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Taoiseach's Meetings and Engagements

Dáil Éireann Debate, Tuesday - 12 June 2018

Tuesday, 12 June 2018

Questions (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7)

Micheál Martin

Question:

1. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to Chancellor Merkel since the last EU Council meeting. [22297/18]

View answer

Brendan Howlin

Question:

2. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the meetings he attended in Sofia, Bulgaria. [22462/18]

View answer

Micheál Martin

Question:

3. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the purpose of his visit to Bulgaria; the meetings he held; and the items he discussed. [22569/18]

View answer

Joan Burton

Question:

4. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance at the western Balkans summit in Sofia. [22575/18]

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Joan Burton

Question:

5. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to Chancellor Merkel since the last EU Council meeting. [23419/18]

View answer

Richard Boyd Barrett

Question:

6. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to Chancellor Merkel since the last EU Council meeting. [23580/18]

View answer

Richard Boyd Barrett

Question:

7. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the meetings he attended in Sofia, Bulgaria. [23581/18]

View answer

Oral answers (12 contributions)

I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 7, inclusive, together.

I travelled to Sofia, Bulgaria, where I participated in an informal EU Summit on the evening of 16 May, and the EU-western Balkans Summit on 17 May.

The informal summit on 16 May was chaired by President Donald Tusk, as part of the series of discussions on the future of Europe under his "Leaders' Agenda". The focus this time was on innovation and the digital economy. We had an exchange of views on future EU actions to promote investment in artificial intelligence and breakthrough innovation.

We also discussed transatlantic relations and developments regarding Iran and the Middle East. On transatlantic relations, there was strong support for insisting on a permanent exemption from US tariffs on steel and aluminium.

There was a readiness to engage in subsequent talks with the United States on improving reciprocal market access, liberalisation of government procurement and reform of the WTO should an exemption be secured. Subsequent events have taken a different direction, which is a matter of serious concern.

On Iran, we agreed that we should continue to support the nuclear deal, so long as Iran continues to comply with its own commitments under it. On the Middle East, we called for an investigation into the shootings in Gaza last month, and stressed the need to reduce tensions in the region.

The EU western Balkans summit on 17 May was attended by EU leaders and the leaders of the six regional partners, namely, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. This was the first such summit in 15 years and I want to take this opportunity to congratulate the Bulgarian Presidency on having convened and successfully chaired it. We used the summit to reaffirm the European perspective of the western Balkans and their pathway to EU membership, and agreed a set of actions for enhanced co-operation with the region, including in areas such as transport and energy infrastructure, digital connectivity and co-operation on security, migration and wider geopolitical developments.

I had a meeting at the summit with the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, and our respective teams. Our discussions focused mainly on Brexit, including progress on the backstop in the context of the withdrawal agreement, as well as developments regarding Northern Ireland. I will report in more detail on this meeting in my response to the next group of questions.

I did not have a scheduled bilateral meeting with Chancellor Merkel, although I did, of course, engage with her informally over the course of the summit, as I did with my other EU counterparts.

The Taoiseach will deal with the EU and Brexit in the next set of questions.

There is a bit of an overlap.

With regard to the Taoiseach's remarks on the Gaza situation, it seems we have pulled our punches somewhat as a country and as a State in response to what has happened in recent weeks and months in Gaza. Has the Government reviewed its position overall because it seems the prospect of a two-state solution is receding month by month? The unacceptable activities of the Israeli forces in wilfully and recklessly shooting protesters and murdering many young people who were not a threat and did not constitute a threat to the border were absolutely reprehensible and unacceptable and can only have the outcome of hardening and polarising positions and rendering very difficult indeed any reconciliation between Palestinians and Israel. We have been consistent as a country for many years in recognising the Palestinian right to a homeland, in line with the UN resolutions in accepting the illegality of settlements. Notwithstanding the views of the United Nations and the European Union, the Israeli Government has proceeded oblivious to any of it and continues to establish settlement after settlement, all of which calls into question any sincere or genuine commitment on behalf of the Israeli Government to a two-state solution. The wanton state violence of recent times copperfastens this opinion. In essence, what we are getting is subjugation of the Palestinian community, particularly in Gaza, as opposed to any genuine attempt to find a way out of the deadlock and ensure a genuine commitment to peace talks that would result in an effective and viable two-state solution emerging. The decision of the US Government and President Trump to open an embassy in Jerusalem is to be strongly regretted, as it further compounded tensions in the area and has put back even further the prospect of a meaningful solution.

I take it we will leave the bilateral discussion questions on Brexit to the next group.

I raised previously the issue of extending membership of the Union and whether that is something that has a horizon. Is there a timeframe now for the countries in the western Balkans joining? Was that laid out in any great detail? Is there a sequencing? Is the next expansion going to happen within a defined timeline? What is the Taoiseach's view on this?

Palestine is something on which we might need a special debate in the House. In the past, all of us in all parties in the House have expressed the deepest concerns at the policies being implemented by the Netanyahu Government. I strongly agree with the view expressed by Deputy Micheál Martin on the relocation of the US embassy as a very inflammatory and unhelpful gesture by the American Government. More practically and realistically, the killings in Gaza, which can never be justified, are something on which we have to take action.

With regard to the illegal expansions of settlements, I am aware of one instance where a Palestinian home was destroyed to make way for a new settlement. That cannot be right. What is happening is that a whole new generation of Palestinians are being reared in resentment and oppression, and it can only be an augury for further conflict in future. Although we are a small State we need to take definitive action on this, and there would be a very strong view across the House on this matter. There are two things we could do. There is an extant Bill, if I am allowed refer to it, in the other House sponsored by Senator Frances Black. It is one that merits consideration. The second issue is whether we could implement, as a clear indication of our views, the already determined policy of both Houses of the Oireachtas to recognise the state of Palestine.

I will wait until the next round of questions to deal with Brexit.

I also want to raise the issue of Gaza with the Taoiseach. Everybody here accepts that what happened in Gaza over recent weeks is completely unacceptable. It goes beyond simply people being killed. It was a slaughter. It was state murder and state assassination of citizens. Far too often, we have had statements in the House on Gaza where people come in and give plenty of sympathy on what is happening to the people of Palestine and the people of Gaza. In 2015 and 2016, when we had similar attacks and when residents of Gaza were being slaughtered, we came in and offered sympathy and talked but we know from our own experience in this State and on our island that what is necessary in the Middle East and in Palestine is a peace process. We can only have a peace process if it is underpinned by justice and if the conditions are created to allow that peace process to prosper. Obviously the incendiary move by the US President, Donald Trump, to open an embassy in Jerusalem has certainly made that all the more difficult. The response from the Israeli State to legitimate protests also makes it all the more difficult. One of the things we can do, and this is my question to the Taoiseach, is to act on the will of this Parliament, which is to recognise formally the state of Palestine. This has been put to the Taoiseach time and again and he has never given us a satisfactory answer as to why it cannot be done. It is an act of solidarity we can take. We also know from our own experience that previous American Administrations took many risks and went against the advice of British Governments in supporting a peace process. International solidarity and acts of solidarity can work and are important. It would be a wise move for the Government to take.

Only five minutes remain Taoiseach.

As I mentioned, at the EU summit in Sofia and Bulgaria last week we discussed the events that had taken place in Gaza and the appalling number of deaths and serious injuries that happened there. As Europe, we called for an independent and transparent investigation into the events and stressed the need to reduce tensions across the region. Almost 2 million people now live in Gaza and they deserve an end to the blockade so they can start to build normal lives, something that has been impossible for them for more than a decade.

The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade has made engagement with the Middle East peace process one of his personal priorities and the Government strongly supports him in that. He made his third visit to the region only last week from 5 June to 7 June, going to Israel, the Palestinian territories and Jordan, where we will open a new embassy in Amman next year. The Minister, Deputy Coveney, took the opportunity to meet Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu in what was, I believe, a very frank meeting where he left the Prime Minister very aware of the Irish Government's views on the current position there. As I have stated, we cannot condone in any way the use of live fire against civilians, as occurred on the Gaza border a few weeks ago.

I largely agree with Deputy Micheál Martin's comments on the settlements. Going back to the Oslo Accords approximately 25 years ago, people were enormously optimistic about the possibility of peace in the Middle East with a two-state solution. That was very much led by Bill Clinton at the time. After that, attempts were made at a peace agreement at Wye River with the then Prime Minister Barak, and people were very confident at the time that a two-state solution could and would be achieved. There has since been an effort by the Israeli Government and authorities to create new facts on the ground that almost make a two-state solution impossible, absent mass expulsions from the settlements, which is difficult and becomes part of Israeli politics. There are settlement blocs such as the Shomron bloc, which goes deep into Palestinian territory, Gush Etzion, Ma'ale Adumim and others that effectively surround Jerusalem, thus making it very difficult to establish a Palestinian capital in east Jerusalem, as they would wish.

We must be unequivocal in our condemnation of the settlement policy, which makes peace so difficult to achieve. It is a counterproductive policy as, given the demographics, Israel may find itself as a minority in its own territory. There may come a time when the Arab and Palestinian populations decide not to demand their own state but rather the right to vote. They may find themselves at 45%, 50% or 55% of the population in the combined territory, which is something the Israelis should have regard to.

In line with the programme for Government, the Government will recognise the Palestinian state once it exists. It does not currently exist and I am not aware of any precedent when an Irish Government has recognised a state that does not yet exist.

We sought the recognition of this State by America.

We asked Woodrow Wilson.

Even Mr. de Valera might have disagreed with the Taoiseach.

Once it exists, it is of course our intention to recognise it as part of a two-state solution.

I will briefly remark on the fact that last Friday saw Pride in Tel Aviv, with 250,000 people from diverse communities, many of them lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual, attending Pride celebrations across Tel Aviv through the main streets and on to the beach. We should not deny the fact that in neighbouring countries in the region, it would not be possible to have a Pride parade or for people to lead their normal lives. We should not forget that, notwithstanding the behaviour of the Israeli Government over the past decade or two. There are many people in Israel who share our values, that is, share values that are akin to those of a European liberal democracy. Many people in Israel believe in peace and a two-state solution and they are equally aggrieved at the extent to which that early pioneering liberal democratic spirit that imbued Israel at its foundation has been trampled on in recent years. It is of enormous regret to everyone who likes that country and admires the Jewish people.

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