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Select Committee on Legislation and Security debate -
Friday, 16 Jun 1995

SECTION 2.

Debate resumed on amendment No. 9:
In page 5, between lines 13 and 14, to insert the following subsections:
"(6) In deciding whether or not to grant the application under subsection (1) of this section, the Minister shall not discriminate between applicants on grounds of race, colour, ethnic identity, gender, marital status, age, religion, sexual orientation, medical condition, or political opinion.
(7) The Minister shall develop and publish criteria in accordance with which decisions whether or not to grant an application under section (1) of this section shall be made. In devising such criteria, the Minister shall have regard to such factors as the length of sentence that the sentenced person has remaining to serve, the circumstances of the sentenced person's family, and the sentenced person's health.
(8) Where the Minister refuses an application under subsection (1) of this section, the Minister shall furnish to the applicant within one month a written statement of the grounds for such refusal.
(9) An appeal against a refusal by the Minister of an application under subsection (1) of this section shall lie to the High Court.
(10) Where within the period of two months beginning on the day of receipt by the Minister of an application in writing from a sentenced person under subsection (1) of this section for transfer out of the State the Minister has omitted to grant or refuse to grant the application, a decision by the Minister to grant the application shall be regarded as having been made on the last day of the said period, and the Minister shall be under a duty to seek the agreement to transfer of the proposed administering state.".
—(Deputy O'Donoghue).

These amendments provide for compliance by the Minister with minimum criteria in deciding on transfer, as a right to transfer is not included in the Bill. The Minister indicated that she does not believe a right to transfer should be included in the Bill. In the interest of transparency and so that applicant prisoners know where they stand, at a minimum she should provide for the publication of the criteria to be adhered to when an individual applies for transfer out of the jurisdiction. Equally, if the Minister refuses to agree to the transfer into the State of a prisoner from another sentencing state, the prisoner is entitled to know the reason for the refusal.

As the amendments are reasonable, in the interest of openness, transparency and justice the Minister should accept them. As Nos. 9 and 19 are related, it is not necessary for me to repeat the arguments I have already made.

I am very glad we have the opportunity of discussing how we should regulate the transfer of sentenced prisoners, it being important that some guidelines be laid out for that purpose. The basic tenet is that a sentenced prisoner will have to indicate his or her desire to be transferred, when the Government of the jurisdiction in which he or she is serving the sentence and the recipient Government will have to comply, which is as it should be. There arises then what level of additional discretion should remain in those circumstances. In that respect the legislation should be as specific as possible because it may take many years before it is amended.

I agree that the Minister should examine a number of the provisions of this amendment but not others. For example, it goes without saying that there should be no discrimination on grounds of race, colour, ethnic identity, gender, marital status, age, religion, sexual orientation, medical condition or political opinion. Perhaps the last mentioned is a ground on which some discrimination could occur, the perception being that politically-motivated offences might need to be dealt with somewhat more harshly than ordinary offences. I look forward to the Minister's response to that point.

Subparagraph (7) of this amendment encompasses the central issue, the request that the Minister should develop and publish criteria in accordance with which decisions whether or not to grant an application will be made. The kernal of this issue is whether or not the criteria to be developed and published should be left entirely to the Minister's discretion, or whether there should be a published list of such criteria. Having weighed the advantages and disadvantages I consider it would be preferable that such criteria be published, when everybody would know where they stood. This would also obviate the activation of a rumour machine circulating contentions that a certain Minister or Ministers were perceived as doing this for some discriminatory purpose. It is preferable to have as much information as possible available within the public domain.

Perhaps the Minister would consider tabling an amendment on Report Stage acknowledging the desirability of such published criteria. That leads me to subsection (8) of the amendment, which stipulates that the Minister would furnish to an applicant a written statement of the grounds for refusal of transfer. That would be a mere courtesy, that there be some indication given, not of a nature that would render the Minister liable in any way, but rather explaining the general thrust of the grounds on which an application was refused. Such would clear the air and obviate other potential problems.

I do not agree with the provisions of subparagraph (10) of amendment No. 9, which states:

Where within the period of two months beginning on the day of receipt by the Minister of an application in writing from a sentenced person under subsection (1) of this section for transfer out of the State the Minister has omitted to grant or refuse to grant the application, a decision by the Minister to grant the application shall be regarded as having been made on the last day of the said period, and the Minister shall be under a duty to seek the agreement to transfer of the proposed administering state.

I know the intent is that there should not be any undue delay, but nonetheless that is not a necessary provision. We are entitled to expect that all requests be dealt with within a reasonable period, but we cannot then go on to automatically presume, in the event of there being a delay of two months, that a request has been granted.

The Minister circulated an explanatory report on the Council of Europe Convention on the Transfer of Sentenced Persons, giving Members useful background information. Information has a bearing on discrimination. On the last occasion we discussed this Bill we made the point that there is an obligation under that convention to provide information to sentenced prisoners.

This amendment stipulates that there be no discrimination on grounds of race, colour, ethnic identity and so on. Given that the enactment of these provisions will take place within the new peace process, the reality is that there will be discrimination on the part of the Minister in regard to a certain category of prisoner. In terms of the impracticality of this State accepting the transfer here of all Irish prisoners sentenced overseas, such would present enormous difficulties in terms of prison places and funding which must be considered. The Minister will be aware of that, particularly since the announcement of cuts in prison places.

The Minister had indicated that she would expect that so-called political prisoners in Britain would represent a particular category that would apply. I note that under article 2 of the convention such transfer may be requested by the sentencing or administering state only — in other words, it would not be open to individual prisoners to apply. This would mean that the information furnished to such a prisoner would enable him or her decide whether or not to express an interest in being transferred. It is stipulated in the convention that a sentenced person cannot personally make a formal request for transfer, that such will be a political decision of the relevant state.

Of the necessity, I foresee discrimination arising, occasioned by lack of prison places and within the context of the peace process, in favour of political prisoners. I am not criticising that concept; I am saying simply that, within the context of these provisions, such discrimination will arise. I contend the Government/Minister must have discretion on how to comply with the provisions of this convention within the peace process and the lack of prison places here. Any unfettered discrimination is dangerous, ministerial or otherwise, and carries the inherent possibility for abuse of power, matters being concealed or incorrect decisions being taken which cannot then be accounted for.

Therefore, the relevant criteria should be published, should be seen to be open and, as I suggest in a later amendment, any actions taken thereunder should be reported to this House once or twice yearly, explaining how any such decisions were reached, what were the particular criteria applied, the implications for the peace process, explaining the overall background to any such transfer and all of the human aspects entailed. In this respect my amendment No. 24 is germane, with which we can deal later, and which has to do with reporting back to the Houses of the Oireachtas.

I support Deputy O'Donoghue's amendment, there being a need to stitch into the provisions of this Bill and the procedures pertaining thereto a stipulation that any Minister not be given unfettered discretion in this respect. I should like to hear the Minister's response, particularly given that an individual prisoner has no right to apply personally, that it will be a political decision taken by the administering or sentencing state. Perhaps the Minister would explain how that can be reconciled with accountability to the Oireachtas.

I have been giving some thought to this amendment since we began discussion on it last week.

Our Constitution prevents me, or anybody else, from acting in a discriminatory fashion. My difficulty in dealing with the transfer of prisoners is that while we must ensure that a Minister, prison governor or anybody else dealing with prisoners does not act in a discriminatory manner, nonetheless they must draw distinctions. They must have the freedom to decide, for example, that a woman does not transfer to a male prison and vice versa. They make a distinction which is, in the language of some people, a discrimination. However, a distinction must be made between a man and a woman. They must also have the freedom to make a distinction between somebody who is, say, HIV positive and somebody who is healthy. That again, in some people’s language, is a discrimination. I see it as a practical application of how one operates a system.

That is the one difficulty I have with that subsection which states that the Minister shall not discriminate on the basis of race, colour, ethnic identity, etc. I cannot discriminate on a number of those matters anyway, but the same does not apply to matters such as medical conditions, age and gender. It could be argued, however, that if a political prisoner applied to be transferred here — although people who have been sentenced in the UK for terrorist offences are not called political prisoners — I may have to decide that because of the nature of the offence, they should be held in a secure prison such as Portlaoise. I would be making a distinction between that prisoner and a person wanting to be transferred here who was accused, say, of a road traffic offence and whom I would not be considering sending to the secure wing of Portlaoise prison.

The practical day to day operation of prisons involves Ministers, governors and prison officers making distinctions, not descriminating, between people, That is why I have a difficulty in the way this amendment is worded. It may be possible for me to table an amendment on Report Stage that does not tie the hands of the Minister to administer this based on making distinctions but which will ensure that people will not be discriminated against, although our Constitution protects them anyway. I acknowledge what the Members are trying to do here and I do not want to give the impression that this Bill should be operated in a discriminatory way, but it must be operated by way of making distinctions and I hope Members will recognise that particular difficulty.

With regard to the second part of the amendment on developing and publishing criteria, under article 3 of the convention the criteria for transfer are laid down and in ratifying the convention we are bound by those criteria. My amendment No. 25, on which I hope to have the support of the House, calls for an annual report to be made by the Minister to each House of the Oireachtas outlining the operation of the legislation. It must be remembered that we are dealing with an area of which we do not have any experience and few other countries have experience from which we can learn. Producing an annual report would allow us to examine the operation of the legislation in the previous year and identify any gaps in regard to prisoners getting information. It could be said that we should include parts of the convention in the legislation, but I would remind Deputies that this is enabling legislation and, having ratified the convention, we are bound by it. We are not required to write every term of the convention into domestic legislation. That is not done in other countries either, but we do have the right to expand it where we believe that is necessary.

In regard to grounds for refusal, I have some sympathy for that viewpoint. I can understand how prisoners would become frustrated if they are simply given a letter saying that their application has been refused. I hope on Report Stage that we can find a formula which will allow me to write to a prisoner saying that he or she has been refused on the following grounds. I thank Deputies O'Donnell and Costello for their recognition that there must be flexibility in the operation of this legislation. The Minister must be flexible in this regard, taking into account all the criteria with respect to the health and sex of the prisoner, the availability of prison spaces and the appropriateness of those prison spaces. It is worth noting that the convention makes no obligation to give grounds for refusal, but that is not sufficient reason why we should not do so. I hope to table an amendment on Report Stage that will make it clear that prisoners have rights in this regard.

There must also be sensitivity regarding confidential information which might influence a Minister. Sensitivity must be shown in cases where a prison authority might advise the Minister not to approve an application for certain reasons. Prisoners want to be given the grounds for refusal because they believe they have the right to appeal that decision. I am not prepared to accept the amendment calling for the right to appeal to the High Court because the whole purpose of the convention is to have flexibility. This is a convention between states. I indicated earlier that I would accept an amendment which would allow the prisoner write directly to the state to which they wish to transfer rather than simply making the application to the authority of the state in which they are imprisoned. That would give them the right to have their application examined by the Minister here.

It is my desire that a balance would be drawn between the humanitarian grounds for a transfer to facilitate as many as possible while ensuring there would not be excessive pressure on prison accommodation. As Deputy O'Donnell rightly said, the decisions of the past week would have been of assistance to me in the longer term. However, they would not have helped me to operate this legislation by the end of this year, which is when I hope it will come into operation. I will have to examine the question of prison accommodation as it presently stands in order to operate this legislation. I will come back to this issue on Report Stage and I will try to go at least some of the way towards covering the points made here today.

The courts must be involved in ensuring the legality of a person's detention. It is clear that the operation of the penal system is a matter for the Executive. As the Bill is drafted, the Minister for Justice is always acting on behalf of the Executive, not on behalf of himself or herself. I want to maintain that kind of discretion.

Deputy O'Donnell referred to the fact that the convention states the transfer must be consented to by the state.

It says it must be requested by the state.

The convention states that the prisoner may express his interest in being transferred under the convention and he may do so by addressing himself to either the sentencing state or the administering state.

As I have indicated already, Irish prisoners will be able to address the administering state directly, that is the state to where they want to transfer, namely, Ireland. It is not as if there is not a mechanism to prevent the prisoners' applications from getting lost as prisoners can make application directly to me, the Minister, and I can stimulate the activity on that application. In allowing that, I believe it will ensure that the prisoners' applications will not be sat on. As I explained last week, an explanatory leaflet will be sent out to all prisoners who are covered by this legislation — indeed I may make it available to every single prisoner — and they will know they can make a direct application to me. There is no need to fear that prisoners will be discriminated against in that way.

On the question of placing a time limit in which the Minister must deal with the application, each application will be dealt with separately and carefully. It will involve a significant amount of three-way contact between the prisoner, the administering state and the sentencing state. I do not think it would be appropriate to tie the hands of a Minister so that automatically after two months — similar to a planning application — it would trigger approval. That could cause great difficulty for both states. The sentencing state may not want the prisoner to go back and the administering state may literally have no place to put a woman prisoner, for example, and if she were to come back they would have no option but to let her go, which may not be what they want to happen. I am not in favour of putting a time limit that automatically takes away that flexibility from the Minister.

To summarise, I am prepared to look again between now and Report Stage at the questions of providing grounds for refusal and including an anti-discrimination clause, but I have substantial difficulties with the appeals and the time limit systems.

Before calling Deputy Woods I will press the point made by Deputy O'Donnell. Many of the practical applications under this legislation will be the transfer of political prisoners in Britain to prisons in Ireland. Let us suppose that political prisoners in Britain holding an Irish passport wish to transfer to prisons in Northern Ireland. Strictly speaking, the operation of the convention is between states so it will not be within the Minister's jurisdiction to have a role because it is an internal matter. Yet that element of choice must be there. Does the Minister envisage she will have a role when the UK authorities refuse to transfer a political prisoner to Belfast?

The example given is of somebody serving in Belmarsh, Fullsutton or other UK prisons who seeks to come back to Northern Ireland, but this legislation deals with transfers between different states. Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom, so that would be an internal transfer request. In those cases where a prisoner, an Irish passport holder, would let it be known to this State that he wants a transfer what happens in practice is that the Minister for Foreign Affairs is made aware of that and would intervene as far as is possible in making his case. I would have no jurisdictional right whatsoever to grant a transfer to a prison in Northern Ireland. A number of prisoners holding Irish and British passports are seeking to come back to Northern Ireland prisons, but that is an internal matter.

Because I have accepted that I will allow prisoners to apply directly to the Minister in this State, they will apply to me and I will then, as Minister, take up their case with the state in which they are serving their sentence. It is as good as if they had applied to the state where they are serving their sentence. I will become the processing Minister and make sure that the application does not wither because some state does not wish to operate the convention. The Member's amendment, which arises from the concern that there may be unsympathetic sounds made to such an application, is good.

Deputy O'Donnell referred to my comment at the previous meeting when I said I had a feeling that the first bulk of applications would probably come from paramilitary prisoners. This is because their network is better informed and they are better informed, but I will have to deal with each application and so too will the UK authorities. They may not want those prisoners to be transferred back to Ireland and it is their right to say no as well. I will not give bulk approval just because their applications are part of a group. I made that comment because I know they are well informed and some of their relatives have been to see me and I am quite sure they are telling their relatives in prison about this convention. I assume there will be a concerted campaign to make this convention known, giving rise to subsequent applications.

These are two very important amendments. The first one guarantees there will be no discrimination between people who are given the opportunity to transfer and the second states that the Minister shall set out clear criteria. They are particularly important for relatives, friends and the prisoners themselves. Last Friday the Minister pointed out that there are some 420 Irish prisoners in Britain, from where it is most likely that prisoners will seek transfers, that it could be expected that 40 would be transferred in the early stages and that it is estimated that up to ten prisoners would be transferred each year after that.

These were estimated figures from the Irish Commission for Prisoners Overseas.

We appreciate that these are estimates. The difficulty is that while there should not be discrimination, there easily can be what is effectively administrative indirect discrimination and this would happen particularly in the case of women prisoners. As the Minister explained, the prisoner may be entitled to a transfer, but there may only be a place in a men's prison and consequently the woman would not get a transfer. That discriminates against women.

Part-time workers are a classical case. In court cases it has been found that terms and conditions of part-time workers are discriminatory, but in practice they discriminate against women because the vast majority of part-time workers are women. The situation here is similar. The Administration will have to consult with other states and the Minister must have the flexibility to deal with situations as they arise vis-�-vis the practical administration of the prison system.

What did the Minister mean by the words "with the position as it exists now" which she used in this regard? When we last spoke about this, the Minister said there would be some 210 extra prison places and that, with the short term benefits of the peace process, it would be possible to phase in transfers. Included in those prison places were 60 female prison places, and these have now been set aside by the Government, inevitably resulting in indirect discrimination against women.

I believe this is the reason the Minister and the Department of Justice feel they must have flexibility and freedom in administering the system. That is understandable, but it is not acceptable in the context of equality and fairness of treatment. It will constitute further discrimination against women, which I do not believe the Minister wants. It comes down to the lack of prison places, the revolving door syndrome and the need for prison places. The Minister should be allowed to go ahead with the prisons she and her Department planned and the Department of Finance should not be allowed to get away with saying the peace process will solve all the problems. The Minister has not said how many places will be available as a result of the peace process. By not building these prisons the Minister will be inevitably forced to discriminate and the Department will advise her to keep her options open and not state criteria too clearly.

The Minister has said that she does not disagree in principle with these two excellent amendments tabled by Deputy O'Donoghue. I appeal to her to consider the amendments seriously for Report Stage. We must be careful not to build in more indirect discrimination against women, which is at the end of the day the real discrimination.

The Minister said she would re-examine certain aspects of these amendments prior to Report Stage and that might go some way to meeting some of the concerns.

I thank the Minister for agreeing to consider the amendments to subsection (6) and (8). By discrimination I did not mean discrimination subsequent to transfer but discrimination by any Minister for Justice in regard to an application to leave or enter the State on the grounds of race, colour, ethnic identity, gender, marital status, age, religion, sexual orientation, medical condition or political opinion. That it would be an exercise in discrimination that a woman would have to go to a women's prison is not relevant. It is necessary to spell it out that in regard to the application by the prisoner there will be no discrimination. The Minister has agreed to re-examine that amendment and I welcome that.

On subsection (7), I am disappointed that the Minister feels criteria should not be published, because prisoners overseas would very much like to know the criteria on which their applications will be judged. It would give them some certainty as to their position and it is highly desirable that they should know precisely where they stand. I regret that the Minister feels it is not necessary to develop and publish criteria. The Minister should note that I am not specifying what the criteria should be but allowing a great degree of flexibility and that the criteria could be developed and published later. Neither do I exclude the Minister's taking her time about developing or publishing criteria. In the interests of fairness, justice, openness and transparency, I ask the Minister to give this question further consideration. I do not doubt the Minister's integrety in operating the Bill, but what we must not have is justice dispensed in private. Whether we like it or not, the Minister will be dealing with these applications in a quasi-judicial manner. It is, therefore, desirable that a decision is not just fair but seen to be so. That is of considerable importance for the prisoner's comfort and knowledge. As I said, the Minister's decision will be quasi-judicial. If the grounds for refusal are not given to the applicant prisoner, he or she cannot appeal against the decision. For that reason the grounds for refusal should be given and the prisoner should have a a right of appeal.

Deputy Woods stated that the decision not to proceed with creating 210 places at Castlerea and Mountjoy will have a negative impact on the implementation of the legislation. Unfortunately, he is correct. The Taoiseach's statement that the peace process and the release of those imprisoned for non-payment of fines or debts will contribute to more spaces being made available is nonsense. There are not that many people in prison today for non-payment of fines or debts. Hopefully, prison spaces will be available as a result of the peace process but my information is that only 60 places will be available. The level of crime is increasing and it is incumbent on the Minister to ensure that the new prisons are proceeded with as soon as possible. I realise the Minister for Finance insisted on these cuts.

The Deputy will agree that we have deviated from the amendment.

The Minister must ensure that sufficient prison places are available in order to implement the legislation properly. Everyone agrees that public expenditure should be contained. The previous Fianna Fáil led Government provided for the building of prisons, but this Government is not able to do so under more favourable economic conditions.

There is a perception among prisoners that the provisions of the Bill apply solely to political prisoners. While the Bill is an essential and desirable part of the peace process, it should be made abundantly clear to Irish citizens in foreign jails that it applies not only to political prisoners but to non-political prisoners of either sex in foreign prisons. They will also have an opportunity to apply to the relevant authorities. It is important that they, their relatives and the general public know that.

Given that the number of prison places is contracting as a result of the increased level of crime and the fact that the new prisons are not being proceeded with, unless there is a definite period within which to deal with an application it is open to the Department to delay applications by writing letters from Billy to Jack and back again interminably. Unless subsection (10) or a derivative of it is accented, that could easily happen. I do not say the Department would do that in an underhand way but there should be a definite period within which to deal with an application so as to ensure that it is dealt with expeditiously.

The Minister said there was a right to apply but not a right to a transfer. She said she would amend the Bill to give a sentenced person the right to apply to the Minister. Under the convention the rights are between states. There is a right to make an application, but the decision will be an Executive one. The Minister said she was willing to accept applications both from here and the United Kingdom.

Or any other country.

A person may challange, by way of judicial review, the exercise of a discretionary power. It is vital that the Minister accepts the need for criteria, transparency and due process in dealing with applications. I accept that the prisoner has the right to apply but that the decision is one for the Minister. If that decision is to stand up in terms of due process and constitutional justice the Minister will have to accommodate some of the views about the unfettered exercise of that discretion.

Reference was made to the sensitivities surrounding the transfer of prisoners who have committed terrorist offences. The applications will be sent to the Minister and will be processed by her Department. There will be toing-and-froing between the British and Irish authorities on the transfer of some prisoners and this will have implications for the peace process. Will the Anglo-Irish unit in the Department of Foreign Affairs have an input into the negotiations on the transfer of these prisoners?

I do not wish to restrict Members but we have been debating this amendment for one hour and have not made much progress.

I will not delay the proceedings unduly. The Minister's willingness to accept applications is very desirable as it will provide for greater flexibility in the system. I am delighted that she is considering the inclusion of an anti-discriminatory measure in subsection (6). Under subsection (8) the reasons for the refusal of the application must be set out.

The Irish Commission for Prisoners Overseas estimates that 40 prisoners would wish to return to Ireland as soon as possible and after that the average figure would be 10-12 per annum. Reference was made to prison places for women. There is room for women prisoners in Mountjoy and in the women's prison in Limerick, which is not being utilised at present. A lack of places for women prisoners does not enter into the equation. The Minister had intended building a new prison in Mountjoy to replace the old prison. Portlaoise prison has been badly utilised in terms of space due to the security requirements — a large number of gardaí and soldiers are guarding a small number of politically motivated prisoners. If the peace process leads to the early release of prisoners — the Minister has referred to a two year period under the legislation— there will be an extra 80-100 places, which is far in excess of the number of overseas prisoners who will make applications to be transferred to Ireland. The reference to a lack of prison spaces is a red herring.

It is timely to look at the offences committed by prisoners and to consider the implementation of some of the Whitaker recommendations so that fewer people have to serve custodial sentences and more people have to do community service. In many European countries remission is one-third of the sentence whereas in Ireland it is one-quarter of the sentence. It is proper to put these issues in perspective and make it clear that there will be no delay in the implementation of the legislation due to a lack of places.

Under amendment No. 25 the Minister will publish an annual report and an explanatory leaflet. We want to strengthen the position of the applicant and ensure that the maximum amount of information is made available. It is, therefore, important to publish guidelines so that potential applicants know where they stand. I agree with Deputy O'Donnell that allowing an applicant to apply directly to the Minister imposes an extra duty on her to ensure that everything is above board in the processing of the application. Some prisoners may not wish to return to Ireland but those who do will know that under the legislation they can apply to the Minister and get a fair hearing.

Consideration should be given to compiling a list so as to ensure that all prisoners are informed of their rights under the legislation. The unit in the Department of Justice which will process the legislation should also be given the task of compiling these facts and figures. By and large we rely on voluntary organisations for information on the number of prisoners of Irish origin in prisons in other states.

We have had a fairly broad debate on the amendment and I have allowed considerable latitude to Deputies to mention prison spaces because they are important in the context of the amendment and the section. I invite the Minister when replying to consider the whole future of Portlaoise prison. Deputy O'Donoghue has bemoaned the fact that we will be 200 places short because of the deferral of Castlerea and the women's unit. I am not sure if the time is right for the construction of a new women's prison. We are catering for 35 women and, perhaps, very few more. Is the State going to embark on a witch-hunt and imprison women in order to fill a new prison in 1995? I am not sure of the necessity for that. But I am sure of the importance of Portlaoise prison in the context of our security. That prison has all the infrastructure necessary for a secure unit. It has the most advanced technology in the country and has proved to be a very fine unit in the context of securing terrorists.

Deputy Costello referred to the underutilisation of Portlaoise prison and he is correct. Portlaoise prison was designed for 222 prisoners. It is a long time since it has accommodated anything approaching that figure. I hope, in the context of the release of some of the political prisoners or the terrorist prisoners from Portlaoise, that the numbers can be increased substantially. The prison is there and the wall is secure and has proven to be so and one would not need to expend anything approaching £2 million on a new perimeter wall were the prison to be extended. the farm is directly beside the prison and there are acres of space for an extension that would provide the 200 spaces which people deem necessary. There is room within and outside the prison. I invite the Minister to dust off the plans in the Department of Justice for the expansion and development of Portlaoise prison to allow for the appropriate number of places to be made available for prisoners. All the infrastructure is there and I think it is a viable option.

Before inviting the Minister to reply to the points that have been made, I call Deputy Harte, who has been offering for some time.

I wish to follow through on what the Chairman said about a person holding an Irish passport. I take it the Chairman was referring to a person from Northern Ireland holding an Irish passport——

——and whether he or she has the right to petition the Minister for Justice in Dublin. Are Northern Ireland prisons seen as foreign prisons? Will they be recognised as part of the United Kingdom more than Great Britain? Will a person from Belfast holding an Irish passport and serving time in Northern Ireland, Long Kesh or the Maze be entitled to be transferred to a prison in the Republic?

I welcome this Bill. It makes much sense and I wonder why it was not introduced long before now. I have had occasion to visit high security prisons in Britain which took two to three days to organise. Facilities were available to me which were not available to the relatives of prisoners. I was making a visit every three or every six months while they were visiting on a much more regular basis. The penalty at the end of the day was on the spouse, mostly the wife. There are more men in prison and wives visiting them, than there are wives in prison and men and families visiting them. When a person is imprisoned it deprives not only the person in prison but the spouse and children. If the family wish to visit the person in prison on a regular basis it is inconvenient, expensive and time wasting. If they have any affection for the prisoner, they will visit the person on a regular basis.

There are many advantages in being a Donegal person — and I am proud of them — but one of the disadvantages is that if you are sentenced to jail you have to travel. There is the concept of prisoners being repatriated or brought back to Ireland to serve the remainder of their sentences. Is that concept reflected in people from Donegal serving in Long Kesh or Mountjoy going to Blacklion in County Cavan — in other words, bringing prisoners within the country closer to their families? Will the Minister clarify — it is not that it receives a higher priority than transferring a person within the State to a prison closer to their family — if Northern Ireland is considered foreign for the purposes of this Bill? Is it recognised as part of the United Kingdom and, if so, will prisoners in Northern Ireland jails be treated exactly the same as prisoners in England, Scotland or Wales?

Deputy O'Donoghue has indicated that he is willing to withdraw the amendments pending further consideration being given to the matter prior to Report Stage.

Perhaps I will reply to some of the simpler questions to which I can give straightforward answers. I would say to Deputy Harte that a person serving a sentence in Northern Ireland would be considered to be serving a sentence in a different state and would have the same rights to apply for transfer to the Republic as a person serving in any of the other states ratified by the convention. The same would apply if a person from Donegal was serving a sentence in Long Kesh or one of the Northern Ireland prisons. They could apply to be considered to serve the remainder of their sentence in the Republic.

Can a person from Belfast apply?

Yes, if they fulfil the conditions. If a person from Belfast wishes to serve their sentence in Portlaoise, Mountjoy etc. they can apply in the same way as a person in Belmarsh, Fullsutton or any other prison. Britain has signed the convention and it is another state so far as the convention is concerned.

Deputy Costello asked about compiling a list etc. Members will be interested to know that since our last discussion here we have again been in contact with the Council of Europe to learn as much as we can about the operation of this convention. They have little or no experience of it, but two things emerged. First, Ireland is the only country which will issue an annual report if these amendments are accepted. They were interested in that concept and will let other countries know that it would be desirable to introduce it in their legislation. Second, as a result of our contacts they said they are preparing an explanatory leaflet which will cover every single country which is a member of the convention and how the rules operate in each country and how prisoners can apply etc. That will be prepared at a central level by the Council of Europe. Some 31 countries have ratified the convention. We will prepare our explanatory leaflet for our prisoners and I have already made that clear.

In relation to discrimination, I was very careful in the words I used. In his clarification of his amendment Deputy O'Donoghue seems to say that when applications come in they should be treated — I am afraid to say it — as prisoner A, prisoner B etc., that you would have no information about them and that you would make a decision in vacuum——

——and that you would allow this application and only when they would arrive here would I ask where I would put them. Before the application can be decided on I have to examine all the applications in exactly the same way as if you were interviewing for a job or applying to a council for a house. I cannot examine an application without considering whether I have space, whether the person has fulfilled the conditions and still has six months to serve. Deputy O'Donoghue is saying that I should not say this application is going to be refused because I do not have space etc. I intend to be as flexible as possible. If the only reason I cannot accede to a valid request from an applicant is the lack of apace — one of the criteria to be applied — I propose to indicate this in my reply. They will not have to continue to apply each month as they will be placed on a waiting list.

In considering applications for a transfer, distinctions will have to be made as between men and women. As Deputy Costello and the Chairman said, one cannot imagine that the only reason a woman would be refused is the lack of space. There may well be other reasons. It should be remembered at all times that the approval of the state in which the person is serving their sentence will be required. I can only go so far; I cannot force the hand of another state.

Deputy Woods will recall that a number of years ago it was proposed to build a female prison in Kilbarrack. If that project had proceeded we would not now be having a debate on the issue of providing more prison places, but the Deputy was adamant that we did not need a prison there. The reality is that neither of the two projects which have been deferred because of budgetary constraints would have been completed in the next two years. Once this legislation is enacted I will examine the 2,240 places available in the nine secure prisons and three open centres.

Deputy Harte asked if it will be possible for a person serving their sentence in Mountjoy prison to apply for a transfer to Loughan House. It is already possible for them to do this under the present system. In considering any such application the position of parents and relatives has to be taken into account. It is not always possible to agree to a transfer because the person concerned may be required to serve their sentence in a secure prison — Loughan House is an open centre.

Section 2 lays down the criteria to be applied. Deputies have made the point that a person's health and various other matters should be taken into account. It has to be recognised, however, that in being too specific we may also discriminate against a prisoner. For example, if a time limit of two months was imposed I would have no option but to refuse an applicant if I was satisfied I did not have all the information I needed. That would not be in the best interests of the prisoner concerned. Deputies have to be careful that in seeking to ensure there will be no discrimination they do not force me to include criteria which may lead to a prisoner being discriminated against.

I am glad Deputy O'Donoghue has agreed to withdraw the amendment. In the meantime I will reflect on the points made in this debate. I remind the Deputies opposite that yesterday in the Seanad a Fianna Fáil Senator said it was a pity other Ministers did not adopt such an open mind when considering legislation. While they may not want to do so, they should be aware that Fianna Fáil Senators are busily praising me.

That is not our job.

I praise the Minister for being so open with us.

That is because we are talking sense.

The availability of space is an issue. I am amazed at the extent to which Deputy Costello has mellowed. He states that there is no problem at the women's prison, although he admits conditions are appalling.

Space is not a problem; it is a question of numbers.

Conditions are appalling. It is not a place people should be brought to.

It is not as bad as the male prison.

The Minister referred to Kilbarrack. I could not let the opportunity pass without making the position clear. When it was first proposed that a female prison should be built at that location the people wanted it for the reason that they would feel more secure and safer.

That is the new version.

This is true. As the proposed site of 6.5 acres was the last remaining piece of green space, we had no option but to campaign for its retention for the 72 teams within the community which needed access to a playing pitch. Officials of the Department of Justice explained that the proposed prison would be a beautiful place with swimming pools and only have a small wall surrounding it. I was a young innocent person at that stage. When I saw the size of the wall erected around Wheatfield, the 35 acre site eventually chosen, I became very suspicious of statements issued by the Department of Justice.

The Deputy should see the one in Roscommon.

I recognise, however, that the Minister is being open and fair. I am concerned at a time when the country is faced with a drugs and crime epidemic that there is insufficient space available. The Minister has also informed us that she has to release prisoners much sooner than she wants to. We have to ensure that space is made available.

Deputies and Ministers have put forward the peace process and the release of those in prison for the non-payment of a debt as an argument, but this does not represent a solution to the problem. The Minister should inform both the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance that those in prison for the non-payment of a debt account for only 0.2 per cent of the total number in prison. This is an indication that an attempt is being made to whitewash the issue and it is the task of this committee to point to the reality.

The discussion on this amendment has proved helpful and valuable in allowing us to get to the heart of the matter. Deputy O'Donoghue is prepared to wait and see what amendments the Minister will bring forward on Report Stage before pressing his amendment to a vote.

We should show some compassion and excuse Deputy Woods, who has a sore throat. Perhaps he should leave at this stage.

Deputy Woods stated that we have had a constructive discussion on the amendment. We have had a constructive discussion in the past hour and a half on matters in the Bill and many other matters in the whole justice area. We are making very little progress.

I assume we will deal with the rest of the amendments very quickly because Deputies have referred to them already.

Considering the Deputies who are sitting on my right, I do not agree with the Minister on that.

Very often many issues are discussed on an amendment and when we come to further amendments we do not need much time because the Minister has elaborated fully on those issues.

If an Irish prisoner in a British prison wishes to apply to be transferred to an Irish prison, should the prisoner apply directly to the Minister for Justice in the Republic?

The next amendment deals with that matter.

Will the prisoner have to apply through the prison authorities or the Home Secretary in Britain?

He may do both. The next group of amendments will show that the Bill is being amended to allow such prisoners apply directly to the Minister.

Is there a possibility of a prisoner from Northern Ireland who applies for a transfer to serve the remainder of his sentence in a prison in the Republic being refused by the British authorities?

We will deal with that matter under section 4.

This convention requires agreement from the prisoner, the sentencing state and the receiving state. I may be willing to accept a prisoner who wishes to come back here but the sentencing state may refuse the application.

Deputy O'Donoghue stated his intention to withdraw amendment No. 9 but Deputy Woods said that is a mere intention.

I will withdraw the amendment on the basis that it will be re-entered. I am anxious to see the Minister's proposals on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 2 agreed to.
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