Micheál Martin
Question:9. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the role of the British-Irish and Northern Ireland affairs section in his Department. [17833/17]
View answerTuesday, 2 May 2017
Questions (9, 10, 11, 12)
Brendan Howlin
Question:10. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if the officials in his Department with a senior role in Brexit negotiations will engage in public communications on their work over the course of the two-year process. [18288/17]
View answer
Joan Burton
Question:11. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit last met. [19865/17]
View answer
Gerry Adams
Question:12. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach the role of the British-Irish and Northern Ireland affairs section in his Department. [20719/17]
View answerOral answers (14 contributions)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 9 to 12 inclusive. The British-Irish and Northern Ireland affairs section of the amalgamated international, European Union and Northern Ireland division supports the work of the Taoiseach and Government in helping maintain peace and manage relationships on the island of Ireland and between Britain and Ireland, particularly in the context of Brexit. The division deals with all aspects of British-Irish relations, including Northern Ireland affairs and North-South co-operation. It also deals with key policy issues in this context and is responsible for supporting the Taoiseach in co-ordinating a whole-of-government approach to Brexit.
My Department, as with the rest of Government, has operated a highly consultative approach on Brexit to date, during which we have engaged very extensively with stakeholders across all sectors of Irish society. This has included the all-island civic dialogue process that has, to date, held two major plenary sessions in Dublin Castle and 14 sectoral events examining specific policy areas in greater detail. In addition, nearly 300 separate meetings with industry and civic society have been held to deepen our analysis and research. At the civic dialogue events and a range of other events, senior civil servants in this Department have worked to communicate publicly the Government's work on Brexit in terms of the extensive planning undertaken, as well as to map the next stages to the Brexit process. It is envisaged this work will continue both in individual meetings when requested or speaking at events when appropriate.
As I have pointed out, the next stage after concluding last Saturday's meeting is to move to trade and economics, including the issues that will help to underpin the sustainability and stability of Irish firms in a vulnerable position. The public communications work is also supported by the larger Brexit communications work that the Government is undertaking, which is available for people to read at www.merrionstreet.ie/brexit. The Cabinet sub-committee on Brexit last met on 26 April.
The recent discussions about establishing an Executive and allowing the Assembly to do its job showed very little, if any, progress. When announcing his urgent priorities, the Taoiseach stated that ensuring the Northern Ireland institutions were up and running would be one of those two priorities. When he made the statement, the expectation was that he was about to launch into a major series of meetings in order to knock heads together and find a way forward. Will the Taoiseach explain why this has not happened?
To outside observers, the Taoiseach has maintained the policy of recent years in taking a hands-off approach. Neither the Taoiseach nor British Prime Minister May have thought it necessary to attend or host any negotiations. Neither have they tabled any proposals for overcoming the blockages. Will the Taoiseach explain how something can be both a priority and a hands-off policy at the same time? Will he outline what structures are in place for discussing the hard detail of post-Brexit North-South arrangements?
I referenced the recent speech and contribution of former First Minister Arlene Foster in this regard and there was some need for reflection in this respect. She supported the Brexit campaign in the North but, coming from a Border area, she said she was fully conversant with the comings and goings of goods and services across the Border and the need for some common sense and realistic outcomes. It was a helpful contribution, perhaps illustrating the need for the Executive and Assembly to be re-established, with the North-South Ministerial Council to be used as a conduit and mechanism to articulate a coherent and consensus approach from within the North. It was an awful pity and wrong that the Executive was collapsed. There was no need to collapse the Executive, and as a result we have lost a mechanism whereby that common sense approach spoken about by Ms Foster and others in terms of Brexit, whether people voted leave or remain in the North, could have existed. At least there was a mechanism to try to get some route through this on the Brexit issue.
What mechanisms are in place for proposing and agreeing specific approaches to avoiding a hard Border? Will the Taoiseach provide those specifics?
There are different questions in the group. My question relates to officials in the Taoiseach's Department with a senior role in Brexit and whether they will engage in public communications on their work over the next two years. The Taoiseach would be aware it is common practice for EU Commission officials to take a very public role in these matters. The Secretary General of his Department, other senior officials, diplomats in Brussels and, to use the European term, the "Sherpa", Mr. John Callinan, from the Taoiseach's Department, will all play pivotal roles. Will they be allowed to address public meetings, explain what they are doing as the work evolves and the position they are taking in negotiations, as well as how those negotiations are going? Will they have the freedom to do that so we can have real insight into what is happening over the next two years? Has the Taoiseach thought about how to ensure we are fully appraised of what is happening?
If I can, I will respond briefly to the Fianna Fáil leader's assertion there was no need to collapse the Executive. This was from the Fianna Fáil leader who recently called for the Assembly to be suspended. If he is not sure why the Assembly was collapsed, I will send him a copy of the letter written by the late Mr. Martin McGuinness. I commend the all-island civic dialogue, an idea that was also rubbished by Fianna Fáil when we first put it.
I beg the Deputy's pardon. Do not tell untruths in the House. I initiated that when we agreed with the Taoiseach on it at the time.
Good man. Gabh mo leithscéal. The Deputy had his spake.
Come on lads.
Bí ciúin, a Theachta. It was very successful in terms of participation-----
The lack of truth characterises the Deputy's political articulation.
Please, Deputies.
-----in the sectors. Everyone involved is to be commended. Of course, the real test will be how the views expressed will be reflected in what is the Government's approach in the time ahead.
I very much welcome the talk of a united Ireland and the prospects for that, although some of the parties are saying they want a united Ireland but not just yet. Is the British-Irish and Northern Ireland affairs section in the Taoiseach's Department perhaps a division that could look at all of the issues? We must persuade those opposed to a united Ireland or who have doubts about its viability that it is the right course for the future. This is not the property of one grouping or political party. There is a need for the Oireachtas to bring forward proposals on what a united Ireland might look like, how it could be achieved and how a referendum on Irish unity could be won etc. It is a very common sense democratic approach and a constitutional imperative. Is there a role for the division in his Department to consider the issue?
It is regrettable the Executive is not up and running. The election took place and members were elected to the Assembly. There was time to put together an Executive but that did not happen. I do not have control over that. The British election was suddenly called by the British Prime Minister, which obviously directly impacts the position in Northern Ireland and between ourselves and Britain.
With regard to Deputy Martin's comments, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade has been in Northern Ireland for very extensive periods and dealing directly with Secretary of State James Brokenshire. He is available any time, if necessary, to either go to Northern Ireland or Downing Street to speak with the British Prime Minister. Equally, the British Prime Minister has committed to being engaged in that regard. I know Deputy Martin understands that. I saw the comments from former First Minister Foster and they have been helpful. It is regrettable the North-South Ministerial Council cannot meet because there are no Ministers from an Executive.
Deputy Adams-----
It has always proven to be a worthwhile body for issues that needed to be discussed. It is expected all the parties in Northern Ireland will again be around the table the day after the election.
I hope that a renewed sense of understanding just how important this is will prevail there and that they get the Executive up and running.
In response to Deputy Howlin, I do not have an objection to senior public servants taking opportunities, where they arise publicly, to deal with matters. However, as the Deputy is aware, under the system here one gets very extensive briefings from senior Ministers. They are delivered in political fora both here and abroad. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs deal with the General Affairs Council and they have extensive, detailed briefings on these matters. I do not have an objection per se, so long as it is understood that a political process is being followed by the Government and that members of the Government are available to make comments as appropriate.
Deputy Adams raised the question of a united Ireland. I have seen the comments about a second New Ireland Forum and what that might involve. However, there is already a facility in the Oireachtas, the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, which could lead on discussing both the issues that are not fulfilled in the Good Friday Agreement and what the future might look like in the context of a decision that might be taken at some time in the future by the people of Northern Ireland and what that would involve in terms of different jurisdictions, different educational issues, different judicial systems, how it might be catered for in terms of economics and so forth. There is no reason that we should not use that committee to examine both the issues that are not yet fulfilled and also a brave new future that might lie ahead, provided the people of Northern Ireland choose by consent to make a democratic decision to join with the Republic of Ireland on an island that is part of the European Union of the future.