I do not necessarily disagree technically with what the Minister is trying to do, but I have serious constitutional reservations in so far as this legislation seeks to tie down property or require that property transfer orders be made, or refers to a home as a family home in circumstances where a marriage has been annulled. This would give rise to major constitutional problems with this legislation.
I do not disagree with the spirit of what the Minister is trying to do but the difficulty is that we are confined not simply to what the Constitution says but the manner in which it is being interpreted. If one takes the recent Supreme Court judgment dealing with family homes, and the implication within it that you cannot unduly interfere in internal family arrangements in a situation in which the Constitution provides specific protection for the family, I am not sure that the Minister can do what he now proposes in the context of marriages in respect of which decrees of annulment have been made.
I distinguish between those and marriages in respect of which there has been a foreign decree of divorce which is subsequently recognised because then there is no doubt that there has been a valid marriage at some stage. That is a distinguishable situation. It seems to me that, based on the constitutional provisions and the Supreme Court's interpretation of those provisions, legislation which prevents people who are unmarried from freely dealing in and selling property is going to be at serious risk of being constitutionally impugned. The Minister will say that where a marriage has been annulled it is in a different situation. Unfortunately, it is not. I am saying this as someone who believes there is a need for protection and I am not sure that it can be provided within our current constitutional structure.
The reality of a decree of annulment is a court decision that, despite the fact that people have participated in a ceremony, there has in fact never been a marriage. That is the effect of a decree of annulment. We all understand that. I accept that no providing certain property rights and protections, in particular for dependent parties, can result in serious injustice when decrees of annulment are granted. I am afraid that is a problem that the Constitution does not allow us to address properly in the manner in which it should be addressed.
This amendment is only one of a series of provisions in this Bill which will lay the grounds for a major constitutional problem. It is inevitable that this Bill, like its predecessor, the Matrimonial Home Bill, will have to be refered by the President to the Supreme Court for a decision. If it is not, it is inevitable that at an early stage it will be challenged.
My colleague, Deputy Currie, mentioned the politics of what we are doing. Politics is all about perception just as law reform is, on occasion, about perception. On occasion people think we are achieving things that, in reality, this House either does not achieve or cannot achieve. If this Bill is constitutionally challenged and is found to be unconstitutional because of the manner in which it addresses property provision, property protection and financial provision following the granting of nullity decrees, then despite the fact that the provisions relating to post-nullity court orders have absolutely nothing in the world to do with divorce, it will create a perception which will so damage the Government's standing in addressing this area that it will make it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for a divorce referendum to be successful.
The politics of what we are doing now would have made a great deal of sense if all the protections the Minister would like to put in force — for a couple who have been through a nullity hearing that has resulted in a court decree of annulment — had been left until the divorce issue was dealt with. It is poor political judgment to confuse this area with the protections that need to be put in place if a divorce referendum is to be put before the people and if divorce legislation is subsequently to be enacted. The technicality of the problem is so complex that it will be used by those who are opposed to reform to sow confusion.
If we were in a different constitutional environment this problem would not arise but it is there and we should not pretend otherwise. Many of the provisions in the Bill are aspects of law reform that I would personally like to see and of which I have been an advocate. Because of the Supreme Court judgment on the Matrimonial Home Bill the general public are confused about the implications of divorce. We do not need to create another time-bomb which ticks away and simply sows more confusion. It is wrong to have identified these sort of reforms in this Bill as being a prerequisite to the divorce referendum. In so far as we are trying to address injustices that arise after the granting of nullity decrees it is an entirely separate and different issue and, because of our unique constitutional structure, gives rise to entirely different and separate legal problems.
I am saying this also in the context of the numbers of people who are affected. Between 30 and 40 decrees of annulment are granted each year by the High Court. They are important aspects of what the courts do but they affect a small number of people. If we compare the numbers of people looking for decrees of separation in the courts — and who might ultimately be some of the people who would look for decrees of divorce — a profoundly different situation faces us. Statistics that have been made available to me by the Department of Justice within the last few days show that in the legal year August 1992 to 1993 there were 2,781 applications initiated before the Circuit Court looking for separation decrees. About one third of couples who separate every year have to initiate court proceedings for separation. I would estimate that approximately two-thirds would effect a separation by agreement or without ever bringing judicial separation proceedings.
The vast numbers currently getting separation decrees or separating by agreement and the thousands of people whose marriages have long since broken down — in the region of 70,000 — have no possibility of getting nullity decrees and rely on a divorce referendum to sort out their family situations. Their prospect of securing the legal reforms necessary to recognise the reality of their lives and to give them a second chance is being placed in jeopardy by bad political judgment in seeking reforms in the nullity area which are in danger of being constitutionally impugned and causing more confusion.
I agree with the Minister that the current position in relation to the Family Home Protection Act cannot be defended. If a decree of annulment is granted after a couple have lived in a family home for ten or 15 years and if the home is in the husband's sole name, the person who thought she was a wife might have no rights in relation to that home. That is wrong. However, if the court reaches the conclusion that there never was a marriage there will be a major constitutional difficulty in this area.
Will the Minister say why, in his political and legal judgment, we should address this in advance of a divorce referendum? I believe we should attempt to address it after a divorce referendum. If necessary that Bill could be referred to the Supreme Court and, if found to be constitutionally impunged, we might address some aspect of our Constitution. However, as it affects only a small number of people and because vast numbers are affected in the other context this matter should be dealt with after a divorce referendum. At this stage we should not make matters any more confused than they are at present.