinnacle of liberalism, 570 assentors are required. A total of 500 assentors are required in Italy, 200 in Germany and Belgium, 150 in Denmark and 100 in Austria, Canada and Finland. I will not go through all the other countries.
Compared with the €500 deposit here, the deposit in the Netherlands, which is frequently cited as a place we should follow, is €11,000. In the UK the deposit is €740, while in Austria it is €435. As I stated previously, significantly more assentors are needed in these countries than are needed here.
I do not think the proposition as it stands is constitutionally infirm. By way of international comparison, it is hardly what one would call unfair. When one considers the point of view put forward by Deputy Gormley in the Dáil on 8 March 2007, one can see that it is commonsense. It accords with the views expressed by many Members in the Dáil as fair and reasonable. It is constitutional and these are minor hurdles internationally. For these reasons I do not accept the amendment.