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SELECT COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL AND FAMILY AFFAIRS debate -
Thursday, 24 Jun 2010

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2010: Committee Stage

I welcome the Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Éamon Ó Cuív, and his officials.

Before we commence business, I need to reach agreement on sitting times. Is it agreed that there will be a lunch break from 1.30 p.m. to 2.30 p.m? Agreed.

I draw the attention of members to the following typographical error in amendment No. 34 in the name of the Minister. At the end of paragraph (c), the word “and” should appear. It will be incorporated in the next printing of the Bill.

The list of amendments to be grouped has been circulated. It is proposed to group the following amendments for the purposes of debate: amendments Nos. 3 and 4; 9, 10 and 11; 18 and 26; 20 and 25; 29 to 32, inclusive; and 33 to 35, inclusive. All other amendments will be discussed individually. Is that agreed? Agreed.

I convey the apologies of the Chairman, Deputy Jackie Healy-Rae. I will chair the meeting in his absence, by agreement.

SECTION 1

I move amendment No. 1:

In page 3, between lines 15 and 16, to insert the following subsection:

"(3) The Labour Services Acts 1987 to 2009 and Part 3 and section 33, insofar as it relates to Part 3, may be cited together as the Labour Services Acts 1987 to 2010.”.

This is a technical amendment to the collective citation.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 2:

In page 3, subsection (3), line 16, to delete "18 and 24” and substitute “17”, 18 and 24 and Parts 3, 4 and 5.

This is a technical amendment to the commencement provisions of the Bill.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments Nos. 3 and 4 are related and may be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 3:

In page 3, subsection (3), line 17, to delete "for Social Protection".

These are technical amendments to include the words "Minister for Social Protection" in the definition sections of the Bill.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 1, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 2

I move amendment No. 4:

In page 3, between lines 27 and 28, to insert the following: " "Minister" means the Minister for Social Protection;".

Amendment agreed to.
Question proposed: "That section 2, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

I give notice that I will table an amendment on Report Stage. It will be what I term a groundhog day amendment. The suggestion is that at this Part of the Bill a clause or section be inserted which would suggest that sections 17, 18 and 24 shall be repealed or shall stand repealed unless a resolution is passed with debate by both Houses of the Oireachtas, resolving that the necessary activation supports and services, and job opportunities, including those referred to in section 1(3) exist in sufficient numbers to allow for the safe operation of those sections. We will deal at a later stage in greater detail with the sections relating to changes to jobseeker's allowance and changes to one-parent family payments. Through the use of such a clause we need a continual review to measure the activation, as in jobs, and meaningful and appropriate training or educational opportunities. While what has been proposed may be welcome, it is only welcome if all the opportunities are available otherwise the changes being suggested are punitive. As I said on Second Stage, the jobs, education courses or appropriate and meaningful training courses aimed at future jobs for a future new economy are not available.

Question put and agreed to.
NEW SECTIONS

I move amendment No. 5:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Minister shall as soon as may be after the passing of this Act prepare and lay before both Houses of the Oireachtas a report on the potential yield of each of the following revenue raising measures:

(a) requiring insurance companies to compensate the Minister for illness or disability payments where they have admitted liability and where the value of social welfare entitlements are deducted from the gross claim settlement;

(b) changing Charge PRSI on rental income on PRSI classes A, B, C, D, E, H & S;

(c) applying PRSI to capital gains on PRSI classes A, B, C, D, E, H & S;

(d) applying PRSI to share based remuneration and share options on PRSI classes A, B, C, D, E, H & S;

(e) withholding payment of Mortgage Interest Supplement until proof is provided that a bank has declined a payment-free period, an interest-free period, a partial write-off, an extension of the term, or any other reduction in the cost of the mortgage to the mortgage-holder and use the saving to improve the means-test for Mortgage Interest Supplement and modernise the rules including the deletion of the “30 hour rule”.”.

I again draw attention to the frustrating aspect of an Opposition spokesperson having any input into legislation. As Opposition Members we are precluded from making any proposals on any matter that will result in a cost to the Exchequer, which limits our role as Opposition Members. Not only that, but we are also precluded from making any proposals which would result in savings being made to the Exchequer, which is nonsensical. I really wanted to engage with the Minister on this legislation and on his general work in the Department. The Labour Party has already outlined a range of measures that could be implemented and would result in significant savings in the Department of Social Protection. However, unfortunately under Standing Orders we are not allowed to table amendments that would result in savings being made, which is ridiculous and seriously curtails the role of Opposition spokespersons and Members generally.

We have no option but to resort to this mechanism of tabling amendments seeking reports to be produced, which is what I have been forced to do on this area. I had hoped the Minister would consider a range of reforms that were necessary in his Department, the main ones being in the pension area. The Minister has responsibility for pension policy. There is potential for significant savings to the Exchequer by changing pension policy. In particular I refer to the exorbitant reliefs available to rich people and the fact that people can have pension pots up to €5.4 million tax free, from which they are allowed to withdraw 25% on a tax-free basis. Under the current law and Department of Social Protection policy, wealthy people can take approximately €1.3 million tax-free on retirement. There is no justification for allowing that to continue at a time when the Government is cutting the incomes of the people on the very lowest incomes. Last year the Government cut the Christmas bonus for a range of social welfare recipients. It is indefensible to cut the incomes of people at the lowest level while allowing the very rich to get away scot free in many respects in the pensions area. Current pension arrangements for the wealthy are indefensible.

I call on the Minister for Social Protection to take action to bring some equality into the pensions area. It is in his power to do something in this area. He is responsible for the policy. To date he and his predecessors have failed to rationalise the area of pension tax relief for the wealthy. I ask him to review that area as a matter of urgency to bring about reform. Exchequer savings of hundreds of millions of euro could be made by changing the policy in that area.

The amendment also proposes that the Minister would prepare a report on how he could make savings in the PRSI area, a number of which I have listed. He should seek to apply PRSI on rental income in certain classes, on capital gains for certain classes, and on share-based remuneration and share options for certain classes of PRSI payers. It is not just me saying that. Those three proposals to extend PRSI to rental income, capital gains and share-based remuneration came from a recommendation of the Commission on Taxation. I do not know why the Minister has not accepted that recommendation. If he is serious about making savings in social welfare and serious about social protection, he would seek to make savings by getting more from those who can best afford to contribute more. Unfortunately he chose not to do so in the Bill as he could have done. He could have adopted the recommendations of the Commission on Taxation. For some reason he decided not to go down that route.

I wanted to make amendments to this legislation to provide for that but was precluded from doing so through Standing Orders and so I am now asking the Minister to agree to prepare a report on the implications of extending the levying of PRSI on those other forms of income, which would undoubtedly result in significant savings accruing to the Department of Social Protection and allow the Government to avoid having to cut the incomes of those on the lowest levels of income and who depend solely on social welfare.

I want insurance companies to compensate the Department of Social Protection for illness or disability payments where they have admitted liability and where the value of social welfare entitlements are deducted from the gross claim settlement. At the moment it seems the Department is letting insurance companies off the hook in these circumstances. I do not understand why the Minister is allowing that to continue. The amendment seeks to secure cost savings for the Exchequer on disability-type payments by withdrawing the effective subsidisation of insurance companies in compensation awards. In recent times a number of cases have been brought to my attention which underlines what is involved. For example, if a pedestrian has his foot crushed by a truck, the driver of the truck is at fault and the insurance company will admit liability. However, the man who has been injured spends several months undergoing surgery and recuperating. He is out of work for this time and claims illness benefit. The case is settled and the man is awarded a substantial payment for his loss of earnings. However, the value of his illness benefit is subtracted from this payment. In this instance the State is effectively subsidising the insurance company and the Department does not pursue it for retrieval of illness benefit. This does not make sense at a time when money is tight. Given that those who are solely dependent on social welfare have been already hit by cutbacks, one would expect the Minister to try to make savings wherever possible by addressing these anomalies. I ask him to attend to this issue.

The final area on which I seek a report is the payment of mortgage interest supplement. At present, if persons who lose their job and have difficulties meeting mortgage payments contact a community welfare officer to seek assistance with mortgage repayments, they will be paid the mortgage interest supplement provided they meet the criteria laid down by the Department. This subsidy should not be paid until such time as applicants have exhausted all possibilities with their respective lenders. Applicants should be required to negotiate with their bank or building society which has a role to play in assisting people who are in mortgage difficulty. We should expect financial institutions to provide a range of measures to assist people in this position and the mortgagee should be required to negotiate with his or her bank to restructure the repayment schedule of the mortgage. This could mean the bank providing a break from repayments of perhaps six or 12 months, as some banks are being encouraged to do, or restructuring the mortgage over a longer period.

Most of the rules for mortgage interest payment were set down in the mid-1990s when significant mortgage debt was not a major factor, as it is today. At that time, banks were not providing 100% mortgages with 35 year repayment schedules and the practice of re-financing using one's home as collateral was not yet widespread. We need to update the mortgage interest payment scheme because it is completely out of date and operates essentially as a subsidy for banks. It does not place an onus on banks to offer a moratorium, a write-off, an extended repayment period or an interest free period. For this reason, banks are suggesting to customers that they avail of the mortgage interest supplement arrangements provided by the State. The Minister should not facilitate a position in which the State subsidises banks.

The financial institutions should be the first port of call when people experience difficulty with their mortgages and should share the costs involved in assisting such people. The amendment seeks to ensure that the first onus is on the banks to agree a compromise with customers and share the responsibility for the substantial debt in which they find themselves.

Each of the five proposals I have made is reasonable. I had intended to table them as amendments but was precluded from doing so. If the Minister was serious about protecting the Department's budget and securing the greatest possible savings at the expense of those who can afford to make a contribution, he would have tabled amendments. I ask the Minister to agree to the amendment which seeks a report in each of five areas which have the potential to generate significant savings.

The Fine Gael Party supports the amendment. I am especially interested in having a report on the PRSI changes outlined by Deputy Shortall to ascertain what impact the proposed changes would have. Frustration about pensions is widespread. The Government claims many loopholes have been closed, even though employers continue to be allowed to pay large sums into pension schemes on behalf of their employees. When people see a small number of people benefiting from large company pensions while they suffer from cuts in income, they find it impossible to square the circle.

On mortgage interest supplement, my experience in recent months has been that when a person contacts a financial institution or sub-prime lender to discuss the renegotiation of his or her mortgage the whole discussion can predicate on whether the mortgage holder will receive mortgage interest supplement. We have all made representations on behalf of people seeking mortgage interest supplement, which has become a cheque written to the bank. It may be paid to the mortgage holder but it goes directly to the bank. The scheme does not achieve the objectives we set for it.

Mortgage interest supplement is vital for recipients as it allows them to retain their home. Nevertheless, it amounts to an additional form of assistance for financial institutions, including several which have been supported by the State. I am aware of cases where people who were refused mortgage interest supplement were automatically refused any type of deal with their lender when they sought to renegotiate their mortgage. The reason was simply that they did not meet the criteria of the mortgage interest supplement scheme.

The review of the mortgage interest supplement scheme, which has been ongoing for two and a half years, commenced before the entire landscape within which the scheme operates dramatically changed. The application of the scheme must be examined and we must send out a message to financial institutions that its purpose is not to support them, as is currently the case. I do not know the position regarding the review of the mortgage interest supplement scheme, although I am aware that the Cooney group must report by next Wednesday.

I would like access to the contents of the study being done by the Department to enable me to ascertain how the mortgage interest supplement scheme is being applied and whether it is effective. People depend on the supplement as without it they would lose their homes. Cases in which applications are refused are difficult for us because they effectively mean that the applicant loses all negotiating power with the lending institution. At the same time, the current application of the scheme was not necessarily the purpose set out for it. It has evolved into a scheme for writing cheques to the bank or sub-prime lender. I assume the examination of the scheme is almost complete. It should be published within the timeframe laid down in the amendment to allow members to have a rational discussion of this issue. While I have met the Cooney group, I do not know how much emphasis it has placed on mortgage interest supplement. It would be difficult for it to complete its review without examining the scheme.

It is difficult for ordinary citizens, especially those in receipt of the disabled or blind pension who have had their income cut, to accept that someone from the banking or financial sector who has done the country a disservice through mismanagement is able to walk away with €1.3 million free of taxation. This issue must be addressed urgently.

On insurance, there is no reason someone in receipt of the disability allowance as a result of an accident should have his or her payments subtracted from an insurance payment. Persons with a medical card who require hospital care as a result of an accident will have their hospital bill paid for by their insurance company. Action should be taken on this issue.

Everything possible must be done to ensure the banks meet their responsibilities. The Minister must force the issue because in many cases it was the financial institutions, especially sub-prime lenders that encouraged reckless lending. There were many sharks in the market who lent money to people in the knowledge that it could never be repaid. This has given rise to horrendous circumstances. I encourage the Minister to consider the amendment sympathetically and in the spirit in which it has been presented.

While I see much merit in the ideas put forward, I do not propose to accept the amendment, although I accept the spirit behind it. The amendment makes many interesting suggestions. On the first issue, the insurance company and the compensation, I will begin a consultation process with the interested parties. I see merit in it even though we would have to contact many stakeholders in Departments, especially the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Innovation, the insurance industry, the Bar Council and the Law Society. However, I am advised that this might not give us the honey pot we expect. Legislation in the area was introduced in Britain containing 34 sections but the amount of money that was achieved was approximately €140 million a year. Given that its population is ten times the size of ours, that gives approximately €14 million for 4 million people based on an assumed population of 40 million in Britain, where the population is in fact 50 million or 55 million. One is probably talking about a take of €10 million to €12 million in this country. I would never refuse €10 million to €12 million if I could get my hands on it, as long as it did not cost me €10 million to €12 million to get my hands on it. I will start a consultation process to see how we can progress that issue.

In principle no one could argue against the approach. I welcome the fact that another common law jurisdiction has tried it. It does not appear to be likely to yield a large amount of money but we might do better than the British if we decide to proceed with it. The sum of €88 million was mentioned at one stage. I do not know where the figure came from or whether it is overly optimistic. The best comparison is that it has been done already in Britain and that it would raise approximately €10 million a year in this country. The sum of €10 million, or any money, is not to be sneezed at, but we would have to ensure it was an efficient way to raise money.

We have changed the tax relief for employees putting money into pension schemes. The proposed change is to bring it from the marginal rate of tax where if one does not pay tax one does not get any tax relief, if one pays 20% tax, one gets tax relief at 20% and if one pays tax at 41% tax, one gets 41% tax relief, to an average of 33% for everyone. If one pays no tax one will get a rebate of 33%. That is progressive and I am very much in favour of the Government decision. It was interesting that at the launch of the pensions report much criticism came from members of the media who said we were being hard on those who were getting 41% tax relief. My view is that if I put €10,000 into a pension fund that I should get the same relief irrespective of my income. In fact, if anything, the person at the bottom should get more money because he or she is making the bigger sacrifice to put money into a pension fund. The issue has moved forward.

We did not talk about that issue.

I know that. I am explaining the background of where we are going on those issues. Tax is an issue for the Minister for Finance and I have no doubt Deputy Burton has raised the matter with the Minister for Finance. I am not an expert on tax but my understanding is that if one withdraws the money from the pot one pays the tax at one's marginal rate. In other words, that one invests the money at which point it is not taxed but if one draws on it, one pays tax at the marginal rate. I am very interested in the idea and I will discuss it with the Minister for Finance. Since it is a taxation issue, the correct person to raise the matter with the line Minister is the spokesperson on finance. I am sure she has.

With all due respect, the Minister is responsible for pension policy.

Yes, but this is a tax issue.

No, it is pension policy on whether one allows that kind of free rein for——

Yes, but as Deputy Shortall is aware, the taxation element is still primarily an issue for the Minister for Finance.

Following the Commission on Taxation report, in last year's budget speech the Minister for Finance announced that in 2011 it was his intention to introduce a new system of charges on income. A new universal social contribution will replace employee PRSI, the health levy and the income levy. It will be paid by everyone at a low rate and a wide base as a collective contribution to public services. The Minister clearly stated at the time that the Commission on Taxation recommendations are informing discussions on the social contribution.

Another issue arises in the PRSI context, namely, that there are approximately 36 rates of PRSI and there are also entitlement issues. I am willing to return to discuss the PRSI system because while these issues are valid other issues arise in terms of the PRSI system. In view of the fact we have signalled major changes in PRSI which have implications for people's future entitlements, I am more than willing to return to the committee to discuss these issues in a much wider context than is proposed in this more restricted case if Members wish to do so.

There is merit in what has been said about rental income. My understanding is that in terms of unearned income at present, self-employed contributors pay PRSI on rental income. In addition, while employed contributors are not generally subject to PRSI on investment income and rental income, there is a liability where the individual concerned also has a trade, professional or partnership income in which case they are chargeable to PRSI as a self-employed contributor on rental income. It is a bit complicated. Therefore, much of rental income is subject to PRSI, but some of it is not. A pure PAYE income earner is not liable which seems to me to be anomalous. It is a very good point. PRSI is worthy of a detailed debate. Some issues relate more to the Department of Finance but entitlement issues relate to my Department. I am willing to listen to Members' concerns and to examine the valid issues that have been raised. We are halfway between Revenue, tax policy and social welfare. All of the different points would have to be taken into account by Government and a collective Government decision would be made on what to do.

What about mortgage interest supplement?

We are reviewing the mortgage interest supplement in the context of the Cooney report because, as Deputy Enright said, it would not be sensible for the Cooney report to be published before next Wednesday and not to have the mortgage interest supplement changes involved. I cannot disagree with what Deputy Shortall said about the obligation on banks. MABS has a major part to play. My belief is that when people get into financial difficulty we should take a holistic view and a plan should be drawn up. There must be a method by which the financial institutions are brought into the process. Unilaterally paying out mortgage interest supplement without a total plan to resolve the issues for the client does not make any sense. We will come forward with those proposals in the near future. I hope that will happen before the summer, certainly before the end of August. We recognise that the matter is urgent.

In terms of the three points made, we are making progress on mortgage interest supplement. We will come back with holistic proposals. They should take not only mortgage interest supplement but also the Cooney report into account.

How does the Minister propose to address the specific point covered in the amendment, namely, the fact mortgage interest supplement is acting as a subsidy for the banks?

I will not pre-empt the report but my Department is represented on the Cooney group and, in addition, we have been carrying out a review. First, we need to focus on resolving issues for householders who have financial difficulties. That is important because I believe in the principle, in so far as that is possible, of people owning their own houses and so does the Government. I accept that financial institutions must take responsibility but we do not wish to create a deadweight situation where the State is paying money or on the other hand for people to decide not to pay their mortgages rather than not being able to pay them. If people decided not to pay their mortgages rather than not being able to pay them, with the Government's huge stake in the banks, we know who would be the last recourse. We would be back to the same point. What we need to do is to get the banks to take responsibility and help those who need assistance with their mortgage repayments and retain their houses.

I believe it should be a total approach, examining all of people's circumstances, that would take all of their borrowings into account, and coming up with a comprehensive plan for them. Obviously, however, I do not want to be taking moneys from my Department to subsidise commercial banks.

I welcome the fact the Minister agrees with me on all five proposals that could save significant amounts of money for his Department. The Commission on Taxation has also said changes should be made in three of the areas identified.

I am not, however, in a position to table amendments that will incur a charge on the Exchequer. The Minister said he wants a thorough discussion on these proposals and that is why I am asking him to produce a report on them.

If the Opposition is offering the Minister five areas in which he can make savings, it would be unwise of him to reject the offer. Will the Minister produce a report on these proposals so that the committee can discuss and progress them? Why will he not accept this amendment, even when he agrees with it?

The Deputy should not put words in my mouth. I said I am not accepting the amendment.

Why is the Minister not accepting the amendment?

These are policy issues which I believe are not appropriate to statute law.

The Minister knows well the Opposition cannot make amendments in these areas. Will he address these areas in which savings can be made?

I made it clear reports are imminent on mortgage debt and mortgage interest supplement. The Government will make its announcements when these are received.

I will start a consultation process on the issue of compensation on disability and illness payments. There is already a Law Reform Commission report on this matter.

I will discuss the PRSI matter with the Minister for Finance. It would be a budgetary issue if we were to make the suggested changes.

I am interested in the ideas given by the Opposition. I am never one to look a gift horse in the mouth. I will examine these when in discussion with the Minister for Finance during the budget process. These are budgetary matters so this committee cannot make a decision on them.

No, the Minister is not being asked to do that. I am drawing these matters to his attention and I would have hoped he would have tabled these amendments himself. Given that he agrees in principle with each of the five proposals, I would hope he would produce a report on them and return to the committee with it.

I am not going to do it the way the Deputy has suggested. It would be stupid to produce a report when the Government will make a decision in the next several weeks on mortgage interest supplement.

I will also begin a consultation on insurance companies compensating the Minister for illness or disability payments where they have admitted liability. When it is completed, we can have discussions on it. I do not believe there is the honey pot there that many people claim there is.

I will examine the PRSI proposals in the budgetary process with the Minister for Finance.

Small-mindedness is preventing the Minister from accepting this amendment. He knows well Opposition Members have no option but to use this amendment mechanism because they are precluded from tabling amendments that will incur a cost on the Exchequer. The Minister should have made the amendments himself. We are simply asking him to come back to the committee with a report on these five savings.

I do not agree with the Deputy that the Government should have made the amendment. It would be somewhat strange for the Government to have an amendment concerning mortgage interest supplement considering it already has the issue in hand and will make a decision on it within the next month.

It would be foolish for the Government to table an amendment requiring insurance companies to compensate the Minister for illness or disability payments where they have admitted liability and where the value of social welfare entitlements are deducted from the gross claim settlement when there has been no consultation, no regulatory impact reports or examination of the implications.

The proposals regarding PRSI charges on rental income and applying it to capital gains, share-based remuneration and share options are interesting ideas. I will take these into account in my discussions with the Minister for Finance during the budget process. I agree there is an inequity with PRSI on rental income where one pays it in certain circumstances and not in others. I will discuss it with the Minister for Finance and the decision will be made on it in the budget.

It is extraordinary that if the Minister agrees with all the proposals why he did not have them in the Bill himself. We are simply asking for a report on these proposals that would save his Department money.

Amendment put and declared lost.

I move amendment No. 6:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Courts Service is required automatically to notify the Minister of upward or any changes in maintenance orders.".

This amendment concerns family maintenance orders. I was surprised to discover there is no automatic notification relating to maintenance orders between the Courts Service and the Department of Social Protection. The Department relies on lone parents to inform it of changes to maintenance orders. The one-parent family payment and jobseeker's allowance are not affected before the payment exceeds €100 per week, meaning the savings may be quite minor. On the other hand, if there is an economic recovery, one would expect an increase in the number of upwardly adjusted maintenance orders.

The key point in the Comptroller and Auditor General's report on social welfare overpayments and fraud was that information is often available in State agencies to ensure the Department of Social Protection does not make overpayments in social welfare benefits. However, because departmental systems do not talk to each other, the Department cannot pick up on this information.

The Courts Service has information on maintenance payments. It would make sense for a system to be put in place to ensure the automatic notification of changes to maintenance orders. There is a potential for savings with such a clampdown on overpayment by the Department. I hope the Minister will accept the amendment.

This seems to me to be a sensible proposal. However, the amounts received from maintenance recovery are rather small. There is also much data-matching going on between Departments. I do not know if there are data protection issues in this case. I ask the Deputy's indulgence to examine this before Report Stage so as to get more detailed information on why this notification system is not in place. I shall come back with a response.

On the face of it, it appears to be very similar to other things we are doing in terms of data matching. I shall check whether there is any particular reason it cannot be done and come back to the Deputy on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 7:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Civil Registration Act 2004 is amended—

(a) in section 19, by the deletion of subsection (6)(g),

(b) by the deletion of section 22 and the substitution therefor of the following section:

22.—(1) This section applies without prejudice to the general duty on both parents to register a birth under section 19, whether those parents are married or not.

(2) It shall be the duty of a parent whether married to the other parent or not, to furnish to the registrar particulars of the other parent.

(3) Where a mother who is the informant for the purposes of section 19, gives particulars to the registrar of the father, those particulars shall be registered following the giving of notice to the person so named, unless he makes a claim, within such period as may be prescribed, that he is not father; and on the making of such claim the matter shall be referred by the registrar to the District Court for directions prior to the registration of the birth.

(4) Where a mother who is the informant for the purposes of section 19 fails or refuses to furnish particulars of the father, or provides particulars that are false, misleading or incomplete, any person claiming to be the father of the child may at any time thereafter supply to the registrar or to any other qualified informant particulars regarding the father of the child, and the registrar shall register such particulars if the mother does not object to them within such time as may be prescribed; and in case of such objection the registrar shall refer the matter to the District Court for directions.

(5) Where the father of a child has not been registered in respect of any child born before the commencement of section 7 of the Guardianship of Children Act 2010, or where, in respect of such a child, a mother who is the informant for the purposes of the Act of 2004 has provided particulars of the father that are false, misleading or incomplete, the father of the child may at any time after such commencement supply to the registrar particulars regarding the father of the child, and the registrar shall re-register the birth containing such particulars if the mother does not object to them or in case of objection shall refer the matter to the District Court for directions.".

The purpose of this amendment is to provide for the compulsory registration of fathers on birth certificates. This is an issue that has been debated on a couple of occasions during the past year, not least by the Joint Committee on Social and Family Affairs.

We produced a report during the year, a section of which was on this issue. The committee agreed the following wording:

The committee strongly recommends that it should be made compulsory for the father's name to be registered on a child's birth certificate and that the Minister for Health and Children progress this matter with the General Registrar's office as a matter of priority. Apart from wider societal benefits, there is the potential for compulsory registration of the father's name to lead to greater success in the recovery of maintenance payments and/or a lower level of fraud in relation to parental living arrangements.

I believe there is a general agreement that we should move towards the situation that exists in most northern European countries at least, where there is a requirement to register the father's name on a birth certificate. All children have two parents and under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child all children have a right to know and be cared for by both parents. Unfortunately, at the moment there is no such requirement when registering the birth of a child and this, undoubtedly, leads to a denial of a child's birthright in terms of his or her right to know who are both parents. As well as this impacting negatively on the child, it also sends out a message to the effect that the role of father is not important, and we should not be doing that. We should be emphasising to both fathers and mothers the important role they need to play in their children's lives.

I understand that sometimes lone parents who go to register the birth of a child are advised not to put down the father's name because this could impact on access to the one-parent family payment. Again, that is a very negative type of climate to be creating both for the child and fathers. It is in everybody's interest that both parents' names are registered on the birth certificate and we should enshrine in law the requirement that this should be done.

Obviously, from the viewpoint of the operation of the Minister's Department and ensuring that fathers who are in a position to provide for their children should be required to do so, that message needs to go out because at the moment fathers are being told, in effect, that if they father a child they can walk away. The father in the event has basically no responsibilities and nobody expects him to play a role in the child's life. Neither does anybody seriously pursue him in terms of providing for the child. That is bad public policy and I believe it needs to be changed. There is all-party agreement on that at the level of this committee as well as among many of the groups working with lone parents, Treoir in particular, which has been campaigning for this change in the law. I hope the Minister will support the amendment.

I support the principle of this amendment. We had considerable discussion on this at the time the report was being prepared by Deputy Shortall. There were concerns about the operation of it and so on. The Department of Social Protection has an obvious ability to look at maintenance payments, once the father's name is on a birth certificate. Quite apart from that, I strongly believe every child has the right to know who are both his or her parents. The easiest way to facilitate a child in this regard is to have both parents' names on the birth certificate from day one.

The argument as regards mothers being advised not to put the father's name on a birth certificate because of the one-payment family payment is valid, unfortunately, and one sees it time and again. However, if the father does not have means no court will force him to make the payment, so she will still be entitled to the one-parent family payment. If one takes this to its logical conclusion, only fathers who have the means will be forced to pay the money. Otherwise, the mother will get the payment anyway, but there is a mindset among lone parents to the effect, "If I do this, I will not get the payment". I am not sure whether the Minister has taken advice on the wording, but it seems to me to be fair enough.

The only reservation I have is as regards part (3) in relation to the ability if a man who genuinely believes he is not the father, where the process kicks into train at that stage for him to prove it. I have come across difficulties in that regard when I was practising as a solicitor, with people having to take blood tests and so on, but ultimately the child still needs to know who is his or her father. That will have to happen at some stage so it is better that it should be done when the child is in his or her infancy rather than later. Therefore, I support the amendment.

I certainly support the amendment because the situation, as outlined, can lead to all sorts of other problems in the future if there is a need to trace who the father is etc. Years ago I heard my former colleague from Lucan talking about the issue as regards a housing estate in his constituency where people would not know who the fathers were or otherwise. This has been highlighted on television since and it is a very serious situation, namely, that there is inter-marriage among people who do not honestly know what is happening. Not only from an economic viewpoint, but from the long-term social and health perspectives, this appears to be very important.

In principle, this issue needs to be progressed. I understand the Law Reform Commission issued a document in 2009 on the legal aspects of family relationships which included the issue of registration of fathers' particulars. I further understand it has invited submissions from interested parties and will issue recommendations in a further report. That report is not expected before the autumn, so we shall allow that it will be published then.

In the context of that report and because there are issues that have to be resolved here, I suggest it would be better to move after we receive this report, while not putting this on an infinite backburner. If the Law Reform Commission is within three or four months of producing a comprehensive report that looks at all the angles to this, it would be better to move on this once we have it.

I have nothing against what Deputy Shortall is proposing in this amendment, subject to safeguards. It has a good deal of merit. I agree with what Deputy Crawford said and in my view consanguinity will become a problem in the future. We know there are quite serious health aspects in this regard.

In summary, I will not be accepting the amendment, not because I do not agree that this matter should be dealt with, but as there is already a process in train with the Law Reform Commission. I believe we should move after that report has been received and we have considered all the work it has done, rather than jumping ahead at this stage.

Is that a commitment from the Minister to act on the Law Reform Commission report?

My way of working is to lay out a process and not to jump to the last step of the process before I get there. Therefore I suggest we agree to wait until we get the report from the Law Reform Commission. I am sure it will be discussed in this committee and I am willing to debate it here if members want, and we shall see whether we can reach a consensus as regards where to go from there. When one gets a report one must decide to accept or reject it, or indeed accept parts of it.

I cannot decide either way until I get the report, but I am saying that once I have it I will consider this issue. I do not know what it will recommend. If there are proposals that cover all the angles, then we should consider where we go from there as quickly as possible, and not sit on the report. I cannot tell the Deputy what will be in the report, so I cannot tell her my reaction to the report.

I did not ask the Minister to do that. I am asking him to give a commitment to take action after the Law Reform Commission has produced its report, if he agrees in principle with this proposal.

We will get the report and I have no doubt the committee will want to consider the report as well. We will try to move the matter forward at that stage if a consensus forms as to where we go. This issue must be addressed, but I am not interested in protecting fathers who do not want to answer to their responsibilities. However, there are limited circumstances where an absolute requirement of registration might not be in the mother's interest. No doubt all these issues will be teased out in detail in the Law Reform Commission report, but I do not want to jump in with a blanket commitment before we see what it recommends.

Nobody would disagree with the idea that there will be a need for exceptions, but that should be the minority.

I agree with the Deputy on that issue.

We agree that once the Law Reform Commission's report is produced, the Minister will give an undertaking to come back to this committee. I want to see this issue moved forward within the coming year, because it has been put on the back burner for long enough.

Once we get the report, we should not let the grass grow under our feet and we should consider it. If there are workable proposals and if there are no constitutional or insurmountable barriers, we should move forward.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 8:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—Section 257(a) of the Principal Act is deleted and the following paragraph substituted therefore:

"(a) on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding €5,000 (in the case of an employer) or not exceeding €3,000 (in the case of any other person) or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 12 months, or to both, and in the case of a person other than an employer, particular consideration shall be given to community service under the Criminal Justice (Community Service) Act 1983,”.

This amendment concerns the question of penalties for fraud. We are talking about fraud and not overpayment here. The Department has some difficulty distinguishing between the two issues. We hear figures for fraud in the Department, but it turns out that a big element of that is as a result of overpayment, so these are errors made in the Department. This amendment refers to instances where somebody knowingly defrauds the State, such as claiming unemployment benefit while working and so on.

The maximum fine for fraud is currently €1,500. I am not talking about somebody who is claiming a living alone allowance. I do not want to justify any fraud at all, but there often can be situations where large amounts of money are involved, either through some major scam in which somebody is involved as a social welfare claimant, or a scam in which employers are involved, such as not declaring they have particular individuals working for them. Employers might turn a blind eye or even encourage employees to sign on while also working full time.

The current level of fines is inadequate. The maximum fine is €1,500. Under the Fines Bill 2009, that will go up to €2,500. However, some rogue employers can sometimes defraud the State of hundreds of thousands of euro, so that maximum fine is completely inadequate. My amendment doubles the current fine to €3,000 for general breaches, and doubles that amount again for fraud carried out by employers, to come to about €6,000.

Where we have very small scale fraud, in which it is probably not practical to try to recoup the money from a claimant, such as where the claimant's only income might be social welfare income, it is sometimes more appropriate that there be a penalty of community service, rather than a financial penalty. Both these penalties in my amendment would help in reducing the level of fraud in the Department, so I hope the Minister agrees to it.

A commitment was made by the Minister and his officials a few months ago that we would be given a breakdown of the difference between fraud and overpayment. That would allow us to analyse this issue a lot better. I have put down many parliamentary questions on overpayment, and we get figures back that show we are saving half the money lost, but there is no comparison for questions about fraud. It would be interesting to see how much of the €600 million the Minister wishes to save this year relates to pure fraud and how much relates to accidental overpayments by departmental staff. We should definitely know the difference between fraud and overpayment, but that information just does not seem to be available.

Categorisation can be difficult. We have all come across a number of cases where people did not declare all their savings and when they died, the Department tried to reclaim some of that money. That is fraud in a strict sense, but there is little point in prosecuting dead people, so the money is taken out of the estate when that happens. I had a case recently involving somebody who was being paid on a scheme and the partner started receiving carer's allowance, even though the person received the adult dependant allowance. When this was detected, the person said she did not realise she could not get both. Whether that was wilful fraud or not, there was certainly overpayment. We are all familiar with these thin line cases where the person claims not to know or understand.

Is the technology not there within the Department? When that application was made by the person who made a second application for the carer's allowance, the PPS would have been typed in.

The person was on a scheme and was not on a social welfare payment.

That is the problem, where we have people from schemes and Departments talking to each other.

That is why we are bringing it all under one Department.

Is the Minister telling me that cannot happen again?

I agree with the Deputy. I have a big interest in the use of technology. When I came into the Department, I asked many questions about data matching, upgrading technology, investing in schemes and putting more things in automatic format. We will continue to invest in the technology and I am glad I have the support of the committee for doing so. It is far more effective to do these things through the use of technology, because people make errors when they do them manually.

We know there can be difficulty in the classification between fraud and overpayments. We sometimes get situations where people's incomes change when they are on a means-tested payment. Farm income goes up and they do not declare the extra income. They might get a REPS payment and they do not go back immediately to tell the Department of Social Protection. When such people are charged with an overpayment, they will state their belief that they should have waited until the next visit of the social welfare officer when the payment would be reviewed. Something of a grey area exists in this regard. My point is that the Department's job is to detect fraud and overpayments, to collect back as much money as possible and to consider ways of eliminating, as far as practicable, any abuse of the system through either technology or better schemes, and it will continue to so do.

On the subject of fines and the proposed amendment, members have noted that the Fines Act will increase the penalty for summary offences to €2,500. However, for cases on indictment, there already is in place a potential fine of €13,000 or three years' imprisonment. As for community service orders, I understand this already is provided for. A community service order is an order under which an offender is obliged to complete between 40 and 240 hours of unpaid work under the supervision of a probation officer. The order may be made by any court other than the Special Criminal Court and in respect of any offender over 16 years of age who has been convicted of an offence for which the appropriate sentence otherwise would be one of imprisonment. The relevant Act is the Criminal Justice (Community Service) Act 1983. In 2009, 11 cases finalised in the District Court were subject to community service orders.

I thank the Minister and accept this.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendments Nos. 9 to 11, inclusive, are related and therefore will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 9:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—Section 198 of the Principal Act is amended by the insertion of the following subsection after subsection (3D):

"(3E) The payment of a supplement towards the amount of rent payable by a person in respect of his or her residence will be paid to this person on the day it is due according to the tenancy agreement of this person with their landlord.".".

Amendments Nos. 9 to 11, inclusive, relate to rent supplement. As the Minister is aware, his Department is paying out more than half a billion euros every year in rent supplement. In the context of savings, the manner in which this scheme operates at present warrants careful examination, as it leaves much to be desired. Reform is required in a number of areas, of which I have identified three, as outlined in these amendments. The first amendment requires that tenants in receipt of rent supplement be paid on the day that rent is due under the tenancy agreement. Under all tenancy agreements, rent must be paid in advance and not in arrears. Consequently, all the approximately 95,000 tenants who are in receipt of rent supplement are in breach of their tenancy agreements because of the manner in which the Department makes available the payment. However, the Department operates an administrative practice of paying in arrears whereby rent for the month of June, for example, is paid at the end of the month rather than at the start, which is a term by which any other tenant must abide. I reiterate that under the tenancy agreement, such rent is required to be paid in advance. Tenants in receipt of rent supplement are greatly disadvantaged by the practice of paying rent arrears. The necessity for landlords to wait until the end of a rental period to be paid serves as quite a disincentive for them to rent out their properties to tenants who are in receipt of rent supplement. While I am unsure of the reason for this practice, it must be addressed.

Amendment No. 10 requires that a landlord must supply his or her tenancy registration details when he or she is in receipt of rent supplement payable on behalf of the tenant. It is known that a very serious problem exists in respect of the poor rate of registration of landlords. Under the law, landlords are required to register with the Private Residential Tenancies Board, PRTB. However, the Committee of Public Accounts identified a system in which, for example, the Department of Social Protection was paying out half a billion euros in rent supplement but did not require landlords to provide details of their PPS numbers. A ludicrous situation obtains in which all this public money is being paid out by one Department and another Department is responsible for collecting tax on it but yet the two Departments were not speaking to each other. While there has been some improvement since the PRTB and that legal requirement came into existence, there is no connection between the payment of rent supplement and the legal requirement to register the property.

The purpose of this amendment is to ensure that rent supplement will not be paid to landlords unless they have registered with the PRTB. This appears to make sense as it would close the loophole in this regard and would greatly facilitate tax compliance, as well as tax collection by the Revenue Commissioners. It appears to be a basic point that if a landlord is in receipt of payment from the State by way of rent supplement, he or she should be required to be above board and to be registered with the PRTB and to pay taxes properly. The Department of Social Protection has a key role to play in ensuring there is proper accountability for this public money and the Minister should introduce such a scheme. It is known from examination of this issue that the number of landlords who provide their PPS numbers is very low. When figures pertaining to all landlords from last year were made available in April, one learned that only 20% of them had provided their PPS numbers last year. From the State's point of view and if one wishes to ensure tax compliance, the introduction of such a measure is a "no-brainer". Consequently, one must query whether the Minister wishes to ensure tax compliance. If so, he must introduce a new system, such as that proposed in the amendment, whereby a PPS number is required. Such an obligation should arise as soon as practicable after the commencement of the tenancy, so that it is not a requirement that a tenancy be registered prior to the payment but rather that the obligation would arise very soon after the signing of the tenancy agreement.

Amendment No. 11 also pertains to rent supplement. This amendment would modify how rent supplements is paid and would bring it into line with the rental accommodation scheme. All members of this committee believe that the rental accommodation scheme works better for tenants who are dependent on social welfare because it removes an existing poverty trap. A major problem for social welfare recipients in receipt of rent supplement is that if they take a job, they lose a corresponding amount of rent supplement. This is a poverty trap and as everyone believes people should be encouraged to move from welfare to work, it is incumbent on the Minister to remove any poverty traps that exist for people.

Rent supplement should be paid directly to the landlord as is the case with regard to the rental accommodation scheme. It makes much more sense to bring this entire area out of the black economy, which is where much of it exists at present. It must be brought within the proper economy and the way to so do is for rent supplement to be paid directly to the landlord. Under this proposal, rent supplement will be paid directly to the landlord by the HSE via the community welfare officer and the tenant then will be liable to the HSE for his or her element or portion of the rent. The purpose of the amendment is to end the current widespread practice in which landlords require their rent supplement tenants to pay an illegal top-up on their rent. Such tenants often are quite vulnerable people who are terrified they will be put out of their accommodation if they kick up in any way or object to anything the landlord is doing. Threshold and other agencies that work in this field have demonstrated there is a widespread practice in which tenants who wish to remain in their accommodation are being required by their landlords to pay a top-up on the rent. This issue was brought to the attention of the Minister's predecessor a number of times but unfortunately little or no action has been taken on it. As a result of the existence of such a practice of paying top-ups, tenants then are obliged to make two payments to the landlords. They must supply the legal element of their rent and the illegal top-up. The rental accommodation scheme has sought to address this issue such that all of the money is paid directly to the landlord by the local authority. The tenant is liable to the local authority for his or her portion of the rent. The same should apply to rent supplement.

These proposals would strengthen the rent supplement scheme, ensure better tax compliance and safer and more secure accommodation for tenants. I ask the Minister to consider accepting these three amendments.

The amendments are sensible and reasonable. In the past three years two of the Minister's predecessors appeared before the committee and this matter was debated ad nauseam, but we made little progress on it. Whenever we discussed it with the Minister’s immediate predecessor, she had the notion that there were plenty of vacant properties, into which tenants could move. Moving is not simple, particularly for those with families. For reasons to do with school, transportation, etc., people must stay where they are. This gives landlords considerable power over individuals.

The issue of arrears might not be as relevant, but it still affects some tenants. In a choice between someone paying rent from a wage and someone in receipt of rent supplement, the person on a wage will always be the winner and secure the accommodation because the landlord does not need to wait. One cannot blame landlords for this, as they might have mortgages to pay and so on, but it should not be the case.

For the life of me, I cannot understand why it takes so long to deal with the the issue of PPS numbers. The Revenue Commissioners have had their act together for a long time, long before I entered the House. When I was a solicitor, in every transaction a PPS number was required. The details were forwarded to the Revenue Commissioners who could investigate anything. Sometimes one was amazed by what they had managed to unearth. By comparison, the Department of Social Protection is not at the races, but this is the one area in which it could be. However, it does not have the power it needs to sort this matter out, although it should have.

This change must be made for more than the reason that the Minister wants to save money. I can get frustrated when a person on a local authority waiting list who is living in dire conditions presents to me. Sometimes I go to see the accommodation in which he or she is living. After he or she is given a house, someone else on the local authority's waiting list living in the same hovel presents to me. The Private Residential Tenancies Board was to sort this issue out. While it has made some progress, if we had details for more landlords, we could refuse rent supplement on the grounds that the accommodation made available was not suitable. The landlord in question would then have no choice but to upgrade the accommodation on offer.

I have reservations about amendment No. 11 since it is important to give people responsibility for managing their budgets, but the argument in respect of illegal top-ups outweighs these reservations. I encounter many cases in which landlords are getting the money. Were the payment made by the HSE, the situation would be more difficult for the landlords concerned. On balance, therefore, I support amendment No. 11.

We have discussed this issue previously. Recently I had a short meeting with representatives of the Simon Communities of Ireland, Threshold, the Society of St. Vincent de Paul and Focus Ireland and we fixed a date on which we intended to discuss these issues in detail. I fully concur with the Deputies, as these issues need to be addressed. The groups mentioned can put anything they wish on their side of the agenda, but my agenda will cover the issue of PPS numbers. Deputy Enright is correct, in a small number of cases PPS numbers are given. She is also right that I cannot conceive of a good argument there should not be 100% compliance. However, we must discuss with the groups mentioned whether immediate implementation would have a downside for existing tenants. We are matching data. Even if we are not given a PPS number, we give the name of every landlord to the Revenue Commissioners. I understand the level of tax compliance is high. From memory, 88% of landlords are compliant. Once a tenant takes up residence, there should be registration and cross-referencing of PPS numbers. It is a question of moving from where we are to where we should have been a long time ago.

Questions about standards and energy efficiency levels arise. On fuel poverty, people living in rented accommodation are more likely to complain about feeling the cold than those living in their own houses. It is valid for us to discuss this issue.

I have noted the matters of the payment of deposits and arrears which I will take up and ensure are added to our agenda. I have fixed a date for the meeting. If the committee wishes, I can check my BlackBerry and give members the exact date, but the meeting will occur in the next two or three weeks. I do not know how much progress we can make or how many boxes we will be able to tick at the first meeting, but, if necessary, we will arrange a second and a third meeting until I achieve consensus with the groups mentioned. If Deputies believe I should meet any other group in this context, I will be more than willing to do so, but the ones I will be meeting are the Simon Communities of Ireland, Threshold, the Society of St. Vincent de Paul and Focus Ireland. I would like to discuss these issues with them to gain the benefit of their wisdom and knowledge and support for any changes I will introduce and to ensure nothing I have proposed will have unintended consequences. From my brief discussion with them, they broadly support the approach we are taking which runs parallel to the suggestions made by the Deputies.

With all due respect, consulting the groups mentioned is fine, but they have been consulted on these issues for years and everyone knows where they stand. As legislators, we are required to legislate. Anyone who has been awake in recent years is aware of these issues.

My three amendments are entirely in line with what the groups working in the area have been campaigning for for many years. Deferring acting on these matters until another meeting is held is not on. We pass legislation in the Dáil. This is the right place in which to discuss the matters raised. These proposals have the support of the groups to which the Minister referred. They also had their support when I proposed them last year and the previous year. Let us put a stop to the nonsense of arranging meetings. Action is needed. There is no excuse for not taking any. Previously, the excuse was that in making things difficult for landlords they would not make their properties available and that those dependent on rent supplement should not be penalised. The Minister is in a position to dictate to landlords — that should always have been the case — the terms on which €500 million of public money will be paid to them every year. We need action. The talking should stop.

I apologise for not being present when the amendments were moved. I support the logic behind them and see no reason to delay them further. They have been discussed for a long time.

In implementing one of the proposals the Exchequer would incur a cost. If one wanted to provide deposits in the current year, one would need to come up with a sum of approximately €42 million. Leaving that matter aside, I have told the groups dealing with vulnerable persons that I will meet them to discuss these issues. There is a process in train and I am as anxious as Deputy Shortall to see change. We must stamp out the practice of seeking top-up payments, as they are illegal. I will do anything in my power to stamp out that activity. We will introduce a Bill in the autumn and at Christmas. I have arranged to meet the groups. Having heard the views of the groups on any issues that arise and having discussed the matter with departmental officials, I will proceed without dragging my feet or adopting a laissez-faire attitude. Since becoming Minister for Social Protection, I have made clear that I cannot understand why I am dealing with PPS numbers, which is urgent. Let us deal with it but by following a particular process. I have always been advised to consult and act. I have fixed a date for the meeting and I can then proceed with issues that are agreed. If other issues arise — and there are ongoing issues all the time — we can put a process in train to deal with them. I do not accept the amendment to this Bill but I am not allowing the grass to grow under my feet on this matter. It is now opportune to move on this issue. We are in a stronger position to do this without making the tenant the ham in the sandwich. I want to avoid the tenant becoming the ham in the sandwich where I take firm action.

The problem from the tenant's point of view is that the Minister keeps changing. There have been three Ministers in recent years. That is a difficulty; the issues do not change. There should be a sufficient body of information and advice in the Department to be on top of this issue. We should not have to go back to square one every time a new Minister comes in. That seems to be what is happening. The issues have been well aired within the Department and the Minister should be familiar with them. The wording I propose is in line with the requirements of the groups working in this area. I will press each of these amendments to a vote.

My officials know a great deal about rent supplement and give me very good advice. The issue is that our relationship is with the tenant, not with the landlord. If I introduce legislation in the House, the first question I will be asked is whether I consulted with Simon, Focus Ireland——

They are sick of being consulted by Ministers over the years. The Minister only consults, he never takes any action.

If I said that I had not consulted them but that my predecessor had——

We would welcome some action.

——I would be told very fast that I should consult. I will consult and then I will act. I am surprised anyone proposes to legislate today, which is what Deputy Shortall suggests I do. The Deputy suggests that I legislate without having a detailed meeting on these issues with the main bodies representing the most vulnerable in our society. On the basis that it is incumbent on me to have consultation first, I will not accept these amendments. If I did, I would be criticised for not consulting the representatives of the most vulnerable in our society. It is Deputy Shortall's call. I ask her to accept my good faith and that I had moved on this issue before the amendment was tabled. Some matters very much in the tenant's interests are not included in these amendments but are included on my agenda to discuss with the bodies. I ask Deputy Shortall to trust me that I intend to have the meeting and that I will act afterwards. Within my term as Minister, changes will take place.

The difficulty is that for each of the past three years, when discussing the Social Welfare Bill, the committee has come to this view. Those groups have been lobbying on the issue for the past three years and have not seen any action. We are saying it is time to stop the talk and to have some action because the area has been neglected for so many years. That is why we have tabled these amendments. The Minister says he agrees with them in principle yet he has not accepted any amendments I tabled today. It does not make any sense.

Before Deputy Shortall tabled this amendment, I had a process in train. It is a good process. The least I should do is have the courtesy to sit down with the groups and consult them before producing legislation. I have already set the date for the meeting. It is not something I have come up with on the spur of the moment. When the groups met me, they were given a commitment that there would be a meeting. It would be previous of me to agree to any amendment before I have held the meeting.

Amendment put and declared lost.

I move amendment No. 10:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—Section 198 of the Principal Act is amended by the insertion of the following subsection after subsection (3D):

"(3E) The landlord in receipt of a payment of a supplement towards the amount of rent payable of a tenant shall, as soon as practicable, submit to the Health Service Executive the registration details of the tenancy where registration is required by section 134 of the Residential Tenancies Act, 2004.".".

I have been tabling amendments to this effect for several years. The Minister has provided no support. The Minister and his two predecessors have refused to move on this matter. We have known for several years, from the work of the Comptroller and Auditor General, that there is a major problem in respect of non-compliance by landlords with the Private Residential Tenancies Board and tax compliance. We should no longer tolerate the situation.

Amendment put.
The Committee Divided: Tá, 5; Níl, 7.

  • Byrne, Catherine.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Crawford, Seymour.
  • Enright, Olwyn.
  • Shortall, Róisín.

Níl

  • Aylward, Bobby.
  • Brady, Cyprian.
  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • Grealish, Noel.
  • McGrath, Mattie.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon
  • O’Connor, Charlie.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 11:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—Section 198 of the Principal Act is amended by the insertion of the following subsection after subsection (3D):

"(3E) The payment of a supplement towards the amount of rent payable by a person in respect of his or her residence shall be paid in its entirety by the Health Service Executive to the landlord. The tenant shall pay to the Health Service Executive the portion of the rent for which they are liable.".".

I have spoken on the amendment already.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Amendment No. 12 not moved.

I move amendment No. 13:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Minister shall, within 2 months of the enactment of this Act, report to the Oireachtas Committee on Social Protection on the progress made in establishing a register of Irish citizens that have died abroad.".

I am a bit confused as to why amendment No. 12 is considered outside the scope of the Bill as it relates to a commitment from the Government. I asked for the Minister to conduct a review of the implications of a carbon tax on welfare recipients. I find it strange that a social welfare Bill cannot consider the implications of taxation measures on recipients of social welfare.

I appreciate that this is not something the Vice Chairman can comment on but I am not sure where I can find out why it has been disallowed. It does not make any sense. We were allowed to discuss the matter on Second Stage and it was not ruled out of order then. If it was not within the scope of the legislation it should have been ruled out of order on Second Stage and the Ceann Comhairle should have said it was not relevant. For it to be ruled out of order at this time is very peculiar.

Social welfare recipients will suffer most from the carbon tax and a report was launched yesterday detailing this finding. It is a shame we are not allowed comment on it today. I probably could have said what was required in that length of time.

The Deputy has made her comments.

I would rather have been in a position to move the amendment but I will move to amendment No. 13, which I am allowed to speak to. It concerns the register of deaths. The Minister will appreciate that I raised the matter on Second Stage and I want to ensure it is kept as a priority. The committee had a meeting approximately six weeks ago with spouses and parents of people who died abroad who were unable to have the deaths registered in Ireland. I am putting down the amendment to ensure this is kept at the top of the political agenda and the necessary changes to the Civil Registration Act are made. The Minister was not present but we made a commitment that day to amend the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill as a means of doing so. The Minister has since indicated that it is not the most appropriate action and the Civil Registration Act should be amended. I will accept his wisdom in that respect. As I am pressing the amendment, could we get a timescale on the amendments being applied to the Civil Registration Act? It may not be possible this term but if it could be done this year, it would be of great reassurance to families.

I strongly support the amendment and compliment Deputy Enright for putting it forward and giving us the opportunity to speak on the matter again. In the Minister's earlier contribution he said he had a process of consulting before acting. The Minister has consulted these people.

One of the more moving meetings of this Oireachtas joint committee saw the people involved in this issue making a presentation. I would like to see some action on this. The consultation has been done and now we need action. It is a sensitive matter. I have tabled a number of parliamentary questions on this issue and I have been encouraged by the responses the Minister has given. We need action and we need a timeframe for implementation in law of the changes requested. Perhaps the Minister could make a statement on this. Does he support the proposed changes, and when does he see the legislation being changed?

I support this amendment. The issue is important for the families of people who have died abroad, and seems to be reasonably straightforward to address. I know the Minister has met the group and is sympathetic. I hope we will have some action soon. The request for a report on this maintains it as a live issue.

We must seriously consider amendment No. 12. I appreciate that we are not allowed to push it here, but the issue cannot be ignored.

While, unfortunately, I was unable to attend the meeting mentioned by Deputy Carey a minute ago to listen to the people concerned at first hand, a number of friends have spoken to me directly about this issue. It is frustrating and annoying for these people and will have implications at a later date. Currently, when somebody is born or dies here, it goes on to a computer file and no matter where one is in the country one can obtain the information one wants immediately, along with the relevant certification. However, if a loved one dies abroad, whether on holiday or otherwise, there is difficulty regarding registration. It is important that this be dealt with as quickly as possible.

I am working on this issue, which is much more complex than it might at first seem. We had a good meeting with the families, attended by the Chief Registrar, an tArd-Chláraitheoir, who explained the issues. The families have a flexible view about how the matter might be resolved. In addition, we discussed earlier the compulsory registration of fathers and so on. This is all to do with registration. What I would like to do is to introduce a Bill to deal with a number of outstanding registration issues. From what I and the families heard and accepted, the idea of changing the law before Christmas is totally unrealistic. Much work is to be done on this issue. I am more than willing to keep the committee up to date on these issues.

The committee might consider asking an tArd-Chláraitheoir to come in and explain the registration system and the challenges such a change would throw up in terms of his work. He outlined to the families and to me the issues that would need to be addressed. I am making progress on this issue. We agreed certain timescales with the families and we have promised to keep them informed, and the Oireachtas committee will also be kept informed. I will not accept the amendment, but I have no difficulty with the spirit of the amendment, which is that the committee must be kept informed of what is happening.

That is fine. Perhaps the Minister could advise us later of the timescales he has agreed with the families. Having listened to the people who came before the committee, I am concerned that the longer it takes to make the change, the more people will find themselves in that position. Unfortunately, Irish people will continue to die abroad and their families will discover that they cannot register their deaths in Ireland. The sooner the change is made, bringing clarity to those who unfortunately find themselves in that position, the better. However, I accept what the Minister has said and I will withdraw the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 14:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.---The Minister shall, within 1 month of the enactment of this Act, report to the Oireachtas Committee on Social Protection on the progress made in establishing an Employer Job PRSI Incentive Scheme.".

In moving this amendment I am conscious that the Government finally launched such a scheme last Sunday; thus, the amendment is slightly out of date. What I sought in the amendment was a report on the progress made in establishing the scheme, which has obviously now been established. However, I must ask the Minister some questions on this. Bearing in mind that 439,000 people are unemployed, I am concerned at the length of time it has taken for the scheme to be established. We are close to the halfway date in the year. In addition, I am surprised that the scheme is limited to 2010, and I ask the Minister to address this. What is the reasoning behind this? Is there scope for it to be extended to 2011?

In his press release on Sunday the Minister was not able to give any estimate for the number of jobs the scheme would create, although he hoped it would lead to the creation of several thousand jobs. However, there must be some estimate. Before the Department would take on something such as this, it would have to know the costs involved. It must have had some estimate of the number of people it expected to take up the scheme. Could the Minister advise us on this?

Not having read the press release in full, I have a question about the scheme. Does an employer who joins now get 12 months out of it?

The scheme has been established, which is the important thing. We worked as hard as we could to get the scheme up and running. However, there were issues to be considered. As members know, the one thing that must be avoided in such schemes is dead weight; in other words, there should not be any way in which the scheme could be misused. There were difficulties with previous schemes.

The target for the number of jobs created under the scheme is 10,000. However, since it is a demand-led scheme, it is hard to come up with an exact figure at this stage for the number of people who will avail of it. The cost is an interesting question because, on the face of it, if the scheme encourages employers to employ people who would not otherwise have been employed, it will have created new employment that would not have happened otherwise, and the net cost is nothing because ultimately savings will be made. However, if many of the 10,000 jobs would have been created anyway, the State is then foregoing income it would have received. Thus, the real question is how many extra jobs will it create that would not otherwise have been created, because that is where the saving is.

If 10,000 jobs were created but these would all have been created anyway, the net cost would be €36 million. However, in the opposite scenario, if none of the 10,000 jobs would otherwise have been created, the scheme would lead to an enormous saving in social welfare payments as well as the receipt of employee's PRSI, and all we would forego is employer's PRSI. For any job that would not have been created otherwise, there is a saving; for any job that would have been created anyway but for which the scheme is availed of, there is a cost in terms of PRSI. It will be hard enough to determine the figure accurately. On a statistical basis we will be able, once the scheme is over, to get a feel for how many extra jobs have been created.

This leads me to the reason the scheme is time-limited. If at the end of the year it is our opinion that the scheme is resulting in the creation of jobs that would not otherwise have been created, the question of extension will be discussed by Cabinet and particularly between me and the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Innovation.

How will that be assessed?

One obvious way to tell is by the impact on the live register. We have a fair idea of the number of jobs being created all the time and the movement of people off long-term unemployment — that is, more than six months. If we see a spike in this number, we will know the scheme is having an effect. There are ways in which the effect can be measured. The number of extra jobs versus the jobs that would have been created anyway represents the saving. This idea, which was proposed by Fine Gael, is definitely a good one.

To answer Deputy Crawford's question, the scheme is backdated to 1 January. If an employer created a job on 3 May, he or she will get the exemption from 21 June — the day we introduced the scheme — until this time next year. It is for 52 weeks, dating from when we say "Go".

On the related matter of the employment subsidy scheme, does the Minister have any role in that scheme? I tabled parliamentary questions on this and was told there will not be a third call in regard to that scheme. That is very short-sighted and I encourage the Minister to discuss this with the Minister for Finance and arrange for a third call to come into play. It is a very good scheme and supports the employment which is badly needed at present. For small indigenous companies especially, it is a lifeline and keeps them in the game to get over this very lean period.

I do not have direct responsibility for the scheme. In such schemes it is always a matter of discovering the right issue. Would the companies have continued to thrive at the same level with or without the assistance? There are always arguments about that. I understand the Deputy's point and will discuss the matter further with my colleague, the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Innovation, Deputy O'Keeffe, because it is his responsibility. Keeping people in employment is the point. The exemption is good because once one is approved one does not have to make a payment and then reapply to get the money back — one simply does not pay it. It is very good in that way. As somebody who was involved in employment creation in the past I know the exemption scheme is much better than one where one must wait for money to come back. I shall consider what the Deputy said and will discuss it with the Minister.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 15:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Minister shall, within 2 months of the enactment of this Act, report to the Oireachtas Committee on Social Protection on the progress made on providing a system of attachment of to social welfare payments for fines and civil debt.".

I tabled this amendment in order to have a discussion. The overall issue of indebtedness and the amount of money we are spending on putting people in jail for indebtedness has come up in many of the papers we studied and at meetings we had with different groups. Points were made at the joint committee on justice and law reform and concerning justice legislation in general with regard to the attachment of social welfare payments. When gardaí speak about petty vandalism and so on, they mention being frustrated by having to drive somebody to Mountjoy on a Thursday and subsequently seeing him on the street on Friday night. That is the mechanism we have and one can see the amount of money we are spending on putting people into jail. I appreciate the relevant savings would not be for the Minister's Department but if we were able to attach social welfare payments as we do with other wages there would be savings.

I do not wish to discriminate against social welfare recipients versus the rest of the population but in terms of this legislation that is all we can do. Payments or fines could be attached to social welfare payments, obviously only to an individual's payment not to any qualified adult or child payments which would have to be excluded. This is something we need to examine and I am interested to hear the Minister's views.

I support this amendment. It is many years since Deputy Jim O'Keeffe and I advocated this and pushed a Bill through the Dáil. We were assured this would be dealt with in a matter of weeks or months by the then Minister. It is crazy that gardaí are spending time out on the roads trying to find somebody to collect an unpaid fine or something of that nature, driving the person all the way to Mountjoy and then finding them, as Deputy Enright observed, back home within 24 hours. It does not make sense. I cannot understand how the Minister for Justice and Law Reform has recently brought through a Fines Bill that did not follow up with attachment of earnings. One can now pay a fine in portions or by standing order but it is not allowed to attach a fine to a social welfare payment or employment earnings.

If people have €10 or €20 stopped from their social welfare payment every week for a fine they did not or cannot pay they are reminded every week they have done wrong whereas if they are put in jail for 24 hours and can then walk away from a fine the State gains nothing. It is crazy and I cannot see why common sense does not prevail here so that we can deal with this issue for once and for all.

I also support this amendment. The prison closest to me, Limerick Prison, has 334 inmates although it has capacity only for 310. Our prison system is literally bursting at the seams. People who cannot pay fines should not be incarcerated. This is a sensible amendment and I ask the Minister to consider it.

This issue is more appropriate to the Fines Bill than to a social welfare Bill because there is the wider issue of attaching to wages. One must take into account the situation of a person who is getting the basic rate. When such a person has a civil debt and is brought to a court normally the court does not bring him or her below that basic rate. For example, if one owes a civil debt comprised of instalment payments it is recognised that people need a basic amount of money on which to live. The Deputies are discussing fines and civil debt which are much more appropriate for the Fines Bill and relate to the attachment of income, from wherever it comes. If any of us present, who are on much bigger incomes, owed equivalent fines the attachment would require to be put on our wages.

That will be possible when the Fines Bill is passed. I asked whether, if this condition is passed in the Fines Bill, the next social welfare Bill will need to be amended to take account of it, in any event.

I will look at the matter.

The Minister might look at it and come back to us.

I am very much in favour of attachment. I have never agreed with putting people in prison for non-payment of fines. I think it is ridiculous and have always thought it was disproportionately unfair to the less well-off. There were some famous cases in Connemara years ago. When a punt was a punt, there were £1,000 mandatory fines for making poitín and people on the basic social welfare rate were being asked to pay this at a time when they were probably getting the equivalent of €30 a week.

What about the money they were making they were making on the poitín?

It was hard to make money on poitín. One can consider the difficulty many families would have had paying that compared to a person on £100,000 a year at the time who had to pay the same £1,000. We must be careful not to bring anybody beneath the threshold of survivability by applying attachment. I shall look at the issue in the context of the Fines Bill and see whether there is any need for an amendment to my legislation or a further amendment to the Fines Bill. I merely place a caveat. I do not believe in leaving people with less money than is needed for survival.

I am in agreement with the Minister about not leaving people with less than they can survive on but at the same time we pay for them to go to prison and all the associated costs. One cannot be exempt from the law or be allowed a lesser effect. The consequences of an offence should not be lessened because one is not in a position to pay a fine. For somebody who goes to prison for a night, effectively it is over. That is not right either. I appreciate it is complex and we will not solve the matter here today so I shall let it go. However, it needs to be examined.

The other side of the argument is that if a person earning €100,000 and a person on the basic social welfare payment are fined €1,000 for some offence the ability of the person on the top income to fork out the €1,000 and shrug the shoulders is much greater than that of the person on the bottom. I have encountered people in trouble with fines in the past as have all of us. One has some sympathy for some of these people who just got into trouble. Unfortunately, one rarely sees people who are well off and who are given equivalent fines wind up in prison.

The judge has the discretion of the attachment to take certain steps into account.

Yes. That is what I am saying. We will look at the issue. It always seems to be poor people winding up. If they knew how to play the thing a little better they might avoid prison. It must be proportionate.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Does the Deputy need much time on amendment No. 16?

We might. It is now 1.30 p.m.

Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.35 p.m.

I move amendment No. 16:

In page 3, before section 3, to insert the following new section:

3.—The Minister shall, within 2 months of the enactment of this Act, report to the Houses of the Oireachtas, on the progress made in reducing the processing time for social welfare payments.".

The purpose behind the amendment is to keep the concerns other members and I have about waiting lists at the top of the agenda. The reason I am looking for a report is there is an ongoing problem in branch offices, in particular, which has not been solved. Legislation passed a number of years ago would allow decisions to be made at branch office level. The office with which I am most familiar is the one in Edenderry from where matters for decisions are passed to the office in Mullingar, which creates a problem which is replicated in a number of branch offices around the country. While we have discussed this issue for the past three years, in particular during the past year and a half, there has not been a resolution. The Minister's predecessor said there were industrial relations issues. I do not know whether that it is still the case, but that it does not provide much consolation for people.

The Minister will say the people affected can receive a supplementary welfare payment while waiting, which is true. However, what I cannot understand is that the community welfare officer still has to make a reasoned decision on whether a person will be eligible to receive a payment ultimately before he or she makes the supplementary welfare payment. He or she is able to do this in about one week, but it can take many weeks to process the application and make a decision. I understand the longest waiting time is 16 weeks. Granted, it is a more definite decision; therefore, the community welfare officer has to be more careful, but at the same time he or she is dealing with the same basic information before he or she makes a decision. We need to see a change and action on this issue, which is the reason I tabled the amendment.

I support the amendment. I fully accept there has been a deluge of claims, but at this stage the Department should be fully geared up to deal with it. In providing a public service it is not good enough that people have to wait so long to have their claims processed and obviously find themselves in very difficult circumstances in the meantime. The Minister needs to take hold of the matter and set targets for processing times. Great strides have been made in many areas and there have been improvements, but in others, in particular, branch offices, a lot more could be done. I am in favour of setting targets to get to grips with the problem.

The amendment reads: "The Minister shall, within 2 months of the enactment of this Act, report to the Houses of the Oireachtas, on the progress made in reducing the processing time for social welfare payments". I have suggested a much better way of dealing with this issue, not the presentation of one report either in response to parliamentary questions or matters on the Adjournment, because it is an ongoing problem and the position varies from place to place. Alternatively, the committee could request me or my officials to appear before it at regular intervals when we would certainly be able to give up-to-date reports.

I fully agree that there is a need to have decisions made speedily and that it is not satisfactory that people have to wait a long time to have their applications processed. I have asked the Department the reasons those who apply for a payment and receive supplementary welfare allowance cannot receive a payment from the beginning, with any overpayments being recouped. I have found that, because of the number of jobseeker's benefit claimants and so on involved, in the majority of cases supplementary welfare allowance is not paid. Therefore, giving everyone supplementary welfare allowance would have implications. The matter is not as simple as it seems.

We have to work on having decisions made faster. The figures are very interesting. In May the waiting time for jobseeker's benefit applicants was 2.43 weeks — or two and a half weeks — or 12.5 working days. In April the waiting time was more or less the same, at 2.33 weeks. There was, therefore, a slight deterioration, but the waiting time in processing jobseeker's allowance was 6.5 weeks in May, whereas it was almost seven weeks in April. We are getting to grips with the jobseeker's allowance.

That is an improvement of half a week.

That is an average. Waiting time is less than a week in some places and 14 weeks in other places.

Point taken. The average is also affected by people's delay in providing the necessary information for the jobseeker's allowance. We have all seen someone coming into a constituency clinic for whom we must get bank accounts and receipts together.

That is nonsense. The Blanchardstown or Ballymun offices have a waiting time of one or two weeks, as the previous Minister, Deputy Hanafin, told us. At that time in Edenderry, the waiting time was 19 weeks. I know the people of Edenderry, they are no less capable of making the applications than the people in that part of Dublin. The idea that there are particular parts of the country with excessive waiting lists as a result of people being unable to fill in forms is rubbish. That is what the Minister is saying, that it is part of the problem. In some places the situation is fine while in others the waiting lists are huge. That is the problem and the Minister must get to grips with that. Parliamentary questions will not provide a solution to this.

The only way to solve the problem is by dealing with the administrative issues that arise. I find in my constituency caseload many more means-tested payments and more complicated means testing in rural communities than in urban communities for a number of reasons, one being that many more of them have farms so even if they lose their ordinary self-employment, they are involved in situations where many records are needed. Jobseeker's benefit is fairly clear but for stamp eligibility for any of the means-tested payments it is a little bit more complicated. That explains the difference.

I accept that we should try to have uniform period within which these issues can be dealt with, allowing for some claims to be faster than others. In Edenderry——

Edenderry is just one example.

The Deputy mentioned Edenderry and I anticipated that. An additional social welfare investigator was assigned in October to cover Edenderry. The inspectors in Edenderry, however, have no premises suitable for desk interviews and, consequently, nearly all jobseeker's allowance claims involve——

I can get the Minister the list of all of the offices where there is a delay and he can go through every one of them.

This is a good example. The Office of Public Works recently advertised for accommodation in Edenderry. We are going through each exchange to find out why there are delays. If there are physical or staffing reasons we deal with them.

On the decisions taken by branch offices, that is the sensible way to move on and plans are in train to commence devolving certain decisions to branch offices on a phased basis. The process will begin in three or four of the larger branch offices to identify if there are training or other issues that need to be addressed before it is rolled out to other branch offices. The processes will require some training for branch managers. The branch offices will deal with four categories of claim: jobseeker's benefit claims with full contribution history; unlimited payments between 65 and 66 years of age; credit cases; and second or subsequent children where the full or half rate has already been established. Caseloads will be lessened, leaving time to deal with the more complex cases.

I will undertake to revert on this issue. In a previous parliamentary question, I gave details of every branch office in the country. If it is helpful, I will try to get a detailed report on progress every three months. I will try to solve this problem, which is the most important thing, but in terms of the amendment I will see how much time would be involved in getting a regular report and will publish it at regular intervals. I agree with the idea of target time limits.

I accept that as a way of progressing but I am not interested in a table of figures telling me how long each waiting list is, I am interested in a solution to this. This situation did not just arise, we have been debating this for three years and it is very frustrating that there has been almost no progress, with the bulk of those offices waiting ridiculous lengths of time. People are getting into debt and are unable to make mortgage repayments or pay their bills. It is no comfort to tell them the average is six weeks if they have been waiting 19 weeks.

The Minister said he agrees targets should be set.

There are targets in place already.

It is a very long list. Does the Deputy want me to go through them all?

The Minister can circulate them.

I will give two lines to let the Deputy have a flavour. State pension, contributory, domestic and EU, 90% by date of entitlement, because people apply before their entitlement. Performance in April 2010 was 89% and the average processing time is six weeks. We have that information for every payment and I will circulate that information.

What is the performance like relative to those targets?

State pension, 89%, State pension transition, 78%, widows contributory pension, 77%, non-contributory State pension, 66% — where there is means testing — widows non-contributory pension, 74%, one-parent family payment, 43%, household benefit, 70%, bereavement grant, 91%, and invalidity pension, 13%.

That means 13% processed within six weeks?

Is it within six weeks?

There are different targets for different areas. That is why the best idea is to circulate this information.

I am very angry about this situation. My personal assistant knows I am in here and she sent me a text about a family that has just been informed that it will be at least six months before their appeal will be heard. This is a case that has been under way since April 2009. A number of reviews were carried out and they were totally unsatisfactory. The official appeal was made in December and they were told yesterday it will be at least another six months before the appeal will be heard by the appeals office. This is just not good enough. I appreciate that the Bill allows for extra personnel but it is a matter of urgency that this be addressed and those people know what they are dealing with. It is pointless having staff who do not understand farming accounts to deal with farm assist payments.

I do not say this to be critical of the Minister or his officials but this is completely unacceptable. This family is in dire financial circumstances. The drop in milk prices was dramatic last year, weather conditions were horrendous, and these people lost money for the entire year but the banks are now screwing them. There is a need for some urgency and to allow these people to get money from community welfare officers. They are told by the community welfare officers that because they have land and assets, they are ineligible for help. They are in a no-win situation. This is a matter about which I am extremely angry.

I fully agree with the Deputy. Some 141 appeals of applications for farm assist were pending on 30 April 2010 and the average time taken to process an appeal is 24 weeks.

The Deputy has echoed what my sentiments were the day I walked into this Department, namely, that we have to get to grips with this appeals issue. In fairness, the officials had already moved on a number of fronts to deal with this issue. One step they had taken was the one mentioned in the Bill, namely, that of getting permission to rehire experienced people to deal with appeals. As the Deputy said, there is no point in putting in place people who are raw to this issue as it would take them too long to process the appeals. The second step was to examine what resources we need to dedicate to the appeals process. The third step is to examine the processes operating in the appeals office to quickly process appeals, which involve only counting contributions or dealing with information that is fairly black, to ensure they do not gum up the system.

In fairness, the officials in the Department were doing considerable work to progress matters. I have emphasised the importance of dealing with this issue. I am willing to come back at regular intervals to answer as to how we are progressing. The progress is more important than the report, but it is important that people also get reports in order that they know if we are or are not making progress. If progress is being made but an applicant advises that his or her claim is being held up, it is important that we have a sense of whether the hold up is caused by the process or by people not giving the required information. I will fully co-operate in trying to solve the problem and will give information on how we are progressing on this issue.

I will withdraw my amendment at this point but I might table a similar amendment on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave withdrawn.
Section 3 agreed to.
Sections 4 and 5 agreed to.
SECTION 6

I move amendment No. 17:

In page 7, line 2, after "regulations" to insert "which shall be approved by Dáil Éireann".

We had a briefing with the Minister's officials prior to Second Stage and we discussed this issue on Second Stage. To a large extent I take at face value what the Minister is trying to achieve in this section. It provides, for example, that if there was an outbreak of an infectious disease such as swine flu, people may not be able to get a medical certificate, that they could get a certificate from somebody else and that the Minister will make regulations to provide for this.

We can take the Minister at his word but we do not know who will replace him down the road. My amendment proposes that the regulations would be approved by Dáil Éireann. Otherwise, blanket approval would be given for regulations and we would not know for what purpose they could be used. Any such change should be included in a social welfare Bill, but that is not possible in this context. Therefore, I propose that such regulations must be approved by Dáil Éireann. This is important because changes such as this have the potential to leave the system open to fraud. They should be discussed by the Dáil before they are introduced.

I agree with the Deputy's comments. This is strange amending section and I am not sure from where it comes. Generally speaking, amending sections tend to tighten rather than loosen the legislation. I am not sure this proposed section is as straightforward as we have been led to believe and I would have some concern about the open-ended nature of it. For that reason it is reasonable and responsible that the Dáil would have to approve any changes. I support the amendment.

The first point I would make is that all regulations are laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas for 21 sitting days after signing. After this 21-day period, they are then approved by the Dáil. Therefore, there is a period when they are laid before the Houses. Second, regulations cannot be made that are way outside the scope of the Act. The Attorney General has been very prescriptive. The power or freedom the Minister has to make regulations under the Act is quite limited.

The world is changing rapidly. What is stated in the proposed section provides a narrow amount of room to take some other form of certification or other form of information . For example, the Minister may make a regulation to accept an alternative form of such certification such as a telephone call — there are many new ways of doing things now — to certify proof of incapacity to work. Another such example is if there was an outbreak of a contagious disease and people were told to confine themselves to their homes and, in the public interest, not to go to doctors' surgeries for fear of contamination. My experience has been that when one tries to act by way of making a regulation, one is told that one is constrained in what one can do and that there was a Supreme Court case that has greatly limited the power of making law by regulation. I do not believe there is anything to fear here. All such regulations would be laid before the Oireachtas for 21 days before being approved.

I intend to press this amendment because if an emergency occurred, we might not have 21 days to let regulations lie before the Oireachtas in that they might have to be rushed through.

We would make the regulations well before that.

One does not know when an emergency will occur — that is why emergencies occur. It would be far better if the regulations could be debated in the Dáil. We know that regulations are laid before the Houses for 21 days but, as the Minister is aware, it can be difficult to have them discussed in the Dáil. If the regulations had to be approved prior to being laid before the Dáil, it would be clear that we would have the opportunity to discuss them. If there is nothing sinister in this, there is no reason they cannot be debated in the Dáil. The Minister said that the legislation is tight enough but it states "... by the insured person, a registered medical practitioner or other person as may be prescribed". That would cover any person anywhere.

No, it is "as may be prescribed".

It is as may be prescribed by the Minister. It is quite open.

No. One cannot prescribe without reason. In this context, it would cover people who are not medical practitioners. I will give a simple example to illustrate the point. If a person was living on an offshore island and the weather was very poor and there was not a doctor on the island, one might prescribe in such circumstances as a doctor is not available a nurse would be able to certify that the person in question was not able to work. I presume that would be possible. We are talking about a person who has medical training but not about a medical practitioner, as defined in the Act.

One will find that in such situations, the regulation must make sense and it must come within the policy and principles laid down in the Act. One cannot decide that one will get the parish priest to give such medical certification.

The Minister does not provide in the section that the person prescribed must be a person with a medical qualification, it states "... or other person as may be prescribed". Therefore, that could be the parish priest.

The person has to be prescribed within the principles and policies in the Act.

Yes, but there is nothing in the Act to provide that the person would have to have a medical background. The section is more open than the Minister seems to be suggesting.

The Deputy spoke about having such regulations debated during a plenary session of the Dáil when time to debate such matters is at a premium. If a regulation is proposed, there is no difficulty at any time of the year in bringing it before this committee for discussion.

Our Chairman does not like to sit when the Dáil is in recess.

The members are the bosses of the committee.

I ask the Deputy to tell the Minister that she is not referring to me.

No, not to the Vice Chairman.

The committee sits more months of the year than does the Dáil in plenary session. When regulations were being introduced in my previous Department, I made a point of debating them at this committee at length. I have no problem in doing that. I assure the Deputy that I will use this power sparingly and with good reason. I do not believe she will find any flaw with any reason I might have for using it.

I am happy to accept that the Minister will, but I cannot make or approve legislation on the basis of the word of the current Minister because he will not always be Minister for Social Protection. As a matter of principle, if the amending section was tighter, I might not need such regulations to be approved by the Dáil. The section is quite open and for that reason I will press the amendment.

I will think about this.

The Deputy might retable the amendment for Report Stage.

I will come back to it then.

What is the position with the amendment?

I will withdraw it and retable it for Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 6 agreed to.
NEW SECTION

Amendment No. 26 is related to amendment No. 18. Amendments Nos. 18 and 26 will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 18:

In page 7, before section 7, to insert the following new section:

7.—The Principal Act is amended by inserting the following section after section 68:

68A.—(1) A person shall not be entitled to receive jobseeker's benefit while attending a course of study, other than in the circumstances and subject to the conditions and for the periods that may be prescribed.

(2) In this section—

‘academic year' has the meaning assigned to it by section 148;

‘a course of study' has the meaning assigned to it by section 148;

‘institution of education' has the meaning assigned to it by section 148.

(3) For the purposes of this section, a person shall be regarded, subject to regulations made under subsection (1), as attending a course of study—

(a) for 3 months immediately following the completion or the leaving by that person of second level education or the completion by him or her of the leaving certificate examination of the Department of Education and Skills,whichever is the later,

(b) for the duration of an academic year, or

(c) for the period immediately following the completion of one academic year, other than the final academic year of a course of study, up to the beginning of the following year.”.”.

These are technical amendments to the principal Act to provide for a specific disallowance for people on jobseeker's benefit who are pursuing a full-time course of education to mirror an existing provision relating to jobseeker's allowance and also to amend the definition of a course of study. A person who is in full-time education is not currently eligible for jobseeker's benefit as they are not available for employment and would, therefore, be disallowed from payment on this basis. A specific disallowance exists for persons in receipt of jobseeker's allowance who are pursuing a full-time course and this amendment brings the jobseeker's benefit provision in line with the jobseeker's allowance provision in this respect. The back to education allowance is available for persons on both jobseeker's benefit and jobseeker's allowance who wish to undertake a full-time course of education.

Obviously, this already applies to jobseeker's allowance. What legal advice has the Minister received on this and on the other amendment relating to jobseeker's benefit? There is an expectation when one pays PRSI that jobseeker's benefit will be available if one is out of work. I accept the time can be changed but are these changes outside the terms of that expectation? What was the legal advice on this? I presume the Minister will tell me it is in order. It is not so relevant to this amendment because it relates to a course of study but I will bring it up again with regard to the next amendment. People have paid into this but now they will not be eligible to receive it.

Is the Deputy saying that if I was working in insurable employment and I voluntarily left that employment to take up a full-time course of education——

One is not entitled to it if one voluntarily leaves one's employment anyway. One must have lost one's job.

One will get paid after six weeks.

I am asking the Minister what advice he received on it.

The basic advice is that if one is eligible for the back to education allowance, BTEA, one would be better off going on that allowance. In fact, this could also lead people into difficulty in that if one is on jobseeker's benefit and one goes onto BTEA, one will get that until one finishes the course whereas if one stays on jobseeker's benefit, it will run out after a year. If we allowed people go the whole way to the end of jobseeker's benefit, the person might fall over the cliff of being ineligible for jobseeker's allowance and, as a consequence, for the back to education allowance. I do not see the downside to this. It is much better to transfer people who are eligible for——

Why is the amendment necessary then? Why would they not just claim the back to education allowance?

Some people are not eligible for back to education allowance because they are not on jobseeker's benefit for long enough.

They will be entitled to nothing if they go back to college. If they only lost their job four months previously, it is a case of, "Tough, you will not get anything."

They would be, if they are entitled to jobseeker's allowance.

They will not be entitled to that if they are doing a course, and they will not be entitled to the BTEA either. Basically, they must stay on unemployment for another year, if they can afford to.

The Deputy is aware of the difficulty that arose in the past. We have tried to deal with that by saying that people who are redundant can immediately go back to education. However, one of the issues we had to avoid, because it arose in the past, is if one can work for a very short time and then go into full-time education with a back to education allowance, one can have a situation where somebody works for a year after school and then goes on the back to education allowance and is much better off than the cohort that go directly into education. That did happen in the past and we had to close the loophole. Quite honestly, I do not see why one should get jobseeker's benefit if one is in education, given that it is an unemployment payment, when the BTEA is available and provides a payment through to the end of one's course, as long as one fulfils the basic conditions. Those conditions were only written with one thing in mind, namely, to stop the type of grant shopping that occurred in the past.

I am concerned about this amendment. For a start, no briefing was provided on it. The Minister described it as a technical amendment. I am not sure it is a technical amendment. This is a change that has significant implications for people on jobseeker's benefit. I am not entirely clear about it and would have a concern. The Minister asked earlier what was the point of giving a payment to people if they are sitting at home doing nothing and said it would be much better if they were engaged in something. Surely the same argument applies to people on jobseeker's benefit.

The important point that has already been made is that people on jobseeker's benefit are on that payment because they have paid for it. They have the necessary work record and have social insurance cover. What is the logic in preventing those people from participating in a course which might improve their chances of getting alternative employment if they are getting a payment to which they are entitled based on their contributions? Why is the Minister stopping them from participating on a course? That does not make sense. The Minister referred to the back to education allowance. Many people would like to go on that but they do not qualify for it. I am not sure what the Minister's thinking is.

The idea that one could not have people giving up a job to undertake a course of study and have an income while studying is from another era. We are now in a situation of mass unemployment. People who are well educated find themselves on the dole. They need to be doing something and, in many cases, need to upskill. Perhaps the educational qualification, a degree they got in the past, is no longer relevant and they need some other form of training. What is the Minister's thinking in saying to those people that they cannot do that? I refer to the category of people who will not qualify for the back to education allowance. With regard to those people also, even if they did manage to get on a degree course and survive financially, what happens during the long academic holidays? There does not appear to be any logic to this.

I wish to raise the issue in light of what happened in the Quinn Group, where 900 people had to take redundancy. Some of them wish to go back to education. Does this amendment affect them? Are they allowed to get back to education grants instead of jobseeker's benefit if they choose to go back to education?

First, the payment we pay people who are in full-time education is the back to education allowance. It has the advantage that once one goes on a course, one continues to be entitled to the back to education allowance, even if one's entitlement to the jobseeker's benefit runs out. After a year one's jobseeker's benefit runs out but the back to education allowance lasts for as long as the course. It is a much more focused and beneficial payment than jobseeker's benefit. I agree that not everybody qualifies but they do not qualify for a reason. It is the reason I outlined to Deputy Enright. We want to ensure there are certain time qualifications involved. Is what one must do to get the back to education allowance fair? Currently, to go on a second level course, one must be in receipt of a payment for three months and to go on a third level course, one must be in receipt of a payment for 12 months. However, the 12-month waiting period applicable to third level courses can be reduced to nine months for participants recommended by a facilitator to the Department of Social Protection. If the facilitator recommends the nine months, one can get the back to education allowance.

Furthermore, what is very relevant to the Quinn situation is that if one is awarded statutory redundancy, that is, one has worked for two years or more with one's last employer, one can access the scheme immediately.

It is reasonable that it is the gateway payment into education. We must not have a hybrid situation where jobseeker's benefit also becomes an education payment. It is reasonable to have certain restrictions on entitlement to the back to education allowance, which is a good allowance that is paid throughout one's course, otherwise situations might arise, as in the past, where people left school, went on jobseeker's allowance for one year and then went to college. We had to include restrictions.

I appreciate that as long as people who must leave Quinn through no fault of their own can get into education if they so wish.

Would the vast majority of those have been working for two years or more?

Once one gets statutory redundancy, one is automatically entitled to this.

That is all very well but many people are losing their jobs and are not getting statutory redundancy. If a company goes to the wall, people have no chance of getting statutory redundancy.

That would mean they had worked for that company for fewer than two years.

Yes. That is just with that company. There are many different types of casual employment and, unfortunately, not all employers conducted their business properly. It seems the Minister is saying to that category of people that they must remain idle for up to a year and that they cannot do a course. That does not make any sense.

I did not say that. I referred to a degree or a diploma course — any third level course.

One can do a second level course in three months.

If people want to do a third level course, the Minister is denying them that opportunity and is telling them they must remain idle for up to a year. That does not make any sense and I do not know why the Minister is doing that.

If the Deputy disagrees with the terms of the back to education allowance, which she obviously does, it is a matter that would be better discussed in the context of the back to education allowance and not this amendment.

Why did the Minister not amend the terms of the back to education allowance?

I am happy with the terms of the back to education allowance.

Accepting the Minister is happy with the terms of the back to education allowance, why is he now denying this other category of people, who do not qualify for it, the right to study?

It would be totally contradictory of me to say we should have restrictions on the back to education allowance but that I will lift restrictions in regard to another payment that is equivalent. It would not do much good if I were to do that in regard to the jobseeker's benefit because in the case of longer courses, that benefit would run out. The debate on this issue should take place in the context of the rules of the back to education allowance.

The Minister said he will not change them.

The Deputy said she was not happy with them. Until I am persuaded otherwise, having looked at the back to education allowance and all the possible scenarios and pitfalls in it, a reasonable balance has been struck because of all the things that happened in the past. If I was going to change it, I would change the back to education allowance. I do not have a proposal to do so currently. If the Deputy wants to make proposals as to how I should change the back to education allowance, I will certainly look at them as long as they do not create this dead weight issue. I have heard of cases — I do not know if there is any truth to them — where the back to education allowance, as it stands, is being abused but that is another day's work.

This is much more than a technical amendment. It goes back to Deputy Enright's initial point. The fundamental issue here is that there is a legitimate expectation to get jobseeker's benefit if one has paid one's stamps. This helps people who are in a fix. It is not right to close the door on them. Could the Minister look at this as a transitional payment?

If one became unemployed and wanted to do a second or a third level course, one would apply for the back to education allowance. It would guarantee one's payment to the end of one's course which jobseeker's benefit would not.

One may not qualify for it.

One must wait so long.

If one does not qualify, it is because rules have been put in place in regard to the back to education allowance for very good reason. There is no point having strict rules for the back to education allowance and rules which undermine them in regard to the jobseeker's benefit, that is, having two schemes doing the same thing in a contradictory way.

If the back to education allowance rules are too strict, which is what the Deputy seems to be saying, then they should be looked at. In the past when they were not as strict, problems arose in regard to the abuse of the scheme. Currently, I hear allegations of people abusing the scheme but I do not have any proof that is happening.

That is the point. The rules were drawn up in a different time.

They were not. They were changed last year.

In regard to that issue of not having to wait as long, one does not want people giving up jobs just to go into education where they are guaranteed an income. Nobody is arguing for that. The point is that large numbers of people are finding themselves unemployed. This is saying to those people that they are entitled to a social welfare benefit but they are not allowed to study while they are drawing that benefit. That does not make sense. Why is the Minister imposing this restriction?

The Deputy is saying that the back to education allowance is too strict. If the Deputy wants to make suggestions for modifications to the back to education allowance in line with what she said, I will look at them but I will have to consider what the unintended consequences might be. I can debate that in the context of the back to education allowance. It is better to confine this debate to the back to education allowance.

If one was foolish enough to extend the right to full-time education to people on jobseeker's benefit, one would end up with a problem a constituent of mine ended up with. He went on a two-year part-time course which one can do while retaining one's benefit. He did not realise that when the benefit ran out, because his wife was working, he would not be entitled to any social welfare payment. He would have much preferred if we had said to him very clearly at the beginning of the course that when the benefit ran out and if he did not have an underlying entitlement to a payment, he would not get one. Since the course was part time, he could not get the back to education allowance.

I do not want to extend that type of situation to people in full-time courses. If the Deputy is saying the back to education allowance is too strict, we should change it. She should not say the back to education scheme is too strict and that people should be able to access it through some other scheme. That would be very untidy and would cause endless grief for people, in particular for those who might not realise that when the jobseeker's benefit ran out, they would run out of payment half way or a quarter way through the course.

I disagree with what the Minister is doing in this regard.

I also see another problem and in some respects this amendment makes it worse. To receive the back to education allowance, one must be in receipt of a social welfare payment. One will lose jobseeker's benefit if one undertakes a course of study, but also one will get jobseeker's benefit now for nine months. A person could find himself or herself in the position where he or she got nine months of jobseeker's benefit and is no longer eligible for any social welfare payment and for that reason, will never be allowed the back to education allowance.

If the facilitator recommends it, one can continue after nine months.

If the facilitator recommends it.

Deputy Enright has identified an issue there——

There is an issue.

——and I will look at that issue. All I am asking is that we consider this in terms of the rules for BTEA as opposed to having two schemes whereby one can get paid and be in full-time education.

The Minister is not proposing any change to the BTEA.

Deputy Enright raised a valid issue about the nine-month period, and I will double check that so that we do not catch persons in that dilemma. It is a good point and I will double check it.

I certainly do not want to have any trick clauses, but I still believe that the payment one should receive if one is in education is the BTEA. It does involve restrictions but the restrictions are there for a purpose. If it is over-prescriptive and if the Deputies want to make suggestions, I will look at them. I must warn that some of the restrictions were introduced because there were abuses or unintended consequences arising from the scheme. My recollection is that the restrictions mainly arose where persons were just taking a short-time gap between school. They probably were doing it on jobseeker's allowance rather than on jobseeker's benefit.

Those doing that kind of thing would not be entitled to benefit.

This mirrors the jobseeker's allowance.

Why is the Minister making that argument when it does not apply to those persons?

But anyway,——

Wait, do not say, "But anyway". The Minister comes in with this proposal which does not make any sense and he cannot defend it. Why is he doing it?

For the simply reason that it makes much more sense to have people——

Doing nothing instead of studying, that is what he is forcing them to do.

Deputy Shortall has made her point. My simple point in reply is that the scheme we have for persons who go into full-time education is the back to education allowance. If the members think the terms of that are wrong, change it and do not have two schemes.

Deputy Ó Cuív is the Minister. He should be changing it if there is a problem in it. Quite obviously, the Minister has not thought out this amendment.

I am happy with the back to education allowance conditions. Deputy Enright raised an issue that I will look at.

There is no logic in what the Minister is saying. He says "bring forward proposals for changing the BTEA" and then he says he is happy with the BTEA. The BTEA does not serve everybody and for those who have come out on jobseeker's benefit, surely it is better that they are doing something worthwhile and studying instead of twiddling their thumbs.

The reason for the restrictions on the BTEA is that if one does not have those restrictions it is open to abuse. If Deputy Shortall does not believe that and if she can prove that to me, I will take it on board. However, the Deputy would have to prove to me that there are ways that we could make it easier to get on the BTEA without creating unintended consequences of significant cost to the State.

We are going around in circles. Quite clearly, there are problems with this amendment. It has not been thought through. I wonder would the Minister consider withdrawing it.

When Deputy Enright made a specific reasonable point that there is merit in examining, I stated I would examine it.

Will the Minister withdraw the amendment?

I will not withdraw the amendment.

Can we table amendments on this amendment on Report Stage?

If the amendment is agreed, it then becomes part of the Bill and members can table amendments. Is the amendment agreed to?

Where are the other members? Do we need a quorum?

We have been here for several hours and there are no Government Members.

I am told we do not need a quorum.

Maybe the Government whip would try to round up some members because we will be pressing some of these shortly. It is not acceptable for them to absent themselves.

If Deputy Shortall wants, she may suspend the meeting to let me do that. If I am stuck in the Chair, I cannot do so.

I am sure the Vice Chairman could send a message.

Amendment put and declared carried.
Question, "That section 7 stand part of the Bill", put and declared carried.
SECTION 8
Question proposed: "That section 8 stand part of the Bill."

Deputy Shortall, I will send that message.

I thank the Vice Chairman. Perhaps the Minister would explain the means-testing.

Where the spouse or partner of a recipient of jobseeker's allowance, pre-retirement allowance or farm assist is in employment and in receipt of FIS, social welfare legislation specifically prohibits concurrent receipt by the jobseeker's allowance, pre-retirement allowance or farm assist recipient of an increase for a qualified adult. The current provisions relating to the assessment of the income of a spouse or partner were introduced in September 2007 with two major objectives: to ensure that there was always an incentive for a spouse or partner to earn more, unlike the old arrangement which featured withdrawal rates of more than 100% where earnings were above €100 and less than €180 a week; and to simplify the assessment arrangement. The old arrangement consisted of two means tests: one based on the income of the spouse or partner; and the second based on the couple's income. The legislation also provided that where a spouse or partner is in receipt of a social welfare payment in his or her own right, the means of the jobseeker's allowance, pre-retirement allowance or farm assist claim would be halved. For examples, where a spouse-partner was in receipt of a scheme such as injury benefit and jobseeker's benefit, the halving of means recognises an increase for a qualified adult is not payable to the jobseeker's allowance, pre-retirement allowance or farm assist claimant and, therefore, mitigates the assessment of means.

The scope of the legislation introduced in 2007 did not encompass a spouse-partner who is in receipt of FIS. In practice, however, halving of the means was applied from 2007 in these cases continuing the position which existed prior to the introduction of the present arrangement generally.

The current amendment formally provides for the continuation of the halving which has applied since 2007. There is no impact, positive or negative, on current or future claimants and, accordingly, no cost or saving implications.

Is the Minister certain that it will not impact at all?

I must believe the officials, although I am fairly good on this stuff.

I take the Minister on trust in that one. I hope it turns out to be the case.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 9 to 12, inclusive, agreed to.
NEW SECTION

I move amendment No. 19:

In page 9, before section 13, to insert the following new section:

13.—Section 220(2)(a) and (b) of the Principal Act are deleted and the following paragraph substituted therefor:

"(a) the Minister shall by regulations provide that where two parents or guardians have joint custody of a child, the child benefit may be apportioned between them;”.”.

The purpose of this amendment is to ensure that split payments of child benefit can be made in circumstances where there is joint custody. The Department is reluctant to do this and has stated in the past that it would lead to complexity and additional administrative burdens and cites examples from 1994 and the 1970s to justify this. Unfortunately, one cannot get away from the fact that the issue of divorce and separation is complex and it is time that the Department caught up with this. This is a reality of modern life and the Department needs to be geared to deal with circumstances that arise as a result of separation or divorce.

The overriding point is there cannot be any justification for favouring one parent over another. For example, I recently encountered a case in which a man had full custody of one of his children and joint custody of the second child. He was paid the relevant child benefit in the case of the child over whom he had full custody but in the case of the child of whom he only had joint custody, the mother was paid the full child benefit. It strikes me that in cases of legal separation or divorce in which joint custody is in operation, the payment should be split and each parent should receive an equal payment to reflect the costs involved. I would welcome the Minister's support in this regard.

The Law Reform Commission addressed the legal aspects of family relationships in a recent report. This included a number of proposals to address the issue of appropriate legal arrangements in the case of separated parents. I understand that at present, the Law Reform Commission is examining further the legal aspects of family relationships and will issue a report later this year. I will re-examine the issue of the appropriate payment arrangements for child benefit in light of this report to ensure that it reflects the most up-to-date thinking in the area. The Deputy has raised a valid point and I certainly will examine the issue once I receive that final report.

Is the Minister in agreement in principle?

Yes, in principle. Were it an equal division, I would fully agree with the Deputy.

On that basis, I thank the Minister and will withdraw the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Sections 13 and 14 agreed to.
SECTION 15
Question proposed: "That section 15 stand part of the Bill."

I have difficulty with the section, which I consider to be rather strange and unnecessary. I wonder what is its background. Basically, it provides that the Minister may appeal to the High Court any decision of the chief appeals officer given under section 318 of the principal Act. At present, a decision originally is made locally on an application for a payment by the deciding officer. If the claimant is not satisfied with that decision, the claimant may appeal it. The appeal is considered and an appeals officer makes a recommendation, which then is reviewed by the chief appeals officer and a decision is taken. I cannot understand the reason the Minister seeks a further level of review of that decision, by virtue of being able to appeal it to the High Court. This does not appear to make sense because nothing in legislation precludes the Department from appealing it on a point of law. Why does the Minister propose to take this power on himself? It appears to indicate the Minister does not have confidence in the decision-making of the chief appeals officer. Consequently, I cannot understand where the Minister is coming from in this regard and nor can I discern the reason he proposes to do this.

I raised the same question when meeting the Minister's officials on Second Stage. What triggered the idea that such a provision is needed? This amendment has been included suddenly in this legislation. Members already have stated that they cannot think of any examples of when it would be used, the Department does not anticipate any trouble and so on and yet this provision has been included. Was there a trigger that made someone consider that this provision was necessary? I do not understand the thinking behind it. Who suggested it and at what level did he or she consider it was needed?

While the belief always exists that there is some great conspiracy behind such measures, I understand this is quite a technical issue. Under the current legislation, the right of appeal is restricted. This amendment to the legislation provides that all decisions made by an appeals officer may be appealed to the High Court. Deputy Shortall laid it out clearly that applicants who are unhappy with a decision can go to the chief appeals officer. Thereafter, if one remains dissatisfied on a point of law, one can go to the High Court. While I had nothing to do with bringing forward this provision, my understanding is that it pertains to a scenario involving someone with very limited means who gets a decision he or she believes should be appealed to the High Court and where the Minister believes the applicant has a case on a point of law. As the Minister cannot appeal it on anything other than a point of law, there is no way for him or her to upturn that decision. The Minister may consider that rather than having Mr. A or Mr. B of limited means and small resources make an appeal to the High Court on what the Minister also believes to be a point of law, the Minister should take the case because a point of law requires clarification. At present however, the Minister cannot do this because the chief appeals officer technically is an officer of the Minister and unless specific provision is made to make the appeal in such circumstances to the High Court on a point of law, one cannot appeal against one's own officer.

This is a highly technical point. While I did not bring this forward, I can see the merit in having in place such a provision. It would be likely to be used in cases in which a Minister believed an appellant had a good point in law that required clarification in the High Court. In such circumstances, especially given that many recipients of social welfare would not be in a financial position to go to the High Court, rather than obliging them to take the case at their own expense it would be better for the Minister to be able to take the case in highly exceptional circumstances. At present however, even if the Minister considered the appellant to be absolutely correct on a point of law and was so advised by the law officers, he or she could not do it for the technical reason that the chief appeals officer is an official of the Minister. I assure members that this is not a case of me as Minister proposing to upturn the appeals officer in an effort to get more power. This measure was recommended to me as being a necessary provision in law to cater for such a scenario.

I will accept the provision on that basis. However, I must warn the Minister that the logic of what will happen is that every single Deputy who does not get the sought-for outcome for his or her customer from the chief appeals officer will write to the Minister asking him to appeal.

No, the Deputy has got it wrong.

The Minister has stated it can be appealed on a point of law.

No, my point is that were a point of law to come up in respect of an appellant, and presuming the advice of the Attorney General was that a point of law did exist——

Yes, but Deputies will ask the Minister to check all such decisions to ensure they are in compliance with the law.

They would be wasting their time.

Yes, but that is what will happen if this provision is introduced.

No. There would have to be a point of law and obviously the Minister would not be appealing on behalf of the appellant. However, if a general point of law existed that the Minister believed was responsible for giving incorrect answers to appellants and if a particular case arose, this provision gives the Minister such a right. However, I note that although Ministers have all sorts of similar rights, there are no queues of people asking them to exercise such rights for the simple reason that such circumstances only rarely arise. For example, the Deputy should consider all the cases that would come to her regarding refusals of her constituents by An Bord Pleanála. While the Deputy might consider An Bord Pleanála's decision to be wrong, she would not advise her constituents that they had a point of law because the board would not have been wrong on a point of law.

One could argue that the Minister should be able to overturn such a decision by appealing it to the High Court.

No, the only issue is that if the High Court ruled that there was an incorrect interpretation of law, the High Court would be overruling the chief appeals officer but this is provided for anyway. The simple issue is anybody can appeal a decision of the chief appeals officer to the High Court except the Minister. The position is anybody can appeal a point of law to the High Court except the Minister.

Because he or she is not the person affected.

No, because the chief appeals officer is an officer of the Minister. If he or she was at arm's length from the Minister, the Minister would have no problem making the appeal. This is what happens in the case of a statutory independent body and what would happen if the chief appeals officer was not an officer of the Minister. That is my understanding. If the office was at one remove from the Department, the Minister could appeal on a point of law to the High Court. The reason the Minister cannot is the chief appeals officer is an officer of the Minister, although he or she is independent in his or her function. It is a technical issue. This does not create a new precedent for State agencies.

I take a more sinister view of this, as I am concerned about where it is coming from. It is not appropriate that a Minister should appeal a decision of an officer in his or her Department. The concept of an appeals office is that it is independent of the Minister and politics. There is no justification for the Minister having a role in another layer of appeal in this area. Why is he doing that? This action seems to be designed to undermine the role of the chief appeals officer. It is all very well for the Minister to shake his head and deny that motivation, but his Government has abolished a number of other independent offices whose role was to uphold the rights of citizens. I refer, in particular, to the Equality Authority and the Combat Poverty Agency.

The Opposition told us there were too many agencies.

Deputy Shortall, without interruption.

This seems to be intended to undermine the role of an independent appeals office and I do not know why the Minister is taking that route. It does not make sense and I am highly sceptical of his motivation and that of the Government in doing this. I strongly oppose this section.

Before I took office, a Bill was in gestation in the Department and officials briefed me on its proposals. This proposal was in the documentation and I was told it was a technical amendment. I accepted that on the basis I have outlined, which is if the appeals offices were totally independent of the Department and were one step removed from the Department, the Minister could go to the High Court on a point of law only. No Minister could take a case without the advice of the Attorney General. A Minister cannot run to the High Court unless advised by the Attorney General to do so.

I did not initiate this proposal but I can see the logic, particularly if a legal issue arose that required clarification in the High Court and the legal advice of the Government was there was a case to be answered. The State could take the case to the court, which would give the adjudication as to whether the chief appeals officer or the State was right. The most likely scenario in which that could happen is if an appeal was refused and there was a good case on a point of law and it was not in keeping with the law. If we accept the integrity of the courts and that they are independent of all of us, I cannot understand why we would be afraid of a case being tested if there was a legal issue to be answered.

The courts would throw one out on one's head if one went in with a spurious case. It would not be entertained. If one won the case, it would mean the courts believed one was right in the first place. Why would the Deputy be afraid of that? If it was a totally independent body, such as those referred to by the Deputy, one could do this anyway. However, the technical issue is the chief appeals officer is an officer of the Minister and this cannot be done, although it can be done through every other independent body.

That argument is not sustainable. Since the appeals process came into operation in the 1950s the decision of the chief appeals officer in reviewing cases under section 318 has been accepted and implemented by the Department without reservation.

That will continue to be the way.

Why is the Minister amending the law then? The independence of the chief appeals officer in discharging his or her statutory duties is reflected in that approach. This is the final appeals process——

It is not. The Deputy is wrong. The final appeals process is to the courts in all legislation.

——apart from the right to appeal on a point of law to the High Court. I do not know what is the justification for the Minister seeking to take the power on himself to appeal a decision of the chief appeals officer. His or her decisions have always been accepted by the Department. The Minister said he was not responsible for this proposal to amend the law. Who is responsible? What is the motivation?

Legal advice from the Office of the Attorney General.

That we should bring this forward.

Why? Has there been a problem with any decision of the chief appeals officer going back to the 1950s?

I do not know. I will come back with that information on Report Stage.

The Minister should have that information now. If the Minister is proposing a change to take a power on himself, he should know the reason for that.

One should not legislate on the basis of the past. There could be scenarios where the Minister and the Government believe, on a point of law, that the chief appeals officer was wrong. It would be extraordinary that everybody could go to the High Court except the Minister on behalf of the Government. The Deputy is trying to lock the Government out of the High Court and suggest anybody with an interest in the case can go to the court, except the Minister.

The Minister is trying to send a message about the independence of the chief appeals officer.

The Deputy is entitled to her prejudices.

What the Minister proposes is wrong but it is very much in keeping with the actions of the Government in recent months regarding other independent bodies. I strongly oppose this provision for that reason.

We can have a debate on independent bodies. I believe regulators, appeals officers and, for example, An Bord Pleanála should be independent but other so-called independent bodies should not be because we were elected to lay out policy and not to have independent bodies, once removed from answerability to the people, making decisions. I had empathy with some of what the Fine Gael Party said about quangos.

We did not have the Combat Poverty Agency or the Equality Authority on the list.

I do not know what was on the list.

The Minister should read it.

He should not use that as cover for trying to abolish independent bodies.

In this case, I believe the State should have the right to appeal to the High Court and I cannot understand why the Deputy says the State is the only player that should not be allowed to appeal a point of law. That is ridiculous because the ultimate decision maker on these issues, rightly, is the High Court, which is independent.

Question put and declared carried.
Section 16 agreed to.
NEW SECTIONS

Amendments Nos. 20 and 25 are related and may be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 20:

In page 12, before section 17, to insert the following new section:

17.—(1) The Principal Act is amended by inserting the following section after section 62:

62A.—Notwithstanding section 62, in the case of a person who —

(a) has, when requested to do so by an officer of the Minister, without good cause refused to participate or to agree to participate in a course of training which is considered appropriate by the officer having regard to the training needs of the person and his or her personal circumstances,

(b) has, without good cause, refused or failed to avail himself or herself of any reasonable offer of training provided or approved of by An Foras Áiseanna Saothair, or

(c) has, without good cause, refused or failed to avail himself or herself of an opportunity of participating in a programme administered by An Foras Áiseanna Saothair and the Minister pursuant to the plan commonly known as the National Employment Action Plan,

the weekly rate of jobseeker's benefit shall be as set out in section 65(2) or, as the case may be, paragraph (a), (b) or (c) of section 65A(2).”.

(2) Section 64(1) (as amended by section 18 of the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2008) of the Principal Act is amended—

(a) in paragraph (c)(i) by substituting “reckonable” for “prescribed reckonable”,

(b) in paragraph (c)(ia) by substituting “reckonable” for “prescribed reckonable”,

(c) in paragraph (c)(ii) by substituting “reckonable” for “prescribed reckonable”, and

(d) in paragraph (c) by substituting ”in excess of €300 in the governing contribution year or has reckonable weekly earnings specified in paragraphs (a) to (c) of subsection (6) or, as the case may be, has reckonable weekly income specified in paragraphs (d) to (f) of subsection (6) in the periods specified in respect of those earnings or that income in those paragraphs” for “in excess of a prescribed amount in the prescribed period”.

(3) Section 64 (as amended by section 18 of the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2008) of the Principal Act is amended—

(a) in subsection (4) by substituting “68(1), 68(6) or 68(6A)” for “68(1) or 68 (6)”,

(b) by substituting the following subsection for subsection (6):

"(6) For the purposes of the requirements of subsection (1)(c) relating to reckonable weekly earnings or, as the case may be, reckonable weekly income, a claimant—

(a) has reckonable weekly earnings—

(i) which do not exceed €44.43,

(ii) which exceed €44.43 but do not exceed €63.48, or

(iii) which exceed €63.48 but do not exceed €88.87,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced before 25 December 2003,

(b) has reckonable weekly earnings—

(i) which do not exceed €79.99,

(ii) which exceed €79.99 but do not exceed €124.99, or

(iii) which exceed €124.99 but do not exceed €149.00,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced on or after 25 December 2003 and before 5 January 2009,

(c) has reckonable weekly earnings—

(i) which do not exceed €149.99,

(ii) which exceed €149.99 but do not exceed €219.99, or

(iii) which exceed €219.99 but do not exceed €299.99,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced on or after 5 January 2009,

(d) has reckonable weekly income—

(i) which does not exceed €44.43,

(ii) which exceeds €44.43 but does not exceed €63.48, or

(iii) which exceeds €63.48 but does not exceed €88.87,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced before 25 December 2003,

(e) has reckonable weekly income—

(i) which does not exceed €79.99,

(ii) which exceeds €79.99 but does not exceed €124.99, or

(iii) which exceeds €124.99 but does not exceed €149.00,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced on or after 25 December 2003 and before 5 January 2009, or

(f) has reckonable weekly income—

(i) which does not exceed €149.99,

(ii) which exceeds €149.99 but does not exceed €219.99, or

(iii) which exceeds €219.99 but does not exceed €299.99,

in respect of a period of interruption of employment which commenced on or after 5 January 2009.",

(c) by deleting subsection (7),

(d) in subsection (8) by deleting “that the claimant must have prescribed reckonable weekly earnings in excess of a prescribed amount in the prescribed period”, and

(e) by inserting the following subsections after subsection (8):

"(9) For the purposes of subsection (1)(c)—

(a) the reckonable weekly earnings referred to in subparagraphs (i) and (ia) of that subsection shall, subject to paragraph (b), be calculated as the total reckonable earnings in the governing contribution year increased by the amount of—

(i) a payment, if any, referred to in section 38, and

(ii) an allowable contribution, if any, referred to in Regulation 41 or 42 of the Regulations of 2001,

divided by the number of qualifying contributions in that governing contribution year,

(b) without prejudice to paragraph (a), the governing contribution year, for the purposes of the calculation, in accordance with paragraph (a), of the reckonable weekly earnings referred to in subparagraph (ia) of subsection (1)(c) shall be—

(i) the governing contribution year, or

(ii) the governing contribution year that relates to the jobseeker's benefit claim referred to in subsection (1)(c) (ia)(II),

whichever is the more favourable, and

(c) the reckonable weekly income referred to in subparagraph (ii) of that subsection shall be calculated as the total reckonable income in the governing contribution year increased by the amount of—

(i) a payment, if any, referred to in section 38, and

(ii) an allowable contribution, if any, referred to in Regulation 41 or 42 of the Regulations of 2001,

divided by the number of qualifying contributions in that governing contribution year.

(10) In the case of a claimant whose claim, by virtue of having been entitled to or in receipt of jobseeker's benefit or illness benefit in respect of any day in the 13 week period preceding 4 January 1993, forms part of a period of interruption of employment which commenced prior to that date, nothing in this section shall be construed as reducing the rate of jobseeker's benefit payable to him or her to a rate which is less than the rate to which he or she was entitled to before that date.

(11) In subsection (9), ‘Regulations of 2001' means the Income Tax (Employments) (Consolidation) Regulations 2001 (S.I. No. 559 of 2001).".

(4) Section 65 (as amended by section 4 of and Schedule 1 to the Act of 2006) of the Principal Act is amended—

(a) by renumbering the existing provision as subsection (1) of that section, and

(b) by inserting the following subsection after subsection (1):

"(2) Subject to this Act, notwithstanding subsection (1), in the case of a person to whom section 62A refers, the weekly rate of jobseeker's benefit shall be reduced and accordingly shall be the weekly rate set out in column (2) of Part 1 of Schedule 2 which shall be reduced in each week by €46.".

(5) The Principal Act is amended by inserting the following new section after section 65:

65A.—(1) Subject to this Act, in the case of—

(a) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(a)(i) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(d)(i), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €88.10,

(b) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(a)(ii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(d)(ii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €126.60,

(c) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(a)(iii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(d)(iii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €153.60,

(d) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(b)(i) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(e)(i), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €88.10,

(e) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(b)(ii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(e)(ii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €126.60,

(f) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(b)(iii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(e)(iii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €153.60,

(g) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(c)(i) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(f)(i), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €88.10,

(h) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(c)(ii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(f)(ii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €126.60, or

(i) a person with reckonable weekly earnings specified in section 64(6)(c)(iii) or reckonable weekly income specified in section 64(6)(f)(iii), the weekly rate of jobseeker’s benefit shall be €153.60.

(2) Subject to this Act, notwithstanding subsection (1), in the case of a person to whom section 62A refers, the weekly rate of jobseeker's benefit shall be reduced and accordingly—

(a) in the case of a person referred to in subsection (1)(a), (1)(d) or (1)(g), the weekly rate shall be €67.50,

(b) in the case of a person referred to in subsection (1)(b), (1)(e) or (1)(h), the weekly rate shall be €96.90, or

(c) in the case of a person referred to in subsection (1)(c), (1)(f) or (1)(i), the weekly rate shall be €117.60.”.

(6) Section 66 (as amended by section 4 of and Schedule 1 to the Act of 2006) of the Principal Act is amended—

(a) in subsection (1), by substituting “Subject to subsection (1A), the weekly rate“ for “The weekly rate”, and

(b) by inserting the following subsection after subsection (1):

"(1A) In the case of a person referred to in section 65A, the weekly rate of jobseeker's benefit shall be increased by €84.30 for any period during which the beneficiary has a qualified adult, subject to the restriction that a beneficiary shall not be entitled for the same period to an increase of benefit under this subsection in respect of more than one person.".

(7) Section 68 (as amended by section 4 of and Schedule 1 to the Act of 2006) of the Principal Act is amended—

(a) in subsection (6)—

(i) by deleting paragraph (b), and

(ii) by deleting paragraph (c),

and

(b) by inserting the following subsection after subsection (6):

"(6A) A person shall be disqualified for receiving jobseeker's benefit where he or she has refused an offer of suitable employment.".

(8) Section 67 of the Principal Act is amended in subsection (9) by inserting "or 68(6A)" after "section 68(6)".".

In order to incentivise participation in training and education programmes and programmes provided under the national employment action plan, NEAP, rates of jobseeker's benefit are being reduced where a recipient, without good cause, refuses to participate in a course of training arranged by this Department or a FÁS course, or refuses or fails to avail of an opportunity to participate in the NEAP or any interventions offered by FÁS in the context of the NEAP. Under the measure, a penalty of €46 will be applied to the full rate of jobseeker's benefit if a recipient refuses or fails to avail of a suitable activation measure. Proportional reductions will apply in the case of persons on graduated rates of jobseeker's benefit. The penalty rate will only apply to primary social welfare payments under jobseeker's benefit, arising from jobseeker's benefit claims. Rates for child and adult dependents, where payable, remain unchanged if a claimant is subject to a penalty rate.

When commenced, these measures will work in tandem with the integration of FÁS functions into the Department of Social Protection and initiatives such as customer profiling, as part of a strongly activation-focused welfare system. This system will work to ensure that despite the high number currently on the live register, long-term systematic unemployment and welfare dependency are not allowed to take hold. In keeping with their activation focus, I stress that these rates and the rates relating to jobseeker's allowance and the supplementary welfare allowance will only apply where the primary social welfare payment relates to jobseeking. No other schemes come under the scope of these provisions.

Associated with these changes, I am bringing forward a new provision for full disallowance where a jobseeker's benefit recipient has refused an offer of suitable employment. This provision is intended to copperfasten existing provisions whereby full disallowance may be imposed if the recipient is not genuinely seeking work. Legislatively, it was felt that control in this area needed to be strengthened. However, it is not anticipated that the new provision will alter the terms of the receipt for the majority of jobseeker's benefit recipients.

I am also amending the definition of "reckonable weekly earnings" to ensure that people are not penalised by virtue of having made contributions to pension plans in the year in which their claim for jobseeker's benefit is based. Amendment No. 25 is a technical amendment to include the definition of "governing contribution year".

I have two difficulties with this. I know the Minister informed us on Second Stage that this would be introduced on Committee Stage, but I cannot understand why it could not have been brought in when the Bill was published, because it is very similar to what he is doing with the jobseeker's allowance. It is peculiar that something as substantial as this is being added within a week or two of publication of the Bill. That is not a good way to deal with legislation as it does not provide us with the same opportunity to examine the amendments. However, I can discuss the issues because of the difficulties I have with the jobseeker's allowance proposals, which are similar.

Fine Gael supports the principle of activation, but I find it difficult to listen to the Minister speak blandly about the employment action plan and FÁS as if everything is perfect and working well and as if all these courses and jobs are available. That is not the reality. The Minister wants to introduce these changes for jobseeker's benefit claimants, but these are people who will have worked for, perhaps, 20 or 25 years and paid contributions for all that time. They are shocked to find themselves unemployed and are trying to get their heads around that and their responsibilities to their families. They may already have good qualifications, which means there may not be courses available to upskill them. The problem is that the area in which they are qualified does not have employment available. These people will be offered some sort of course, but we do not know the practicalities of what will be offered. We do not know where the course will be held or what is involved.

The Department has 63 facilitators, but we have 439,000 people unemployed. There are almost 90,000 one-parent families and over 100,000 people on disability and illness payments. Every time we have a problem in any of these areas, the facilitators must deal with it. How can 63 people deal with approximately 600,000 people and activate them? It is impossible. I appreciate that FÁS also has instructors, but reports on the success or otherwise of FÁS vary significantly. Forfás issued a report recently that asked significant questions about the types of courses being offered, the availability and quality of courses and the number of people who drop out of courses they have started. At secondary education level, some 18% of young people do not complete it, yet the Minister seems to think that this measure will suddenly provide meaningful education to these young people or to other more educated people who have lost their jobs. The system does not have the capacity to provide the activation we need.

I want to see activation, particularly for the unemployed and for that reason, I do not oppose the section outrightly. However, I oppose the lack of reality attaching to these amendments. The Minister does not seem to have any understanding of what is really happening if he thinks that when he cuts people's payments, the system will be there to deal with them, look after them and provide them with meaningful courses. That system does not exist. The Minister suggests that this provision will force people who have found themselves unemployed after working for ten years to do a FÁS course. What course will they do? FÁS systems have not changed enough to deal with the new emerging tecnologies or to provide education in those areas. FÁS still operates as if we had full employment. It is on the same budget as when we had full employment, when despite the opportunity then it did not manage the situation as well as it should have. However, that is an issue for another day.

I question the logic and motive behind these measures and would make the same points with regard to other amendments. I have real difficulty with how the Minister is going about this because he cannot show me that meaningful and proper courses or work are available. Our further education system is capped. Is the Minister aware how many places are available for further education in County Offaly? There are 50 places available. How can the Minister say he will activate people in Offaly back into education when there are only 50 places available for the entire county? There is no logic in this plan and as a result I have difficulty with what the Minister is trying to do. I agree with the principle behind what the Minister is trying to achieve and his heart is probably in the right place. However, the plan is not practical.

I would like to clarify that we are discussing amendment No. 20.

We are discussing section 17, amendment No. 20 in the name of the Minister.

I am not satisfied because this is a detailed amendment on which we have had no briefing. We should, in fairness, be given a full briefing on the amendment and the reasons for it. Why were these provisions not contained in the original Bill?

Let us take the other contributions and then the Minister can respond.

I wish to contribute on the issue, but I would like to receive a briefing from the Minister first.

If other colleagues do not mind, perhaps the Minister will explain the reasons for the amendment.

I understand there was considerable drafting work involved in preparing this amendment because of the graduated rates and that it was not ready when we published the Bill. In tenor, it is similar to amendments that were already published on jobseeker's allowance. The graduated rates area is different and this is what caused a delay in the drafting. The principle, as outlined by Deputy Enright, is the same as for the jobseeker's allowance. I accept places are limited and that people cannot be offered what is not available. These proposals are part of a much wider package that is very much in line with Labour Party thinking and we are bringing the FÁS employment services and their resources for placement into the Department. However, we need to ensure that where people are offered training, a course or work, they cannot just say that is all very fine but they do not intend to accept it. It has always been the case that someone who refuses a reasonable offer of work will not receive payment as one has to be actively seeking and available for work. That is the way it has always operated in practice and we are simply copperfastening the rule in legislation, to make it explicit lest somebody takes a case against us. I have been dealing with work creation and unemployed people for 30 years and there has always been an assumption that if one is offered work but turns it down one does not get benefits.

That applies to offers of work but not education and training.

I have concerns about the proposals in respect of people on jobseeker's allowance but it is a different matter to apply the cuts to people on jobseeker's benefit. People have paid for this benefit and qualify for it on that basis. The Minister is now imposing restrictions on what has been an entitlement by refusing benefits if people refuse to take up an offer. Is the proposal to make the cuts for all claimants of jobseeker's benefit? Initially I thought it was only intended for people on reduced rates but it seems to apply to everybody on jobseeker's benefit. Is that correct?

That is quite a departure because a benefit was always seen as an entitlement which people gained by making their social insurance contributions. Whether the intention is to cut jobseeker's allowance or benefits, there are huge question marks over the approach. What is a reasonable offer? Who decides what a reasonable offer is? What grade of officer in the Department can decide what is a reasonable offer? If somebody is offered a training place which is entirely unsuitable, is that a reasonable offer? If somebody is offered a training place 50 miles away, with no transport, is that reasonable? If getting to such a place would make it financially not worthwhile, is that reasonable offer? Are people's domestic responsibilities taken into consideration? How will the Minister prevent abuse and maliciousness? I do not want to impugn officers in the Minister's Department but situations arise in which people do not always act entirely ethically. What criteria will the Minister set down for determining these things?

Deputy Shortall has already asked my question on who makes the decision as to whether a course is appropriate. A 58-year-old man whom I met a couple of weeks ago was asked to do a course in child care. That is ridiculous and I thought the person telling me was joking. However, he was serious. Why ask a man of 58 to do a child care course? There is nothing out there for him and there are enough young people who want to go into child care. We should focus on them. The course has to be appropriate to the person and should not be assigned simply to get a person off the list.

I have significant concerns about this section, particularly as it relates to young people. It sends out a harsh and mean message. It proposes to reduce a payment from €100 to €75. To some extent the proposal exists in the land of make-believe because the courses in question are not available. They cost resources and require a strategy to turn the system around. It will require investment and this cannot be done overnight. The Minister has been very quick to introduce the cut but the Government has been very slow to act.

Agencies such as FÁS have come in for considerable criticism and a recent Forfás report stated that its courses were not relevant to what people needed.

It would be interesting to know whether the Minister held consultations with any groups in the course of preparing amendment No. 20. He shot down amendments Nos. 10 to 12, inclusive, because there was no consultation but now he is producing an amendment which breaches a contract made between the State and employees up and down the country who paid PRSI on the basis that, in the event of becoming unemployed, they would have State protection. All of a sudden, new conditions are being imposed.

As the other Deputies have said, the section as a whole contains activation measures. In an ideal world there would be jobs, training and education to avail of. If that were the case I would have no problem supporting this and the other measures but the jobs and the courses are not there. By giving an officer of the Department the job of forcing people off the unemployment list we will end up with unreasonable and inappropriate offers, as happened in the past. Many people will remember being unemployed in the 1980s and the FÁS schemes of the time, which were not adequately resourced. People sat around in rooms with facilitators or teachers who did not know what they were doing. There were no jobs but people were told how to make a telephone call to get a job interview. In one centre, bananas were handed out for people to practise their telephone manner. In other cases they sat around writing sample letters but, while there is a need for people to learn how to put together a CV, it is not a reasonable or appropriate training offer. The legislation already allows for this proposal but there is still no definition of what is appropriate or reasonable. The scary thing is that we are going back to the future.

I wish to follow up on what Deputy Carey said about young people. I have dealt with a lot of unemployed young people and, while many of them do not have great qualifications or skills, they are all eager to do something. We only have to look around our community to see what needs to be done on our own streets. I made two suggestions to a group of young people with whom I met recently on the subject of the cut to their jobseeker's allowance, first to €100 and then to €75. I asked them if they would participate in projects for young people and they said they would.

There are weeds on every street and canalway which need to be trimmed. The motorways need to be done. In Ballyfermot, a senior citizens' complex which had been closed down was due to be redeveloped but there was no money to do so, leaving 40 units unoccupied. Hundreds of young men on the waiting list for housing would be only too glad to have one room in which to live. At the moment they are living in terrible conditions in private complexes, paying a huge amount of money. That is a deplorable state of affairs.

I suggested to FÁS that it take over complexes such as Canon Troy Court and use them as a project to retrain all the young people who have finished their courses in FÁS but have nothing to show for it, having not been given their certificates. Would it not be better to bring these young people back into some kind of employment? Even if they received an extra €50 per week it would take them out of the position they are in. Most young people do not want to be lying in bed all day or hanging around for the summer. They want to do something. The majority of young people I know have become more actively involved in the community, in the scouts, in football training and in youth clubs. There are plenty of opportunities for young people to do something if there was the will but that seems to be lacking from FÁS and elsewhere.

It is wrong to say that most young people enjoy lying around and accepting money — they want to participate. I have drawn attention to just a couple of the many projects which could be put in place straight away. We should get rid of all the red tape and give young people something to do. Deputy Carey made an important statement. Young people do not want to take €75 per week for nothing — they want to earn their money.

Deputy Catherine Byrne and I are much closer than might, at first, be apparent. I agree that we have to create opportunities for people to engage in all the work that needs to be done in our society. A lot of it is more sophisticated than picking weeds and it ranges from child care to caring for the elderly, through sports coaching to running community facilities, heritage projects and research projects in local genealogy.

I also concur with the Deputy that the vast majority of people, both young and old, would prefer to be engaged than not engaged. We are encouraging this in a small way by bringing employment services and schemes under the ambit of the Department. We would prefer people to be engaged in useful community work which will benefit themselves and the community than to be drawing a payment in a way that feels soulless.

I am determined to bring about such a state of affairs and intend to do so by tackling two issues. At a time when €208 per week was paid to a single person in an employment scheme and €196 to someone on jobseeker's allowance, peer pressure was brought to bear on some people who were asked why they took work for €20 or €30 per week when they could get more on welfare and stay at home. It has to be made easier to resist peer pressure regarding the differential between the pay to be received from not being engaged as against the pay one can receive when a person is engaged.

The second issue was a matter of great debate at the first meeting I attended of this committee, and concerns the need to root out fraud. I guarantee members that I intend to use any money I save by rooting out fraud to create the very activation of which they have spoken today. If even 10% of people are claiming jobseekers' payments without being eligible and, by putting in place effective deterrents, we can root them out of the system. The money saved would create a lot of places to carry out the work suggested by Deputy Catherine Byrne. One of our challenges is to come up with the difference between the amount payable in welfare and the costs associated with organising community work, because that has to be found from within my Vote.

If we have a clear deterrent and clear powers to act against people who are not available for work or training and can use the savings to do the myriad things that need to be done in our society, in ways that are fulfilling and tailor-made to people's interests, we will have a win-win situation. I cannot create the opportunities if I do not get the power to root out those who are defrauding the system.

I was asked who decided what was suitable. As I said, every decision will be appealable to the appeals office. We will also outline detailed administrative criteria so as to make it impossible to take decisions on a whim, such as to ask a person living in central Dublin to go to Athlone to take a course. The deciding officers are at executive officer and staff officer grade but these are the secretaries general of tomorrow. In the public service people tend to be promoted over time and many of our younger people at the lower grades have fantastic qualifications, most at graduate level. They are very capable and will eventually work their way up through the system. As a garda can become Garda Commissioner, an executive officer can become a secretary general. I have full confidence in these people to act reasonably.

They cannot do it without clear guidelines.

There will be clear guidelines.

What will they entail? Before the Minister can put in place a compulsory scheme, he has to address the fact that he is incapable of meeting the current demand for training places and jobs. There are a large number of people who are currently on welfare but who want to go into training — we talked about categories earlier — and obtain jobs. Those opportunities simply are not there for them. The Minister needs to apply himself to addressing this situation. In earlier budgets, payments to young jobseekers were cut to €100 per week. Now, 75% of young jobseekers are on the reduced rate and have not got onto any course or started jobs. What was the purpose of doing this? Was it just to save money, or was it genuinely to get people onto a career path? Cutting the payments of young jobseekers by 50% has not worked because, by and large, there are no places for them. There are many issues with regard to the Minister's proposal which may have negative consequences for people who find themselves unemployed.

The Minister mentioned the drawing up of guidelines. Why does he not just tell us what these will be? Any of the safeguards that are there at the moment do not deal adequately with the question of poverty traps, which the Minister needs to sort out within the Department. They do not deal with work participation costs; nor do they consider people's health. Unfortunately, there are a significant number of people with mental health problems who have great difficulty in participating in courses or employment. What are the rules for people in those circumstances, and for those with family commitments, which I will talk about under my own amendment? It is all very well for the Minister to say there are highly-trained staff, which I accept, but, as in every other cross section of society, there are people who will not be fair in their approach and who will have prejudices. The Minister needs to ensure there are proper safeguards to ensure jobseekers do not become victims of prejudice.

There are much better ways of achieving what the Minister says he is trying to achieve. This proposal smacks of a focus on saving money in the Department. If he was genuinely concerned about getting people into training and employment, he would provide adequate opportunities for them to do so. The kind of training opportunities that exist for young people are often not suited to their needs; nor are they tailored to their clients. Many of them do not really provide progression towards anything; it is training for the sake of training, without leading anywhere. I have concerns about the tendency towards short courses, which seems to be a matter of telling somebody they must attend a course because the system is not geared up to provide adequate training courses. There are certainly a number of courses that can only be described as Mickey Mouse courses because of their short duration and light content. This proposal seems to be more about optics than about achieving anything serious.

I am concerned about the open-ended nature of the disqualification provided for in the Bill for people who refuse a reasonable offer of employment, apart from the issue of what constitutes a reasonable offer. There are lots of genuine reasons people might refuse offers. The disqualification also applies where someone gives up a job — again, there are lots of genuine reasons people may have for doing this. They may have caring responsibilities, for example, which mean they must be in the home for longer periods than their jobs or training courses allow. What about the unfortunately common situation in which a person is bullied in his or her job? The person may leave because his or her life is made hell. I hope that all staff dealing with such cases would be reasonable, but there is no guarantee of that. The Bill as it stands provides for open-ended disqualification from payment. Currently, a person can be disqualified for nine weeks. That limit on the period of disqualification is removed in this Bill, meaning the disqualification is open-ended. In theory, a person could end up with no payment whatsoever and no means of survival. His or her payment may never be reinstated, given the open-ended nature of the disqualification.

Not only is the Minister taking upon himself the right to reduce, cut or suspend a person's payment — we spoke earlier about people who have built up entitlements to benefits — but he is also extending it to supplementary welfare. For people whose jobseeker's allowance is suspended, supplementary welfare is a safety net, but the Minister is now saying this can also be cut. Supplementary welfare is a basic safety net payment. It is the minimum amount that a person needs to survive in life, paying for the absolute basics. The Minister is now giving officers of his Department the power to cut that basic safety net. What are such people supposed to live on? Let us return to the example of what was done in earlier budgets, in which young jobseekers had their payments cut by 50%. They are expected to survive on €100 per week, and the Minister is now saying this can be cut further, by 25%. This raises major issues with regard to basic dignity.

Nobody has a difficulty with the Minister rooting out people who are swinging the lead or encouraging people to enter training and education that will enhance their job prospects. However, the powers the Minister is taking upon himself in this legislation simply go to far and do not provide the safeguards people need in order to live with any kind of dignity. The Minister is rushing this purely for the sake of optics. It needs much closer and more careful consideration, as well as consultation with people representing the groups involved. I am seriously concerned about the negative impacts of what the Minister is proposing.

There has been much talk about entitlement. A person's entitlement to jobseeker's benefit is on the basis that he or she is available for and actively seeking work. There are other payments available for those who are ill, caring for a relative and so on. A person's entitlement to jobseeker's benefit is based only on availability for work, and he or she must be actively seeking work. That has not changed; it has always been the case. Therefore, issues such as home commitments and mental health should not apply. If a person is caring for another person, he or she can apply for carer's allowance. In the case of illness, a person can apply for illness benefit, and would be quite correct to do so.

There is a whole host of reasons one might not be entitled to any of those payments, as the Minister knows perfectly well.

If a person is caring, he or she is entitled to carer's allowance.

Provided he or she meets the requirements for the allowance, which many people do not.

It is nothing to do with me or any provision here. If a person is not available for work he or she was never entitled to jobseeker's benefit, because in order to receive it one must be available for work. The question of home commitments is a red herring. If a person says he or she cannot take a job because of home commitments, then he or she was not available for work in the first place and is automatically disqualified from the payment of jobseeker's benefit. There is nothing new there.

I am sympathetic to people with mental illnesses and so on. We are considering new arrangements for them, such as the partial capacity scheme. The current arrangement under which they receive a yearly rehabilitative payment is not, in my view, a good long-term solution for those people because they are living from year to year, writing every year to request another year of payment. I will deal with that, which is a valid issue.

That is a change of heart on partial capacity. During Question Time a month ago the Minister said he was waiting for a report. Does he have the report?

We have been working on this and I have considered it actively. There are two items on which I must be satisfied in this regard. I am considering introducing such a scheme in a limited way, with a particular focus on those who have already had exemptions. If it works well we can widen it out.

We should try that approach here.

All members are familiar with the problem regarding the extension to the exemption. In some cases the Department's opinion is that a person is not rehabilitated but may be able to do some work. We will move forward on that agenda and I will focus on the issue.

These provisions will be subject to commencement and we will have to make appropriate arrangements, probably in 2011. I see this in the context of the very eloquent argument made by Deputy Catherine Byrne and, in my mind, I see a clear road forward for activating people. For the vast majority of genuine cases, this is very good news because it will help us to root out those who seem to be able to survive without being available for work or training, no matter what they are offered. There does not seem to be any incentive for them. The logical conclusion from most of these situations is that these people are the cohort working and drawing benefits at the same time. I do not know how far the Deputies want us to try to eliminate that scourge but we could use the savings to create the opportunities spoken of so eloquently by Deputy Byrne. I am very determined to go down that route because I believe the greater good is there for society and for those who are unemployed.

There are some people who receive unemployment payments but are unlikely to get employment. While everybody has the right to employment, and I would defend that right to the end, some of those in receipt of unemployment and disability payments would not be overjoyed to be offered work. One of my ideas is to activate people who have had jobs but are now on jobseeker's benefit or jobseeker's allowance. We can do this either by getting them a commercial job or giving them education or a training scheme. If they say "No" it is fair for the State to refuse to pay. It could then use the savings to create the opportunities to which we have referred. It would reduce fraud in the system and would encourage people to activate. It deals with the problem of peer pressure among young people and provides extra resources for the creation of extra places.

The Minister has spoken regularly about reducing fraud to make savings but he has been wrong for the past three years by tens of millions of euro. He does not know what the level of saving will be but he wants us to pass legislation on the basis that savings will be made to provide places to activate people who do not have jobs. The Minister has not answered the question as to what will be put in place in terms of meaningful education and training. Where will people be able to avail of these courses? If I thought there were places I would have no problem with the legislation.

If a person is not offered a place that person cannot be penalised.

I know that. That is fine but there is an embargo on recruitment in the health service so a psychiatric nurse cannot get a job and the same applies to physiotherapists and every other profession. What course will the Minister send those people on? Will he send them to do a three-week car maintenance course in FÁS in Athlone? These courses start at 8.30 a.m. but these people have children who must be in school at 9 a.m. The proposals are not practical.

Who will decide on what is meaningful? If a psychiatric nurse is offered a place can he or she decide there is no point in doing a three-week hairdressing course or a car maintenance course? Such people are not really being guided into meaningful courses and we do not know who will decide on whether they can continue to claim benefits.

The Department will make the initial call but, ultimately, the person who makes the judgment call is the appeals officer. However, there are also experienced people in FÁS and in the Department for that purpose. I have spent a lifetime dealing with people looking for employment and I have always advised them, within reason, to take work which is available. It might not be ideal but as long as it is reasonable I always advise them to take it and I have given this advice to members of my own family. It is important to do whatever one does well. By doing so, one will get on in life but sitting at home is probably the greatest way of ensuring no progression in whatever field one is trained for.

Two things appear to be the subject of opposition. The penalty for not taking suitable employment seems to be opposed but I find that difficult to comprehend. I always understood that if a person was offered suitable employment but did not take it, he or she was disqualified from jobseeker's benefit.

The other provision that seems to be opposed by members of the committee is the one that imposes a penalty for refusing to accept training or education. I find that hard to understand as well. The statistics tell us that the longer a person is unemployed the harder it becomes to get employment. I dedicated many years of my life to creating employment out of nothing by employing people in a commercial community operation and I was much more likely to employ those who were active and busy than those who sat at home every day.

In doing what we are doing we are acting in people's better interests because a CV showing a year or more of total unemployment — doing nothing — will make it much harder to get employment. It might be a nice soft option for a while but people will pay the penalty for the rest of their lives for succumbing to the temptation and we have an obligation to encourage people to take training and work. I was a manager with day-to-day responsibility for recruiting people and always looked for the person who was active, busy and willing to take what was offered because they were the ones who made successful employees.

On a point of order, how does the Vice Chairman intend to proceed with this meeting? It is now 4.40 p.m.

Perhaps we should consider going into private session for a few minutes to discuss that matter. Is that agreed? Agreed.

The select committee went into private session at 4.40 p.m. and resumed in public session at 5.10 p.m.

We are back in public session. Am I in order to suggest that we put amendment No. 20? The Minister is pressing the amendment.

Amendment put and declared carried.

I move amendment No. 21:

In page 12, before section 17, to insert the following new section:

17.—In all decisions relating to what constitutes a reasonable or suitable offer of training or employment, or in relation to any other activation measure, the interests of a child dependant shall be considered before a payment is suspended, reduced, or stopped.".

The purpose of this amendment is to deal with the Minister's proposals in respect of lone parents. It has been decided that when the youngest child reaches the age of 13, the parent will be required to seek employment and, in the event of not getting employment, the parent will move to jobseeker's benefit. My concern is to ensure adequate safeguards are in place to address the issues that affect lone parents in circumstances where they have difficulty in getting out to training or work. Children of 13 are not able to look after themselves and need after school care during the school year and holidays. Some of them have three months holidays during the summer. Child minding and care arrangements must be put in place for young teenagers in these circumstances.

I am also concerned about care arrangements for young teenagers who present with challenging behaviour. While some concession has been made in the Bill to make special arrangements for children with particular disabilities, those with challenging behaviour are not included. It is a new departure for the Government to suggest that 13 and 14 year olds should or can be left to their own devices or be allowed look after themselves. That is not the case for any teenagers of this age, particularly the many young people with difficulties in this country. We are all aware that organisations working in the area of child welfare insist that all policies affecting children should have as their guiding principle the best interest of the child. This principle should be paramount in any Government policy. I suggest the principle of the best interest of the child should bear considerable weight when it comes to this change in policy. We cannot allow a situation where a parent of a 13 year old is told that she or he is required to go into a training course that does not, for example, finish until 5 p.m. if there are not adequate child minding arrangements in place and child care facilities available at an affordable cost. This should apply to the after school period, until the parent comes home from work or training and during the three months of the summer.

The amendment is straightforward. It suggests that in all decisions relating to what constitutes a reasonable or suitable offer of training or employment, or with regard to any other activation measure, the interests of a child dependent shall be considered before a payment is suspended, reduced or stopped. This is very much in line with modern day thinking in respect of child welfare, that the rights of the child are paramount in any policy consideration. I assume the Minister will accept the amendment.

I support this amendment. It is reasonable and does not change what is intended by the Minister, but takes into account the fact that one-parent families will have an additional burden placed on them if the proposals contained in the Bill are adopted. Not all children of 13 years are capable of looking after themselves. The intention of the Bill is to ensure that people go back to suitable employment which will provide them with the means to survive without depending on social welfare. However, if account is not taken of child dependents, it will be difficult for families, one-parent families in particular, to take up suitable or reasonable offers.

I also have a problem with the lack of proper definition in this area. The Minister said guidelines will be available. It is a pity the guidelines are not available for the discussion of what is "reasonable" or "appropriate". If the guidelines were available, they would help us determine whether the proposal is agreeable. I suggest the guidelines or definitions should be contained in the Bill.

We need to be very careful about this because in rural areas and villages many parents of one-parent families live a long distance from where employment may be available. This brings extra problems for single parents in these situations. I am not against the principle behind the amendment, but there must be some common sense applied. If someone lives in a village such as Newbliss, 12 miles from Monaghan town' or where there is a chance of part-time work, it must be taken into consideration that this person will have extra costs and problems to deal with because of not being within a short distance of the school, the job, etc. The Minister must take this into consideration.

I support the amendment. Any decision must have the best interest of the child at its core. The Department has been renamed the Department of Social Protection, which is apt. The amendment is practical and I urge the Minister to take it on board.

I agree the changed name of the Department is appropriate in this regard. I have known the Minister for a number of years and he has always been involved in allowing communities develop. Deputy Crawford mentioned single parents, but I am concerned about people across the range of the scheme. The Minister's proposals are about getting people back to work. Whether we are talking about Newbliss or Newcastle or any place in the country, there is ample work to be done. The Minister understands this better than anyone, because he set up a voluntary co-operative society in his constituency previously and turned it into a successful company. The focus should be on the work that is there. The proposals are not there to bully or threaten people, but we need to get real and get people back to work. We can find all the excuses in the world, but the work is there to be done. Some people do not want to go on any scheme or course and that is not fair. If people are sick, unwell or unable to work, they should be protected, but otherwise the work is there for them.

I am involved in Muintir na Tíre at national level and it is informing the Department of the work that is available. It is a matter of connecting the people available with the work that is available. Many people want to work and there is work to be done in every village. The people are there to do it. The Minister spoke about making savings. He must make savings to pay for the schemes. These savings can be made if we get real and are fair about it.

If Deputy McGrath knows where work is available, he should tell us where it is. I know many people who are dying to work, but they have not been able to get a job.

The Deputy missed my point.

I spoke with the Minister last week and said that there was merit in forcing people to be responsible about how they minded their children. There is a need to look at the social welfare system for lone parents and I agree with other Deputies that it is important to put parents' names on birth certificates.

There is merit in the amendment. Not everybody has the luxury of living near family members. If a child is aged 13 and a parent wants to go back to work, it is possible to do so in a city or in a community in which family members can mind the child but not everybody lives in such a community. Times have changed since I was 13. My parents went to work and when we came home in the evening we did our homework and sat down with the neighbours. Nowadays, our communities do not have the same stability and people do not have the links they once had.

I want to set down a marker on responsibility. People who have children have to face up to their responsibility and recognise that the State cannot pay for them forever. However, we have to be careful about how we deal with this issue over the next couple of years because if we do not get it right we could do a lot of damage to a lot of young people.

Sufficient scope is already built into the legislation to ensure social welfare recipients will not have their payments reduced where such a reduction is not warranted on the basis of family circumstances. The family circumstances of social welfare recipients are taken into account during the activation process. However, recipients of jobseeker's payments are required to be available for, and genuinely seeking, work. They should, therefore, be in a position to take up employment or a training course.

The national anti-poverty strategy, NAP, and associated measures were designed to assist and incentivise all jobseekers towards the labour market. We cannot allow a situation whereby certain groups are excluded from this process because to do so would only serve to push those groups further into long-term welfare dependency.

The jobseekers scheme guidelines provide for a person's family circumstances to be taken into account. For example, it may be unreasonable for a person with certain family responsibilities to seek work which involves a considerable amount of travelling. Although the guidelines do not specifically mention child care, it is one of the areas which could impact on people's availability and a deciding officer must take all matters into consideration when deciding a claim.

There are 6,000 people in receipt of a jobseeker's payment without being a qualified adult for the purposes of receiving a qualified child increase. There are a further 22,300 adults with earnings who receive a qualified increase and who may have child care needs. If the spouse or partner of a person on a jobseeker's payment is working, the claimant has the same problem in being available for work, even though he or she has a dependent child. In these cases children may be much younger than those referred to in the amendment we will get to later. The issue of child care is a valid one in the context of the one-parent family payment. However, it would be better to discuss it in the context of the later amendment. A person must, within reason, be available for work to claim jobseeker's benefit but child care has to be taken into account as have other circumstances, such as where a person is offered work a long way away.

There are legal definitions of "reasonable" and "suitable" and they are based on what a normal person would consider reasonable or suitable. If a deciding officer is being unreasonable or proposes something unsuitable he or she is not acting within the law. In my experience, appeals officers are singularly reasonable people and always take a reasonable view of an appeal that comes before them. We could look at appeals officers' decisions and build them into a best-practice approach to making our initial decisions so that people do not have to make appeals so frequently.

The Minister spoke about "normal" and "reasonable" decisions but they are subjective terms. These are unusual situations in which people currently on one-parent family payments will, as a result of these changes, be on jobseeker's payments. However, many people have children between the ages of 13 and 16 for whom there are no minding arrangements and for whom care might not be available. I do not only refer to after-school care. Some children are difficult and it is not in their interests that the only adult in the home is out for long periods in the day. As a guiding principle, the amendment should include a reference to the best interests of the child being paramount in making any decisions. This has been adopted in many areas of Irish life as they pertain to children and my amendment would bring this legislation into line. Much of the policy in this area has the potential for a negative impact on certain children so I will press what I believe is a reasonable amendment.

The Minister's last reply makes the amendment seem all the more sensible. Deputy Shortall's amendment would ensure these matters have to be taken into consideration by all relevant people. On Second Stage I referred to the exception for one-parent families in receipt of domiciliary care allowance. I put forward examples of families with a special needs child who were not eligible for the allowance. Such children might have behavioural difficulties or other special needs, making it inappropriate for them to be left at home alone. Parents in such circumstances find it extremely difficult and some have no choice but to give up work. Nevertheless, they still cannot claim domiciliary care allowance and this needs to be looked at. This amendment, without specifying any particular type of child, would ensure the relevant officer had to take such circumstances into account.

The Minister mentioned guidelines which allowed for these circumstances to be taken into account, even though they are not specifically included. Does he intend to include dependent children? If he was to do so it would cover what is proposed in the amendment. It would be useful, however, to have it specifically laid out in legislation. There are circumstances where a child would remain home alone for a number of hours on a continual basis if somebody took up an offer of a permanent position. That is not just an issue in terms of the day-to-day circumstances, but one has to take account of summer holidays. In the event of becoming a one parent family, any 13 year old could and probably will be home alone for a period of at least two hours by the time a parent in a nine to five job arrives home. Most 13 year old teenagers would be well capable of dealing with that, but most schools have half days on a Wednesday and on that day they would be alone for a longer period. As Deputy Crawford mentioned, people live in isolated cottages in rural areas and we must ask whether we want to build a society where young people of 13 years are left to their own devices for a long period of time. That should be taken into account. If we had a child care system accessible to all, with resources for local after-school clubs, and other clubs offering sports or other activities, one might not need what this amendment provides for. However, because these supports are not in place, that should be taken into account.

Who has the greater child care need? A couple on the jobseeker's benefit with a ten-month old baby may say that one of them cannot go to work because he or she has a child to look after. It undermines the whole principle of availability for work if that is the direction we are going. That is a much more likely scenario based on Deputy Shortall's proposal than the child in secondary school who comes home an hour earlier in the evening where it would be relatively easy to deal with the issue of care.

There are 1.8 million people still working in the economy, many of them couples. Some people work long hours and a distance from home. It is fair to say that arrangements are made with neighbours or clubs for those in secondary school. I do not think the outcome for those children is particularly bad. The evidence shows that the worst outcomes by far are in areas of high deprivation where there is inter-generational unemployment and where the parents have been unemployed and have not had gainful employment throughout their lives. Statistics keep bringing me back to the inescapable fact that what determines child outcomes is the geographic area where the child is raised. It is a peculiarity of rural areas that whether a parent is unemployed or in low level employment does not seem to affect significantly the educational chances of their children, but in urban areas, the combination of inter-generational unemployment and areas of high deprivation produce the worst outcomes for children.

Is the Deputy pressing the amendment?

Yes. This is such an important policy issue that I wish to press it to a full vote.

As fewer than 12 members are present, under Standing Orders we are obliged to wait eight minutes or until full membership is present before proceeding to take the division.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 5; Níl, 6.

  • Byrne, Catherine.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Crawford, Seymour.
  • Enright, Olwyn.
  • Shortall, Róisín.

Níl

  • Aylward, Bobby.
  • Brady, Cyprian.
  • Byrne, Thomas.
  • McGrath, Mattie.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • O’Connor, Charlie.
Amendment declared lost.
The select committee went into private session at 5.45 p.m. and resumed in public session at 5.46 p.m.
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