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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 3 Dec 1924

Vol. 9 No. 20

PRIVATE BUSINESS. - PROTECTIVE DUTIES—RETURN ASKED FOR.

I move for:

A return showing the number of persons, male and female, employed in the Saorstát in the manufacture of:—

(1) Boots and shoes;

(2) Confectionery (including jam),

(3) Soap,

(4) Candles,

(5) Bottles,

(6) Commercial Motor Bodies,

together with the maximum and minimum wages paid in each industry, on the 1st April, 1924; 1st July, 1924; and 1st October, 1924, respectively, and further, to move that a similar return be rendered to the Dáil quarterly in future.

Deputies will remember that these six trades which I have enumerated, and about which I want information, were the six which were selected by the Minister for Finance for an experiment in protection, and protective duties, varying in degree, were imposed on these articles by the last Finance Bill. Now, the chief justification for protection is that it will give more employment in the country, and I have put down this motion in the hope of getting some information as to what has been done already, and in the hope that I may continue to receive information on this very important matter. I have tried to frame it in such a manner that we shall have an absosolutely fair picture of what this will be.

I have chosen quarterly periods, one before the duties were imposed, one just after the duties were imposed, and in the case of soap and candles, before they came into force, and the latest the 1st October. I think if I had only taken these three dates I should not have had the fair picture that I want to get, because these duties cannot be expected to yield an enormous amount of employment at once. But we ought to be able to say what the tendency is and to what extent the rise in prices which has resulted from the imposition of protective duties is counteracted by the additional employment given, and so I have put down in the motion for the returns to continue quarterly in future, in order that we may follow the whole principle. There is no dispute, I think, that prices have risen as a result of these duties. I find in the cost-of-living return for mid-October, for which the Minister is responsible, the statement that between July and mid-October boots increased by 4.3 per cent. in price, candles increased by 4.9 per cent., and soap by .6 per cent. I cannot find what has been the increase for mid-July; it does not appear to have been placed in the Library, but these are irrespective of certain rises which took place when the duties were first imposed, and show that the tendency is continuing. If we were to judge fairly, and I believe that every Deputy wishes to judge fairly, we ought to have exact statistics as to employment, as well as exact statistics as to increases in cost. I should welcome any further particulars that the Minister may be able to give us, such as the number of people working full time and short time. The Minister for Finance made a speech at one of the by-elections, in which he said that a number of people working short time have been put on full time. Any information of that kind I should be only too glad of, but I did not insert in my motion a request for such information, because I was afraid of making it too cumbersome, and for the same reason I want to know the maximum and minimum wages paid, because it is possible that a protective tariff, while not increasing employment in a particular factory, might enable the owners of that factory to pay better wages. If so, that would be an advantage that should not be overlooked. If the Minister cannot give me the return in the exact form in which I ask for it, I am willing, within reason, to modify my request.

I beg to second the motion. I think it might be useful if we could be given the amount of money which has been gained by the revenue for the period since the imposition of these duties. That would probably be a matter for the Minister for Finance.

Deputy Cooper has tabled a motion asking for a return showing the number of persons, male and female, employed in the manufacture of six groups of certain articles, together with the maximum and minimum wages paid in each industry on certain dates, as stated, and that a similar return be rendered quarterly. He has explained the purpose, that it is to find out the effect of the tariff experiment on these selected industries. On that matter of the aim, I do not think you can get a proper indication of the effect of a tariff simply by taking the effect on the industry in question, because the effect of a tariff may be, and ordinarily would be, if successful, to increase employment, and to give employment not merely in the industry concerned but by an increase in trade generally to lead to employment in other industries, which in some of these groups might easily be indicated, but which would be very difficult to indicate in every case, as the ramifications would be very widespread.

He is not asking for that.

I see that he is not asking for it. Therefore, even though I can supply all these details, there would not be the proper material on which to form an opinion as to whether or not the tariff experiment had been successful, even though I could supply the information asked for, because I say the ramifications of the tariff should go outside the six or seven industries individually protected. However, having said so much about the general object of moving for this return, I must confess that as my Department is at present constituted, with its present staff, and with its present powers, it would not be possible to give these figures.

The only information which we have with regard to persons employed in industries is that which is obtained from the returns showing the particulars derived from unemployment books, and the exchange of old unemployment books for new in certain industries, grouped in a particular manner. There is a list of 81 classifications of industry, and roughly I could get, by a method of subtraction and addition, some indication of the people employed in any one of these 81 classifications. Beyond that it would be a matter, as far as the figures at my disposal at the moment are concerned, simply of conjecture as to how these were divided in the smaller individual industries in any one of the classifications.

With regard to wages. I have not the particulars in the required detail or in the required form. Particulars as to wages or changes in wages are collected by the Statistics Department only when changes in wages take place as a result of a trade dispute or when big changes, through some other cause, in wages are announced through the Press. I agree with the Deputy in his general object, that industries which have got the benefit of the tariff should not be allowed to hide certain essential facts which will at least form some material for judgment in the future, though I hold they will not give material from which a complete and comprehensive estimate can be formed. I could, of course, get the particulars. I could get every particular asked for, if I had, No. 1, an extra staff, and if I get through certain statistical legislation which will come on afterwards, and if I had compulsory powers to demand these figures from employers in certain trades. But with my present staff, and with the present powers, that is not possible. What I could do is this. I could get sufficient material to make a general statement about the position, and the material required for that general statement could be obtained in this way—that I would undertake to ask the firms concerned in these six lists to give me particulars of, firstly, those in their employment on the 1st April, 1924, and on the 1st December, 1924, and secondly, to give the average wages for an ordinary week in December, 1924, as compared with April, 1924. I could then present a summary giving the general tenor of these replies. I could present that to the Dáil.

I do, however, object to one thing in the motion—to give a similar return quarterly. I do not think that you will impress the public that tariffs are being given a fair chance, if you are going to have returns sought for and presented quarterly in a gapped sort of way and with no long period over which the change might be shown. I think it could be done, at least the summary which I propose to give to the Dáil could presumably be given quarterly, but I think an unfortunate impression would be created if that were insisted upon. That is my own point of view, and I do not say that everybody should hold it, but I have that feeling. I know that is the view that would be taken by a number of these advisory committees who come into me regularly every week on a policy I adopted some time ago of getting information through these committees. I might answer then to the Deputy that while I cannot agree to supply the details asked for—and I put it to the Dáil that even though they vote for this return they will have to proceed afterwards to give me an increase of staff and to give me certain compulsory powers with regard to trades—I will undertake to inquire from the employers the details that I have already described as to the number of people in their employment on the 1st April and the 1st December this year, and the average wages for a week in April as compared with December. If that meets the case, I will set about getting these particulars at once and a return will be made as soon as possible.

I would like to say in this matter that I think this is something that should be engaging the attention of the Ministry so closely that at any period when any information is sought for by any Deputy, the Minister should be in a position to give that information. While the Minister may argue that it is essential that a long period should be given over which tariffs might have a trial, even by this time there should be an indication as to whether tariffs were bringing improvements in these industries in the shape of employment, and employment in other industries as well, as the Minister tried to add. If any changes had been brought about, it seems to me the Minister should be observing these changes. He should be watching to see if changes have been brought about and only by that means will the Minister be able to determine when the next Budget is introduced whether the tariffs should be changed or whether they are bringing the improvements in industries that it was believed they would bring.

Perhaps it is true that the Minister's staff may be inadequate to give the details sought. The Minister's Vote may be too small to do all that Deputy Cooper seeks, but it seems to me the Ministry ought to be in a position at any time to give a good deal of the information sought for by Deputy Cooper. They ought to be observing the operation and the effect of those tariffs, and the Dáil, and the country as well, should be in a position to have this information placed before them whenever it is sought. I am not satisfied that the Minister has put up a sufficient reason for not giving us this information. Whether or not the numbers of his staff or his want of power may be in fault is something I am not in a position to judge. Even if he has not those compulsory powers, the firms who would likely benefit under the operation of tariffs ought to be furnishing the Ministry with returns show-the effects week by week. There is nothing more important than statistics like those in the Minister's Department. Personally, I am not satisfied that the Minister has given us sufficient reason for not having this information to place before the House.

Like Deputy Baxter, I would like to state that I think an important matter of this kind should be receiving the constant consideration of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, especially in view of the fact that we were told, when the Minister for Finance was introducing tariffs in his Budget of this year, that it was merely an experiment. At the moment, when we have not the information Deputy Cooper asked for, it looks as if it was from the point of view of tariffs the matter was brought into the Budget. Surely, when trade is at such a low ebb and the number of unemployed is so great, the Ministry should look into matters of this kind very seriously. This matter of Protection or Free Trade is engaging the attention of a great many people in the country at present. It is a very controversial matter all over the State, and in view of the fact that it is an experiment, it should warrant most serious consideration on the part of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce.

At the same time, I am not of the opinion that the returns we would get now would be any criterion of what Protection would do for this country. That is to say, the figures that might be available now, after such a short period, would not be any criterion of what Protection could do for the country—especially when places were overstocked with boots and other articles. Some of us pointed out from these benches at the time that too much time was allowed to import boots between the date of the Budget and the appointed date. At the same time, a variation or an improvement ought to be apparent now, and the Ministry for Industry and Commerce ought to be in a position to make some sort of report in connection with the matter. Surely it ought to be apparent to some extent. I believe that the Ministry did not give the matter the close attention it should have given it, in view of the fact that it was looked upon as an experiment, and something even greater than an experiment, so far as Protection is concerned, in next year's Budget.

I thoroughly sympathise with the object which Deputy Cooper had when he asked the Minister those questions. Like Deputy Corish, I am perfectly convinced that even if the Minister did give every single detail which Deputy Cooper asked for, neither Deputy Cooper nor anybody else would be in any position whatever to form a definite opinion as to the result of the tariffs. He would have got information as to the increase or decrease of unemployment, but he would not be in a position to say whether that was due to tariffs or not. Another matter which Deputy Corish refers to and which I thoroughly endorse is that the figures, if they were given now, would be utterly useless, inasmuch as they would not give one an opportunity to form a true opinion as to the effect of the tariffs. I agree with Deputy Baxter that if the Minister has not sufficient powers now in the matter of getting the various firms who have had the benefit of tariffs to divulge information, he ought, at a very near time, apply for those powers.

If the Dáil is to be asked to support a system of tariffs in future or to continue or discontinue the present ones, it should have the requisite information to enable it to form a sound judgment. Unless the Government has compulsory powers to get this information, the information will not be afforded. I know that a great many business people hold strong views on the question of divulging information which they consider might be availed of by competitors or which they might have other objections to give; certainly I do not think it is too much to ask, if a certain number of businesses are going to be singled out and protected by tariffs, and if this Dáil is going to be asked to support those tariffs, that those firms should be compelled to give this information. I hope if the Minister has not got sufficient powers in this matter that he will, in the near future, apply for them.

I think it is very desirable that the country generally should have information as to the number of people employed in the manufacture of boots, shoes, etc. I think it is equally desirable that we should have information of the same kind respecting every other industry. The requirements of Deputy Cooper are with a view to judging the effect on employment of tariffs on particular industries, but to deal with the question of the extension of tariffs, we should know what number of persons are employed at different dates in other industries. The amount of information that may be necessary to acquire from employers in those industries should be required from employers in other industries.

I think it is likely that the Minister has already in his possession information which, read inferentially, would satisfy Deputy Cooper's immediate demands—that is to say, the number of persons in insured trades who normally would be working at those particular industries, but who were unemployed on April 1, July 1 and October 1. Any reduction in the number of unemployed in a particular trade would allow some fair inference to be drawn as to the effects of changes resulting from tariffs or anything else. That information, I think, probably is already at the disposal of the Minister. I am not quite able to understand what is meant by the "maximum and minimum" charges paid in each industry. If by that is meant the highest salary paid in any particular industry or the highest rates of wages for particular classes of employees, comparing the best with the worst, I think it might be difficult to get the information from the employers. You could possibly get it from the employees, or from both together. You might ask the employer what are the maximum wages paid, including in the term "wages," salaries.

And piece-rates.

And what the actual maximum earnings may be in piecework trades. You might then apply to the employees and see whether their returns tally. Sometimes they would not. You might possibly, in the case of maximum salaries, apply to the Income Tax Commissioners. They might possibly help you. I do not understand the meaning of this term, "maximum and minimum wages paid in each industry."

A return of this kind for the purpose of judging the effect of the tariffs that were imposed this year, I think would be utterly useless. If such a return were asked for, say on the 1st April next it would be more useful, because we might then be in a position to say what the tendency was, but up to now, in some of those industries, I rather expect you would be told that the tariff has had no effect whatever; that it might have closed down some factories by virtue of the great stocks imported in anticipation of the coming tariffs. I do not know whether the candle or soap industry has benefited at all. I would not be surprised to hear it had declined, purely by virtue of the fact that great quantities of stuff were imported in anticipation of the tariffs. Are we going to base any conclusion at all upon a return of that kind within six months of the imposition of those tariffs?

I sympathise with the desire for detailed information. I wish it were possible, particularly in view of the desire of Deputy Baxter's colleagues for economy, that we should be able to have immediately an answer to every question we may conceivably put to any Minister. I am quite sure there are many questions you would like to have answers to, which could be got if you were prepared to pay for the staff. But you cannot have that and at the same time cut down the expenditure on staffs. I would much rather that this request were postponed for, say, three months. If the information is to be used for the purpose of judging the effects of the tariffs, as I anticipate the object of the motion is—to prove to the public before next April that tariffs have been useless—if such a conclusion is to be drawn, on very incomplete and unsatisfactory returns for this purpose, then I hope the Minister will give us all the information he can, but in doing so that he will make very clear that there is no fair conclusion to be drawn from those figures as to the effect the tariffs may have had upon industry.

I take it that when Deputy Cooper put down this motion he did not expect, nor did any of us expect, a very clear-cut and definite answer. We have got an answer from the Minister to-night. I hope when we come to discuss this matter again we will be able to get a different answer. This tariff system was called an experiment when it was being introduced, and the justification of that experiment is the amount of relief of unemployment it has brought about. We know how much these tariffs increased the price of commodities to the public, and we want to know—even if we cannot get it now—how much that increase has been balanced by increased employment. I think the intention was not so much to get an answer now as to put the Minister on his mettle—to let him know that this answer will be demanded in the near future, and to give him an opportunity of meeting the position. We hear that a more extended form of Protection will be introduced in the next Budget. We do not know how true that is. But if such an extension of the protective policy is contemplated, we will certainly want to know what this experiment has done.

It is to give the Minister an opportunity of collecting the figures and getting clear information on this question that this motion was put down. We do not want to know so much about how it has affected industries indirectly. Most of us will be able to form a rough idea of that ourselves. The Minister has said that there is not sufficient staff to deal with this question, and he spoke about the amount of money that would have to be expended in order to obtain the information. The payment of a staff is a very small matter compared with what the public has to pay in increased prices. If we have to pay from 3 to 5 per cent. more for our commodities, we will be very cheerful in paying for a staff to know what exactly has been obtained in return for that. This whole question hinges on how far this experiment is going to be extended. We want to know—and I think the public is entitled to know— what this experiment has done. If it is going to be extended, we want to know where we are on the question. When the Budget comes to be introduced, we will require to have some data that we can stand over, and we will require to know what we are talking about. That was, I think, what was intended by Deputy Cooper's motion.

I think, with Deputy Johnson, that the time is not ripe for the information sought by Deputy Cooper. I was speaking to the manager of a boot factory in Cork, two months after the tariff had been put on, and he said that he had an increase of 10,000 pairs of boots, either weekly or monthly—I am not sure which. These 10,000 pairs of boots could not be made without giving increased employment. He further stated that if he got that protection he would enlarge his premises and get in more machinery. I then put the question to him would he increase the prices of boots in his retail shops in the city, and he said he would not.

Oh, he would not, of course!

I considered that satisfactory, and I thought it my duty now to mention it in the Dáil.

Why have boots and shoes gone up 4 per cent. then?

They have not gone up 4 per cent. in the City of Cork, I take it, or, if they have, people who pay it do not deal with this gentleman. I think it only right to say that this man assured me that he was going to give largely increased employment in order to execute these orders for 10,000 extra pairs of boots, and that he was also to enlarge his premises. I think it my duty to the public to say that the people should deal with such a man who would be giving so much employment. I will get a commission out of that the next day.

That is what I was hinting at.

But I am not looking for any commission. I think it right to say that all the good things had their origin in Cork.

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This motion of Deputy Cooper's would be useful if it only sets us thinking. I do not quite know what was in the back of Deputy Cooper's mind when he introduced this motion. The only conclusion I came to, after having listened to Deputy Gorey and to Deputy Cooper, is that they thought evidently it was a very solid move against any form of Protection in this country in the future. I believe that Deputy Cooper was very much troubled at the time that the Minister for Finance was preparing his Budget about the question of the cost of boots for little boys. At that particular time, perhaps he did not think of the amount of employment it would give to men and boys who were hungry. They had not a chance of being able to earn a good deal of money; they were depending on the dole system, on which, unfortunately, so many are at present depending. The question of Free Trade or Protection is a very big one and one that the people will have to consider very carefully——

Is this in order?

I think it is in order, and Deputy Wilson will find that it will be more in order when I am through with it later on. The farmers of the country are considering what the effect of the tariff is, and they want to know whether it has been satisfactory or not. A good many farmers, at the moment, are considering the question of Protection, not alone for their barley, but the possibility of the development of beet-root, which will help to relieve so many of the farmers from the taxation they are paying at present in order to provide doles for the unemployed all over the country. This is a very important item. I think the people of the country will have to study most carefully what the past condition of Ireland was when there was a form of Protection. Farmers, traders and all will find that this is a matter in which they will have to use calm judgment and not prejudice. Cheap labour markets, with a large number of unemployed to foist upon the dole, and a low living wage, do not constitute a satisfactory state for any country, and I hope it is not going to be the position that will continue to face us in this country.

There is one thing that Deputy Johnson has asked for, and that is, that the Minister for Industry and Commerce should be placed in the position that he evidently seeks, of getting accurate information with regard to the numbers of those employed in all the industries in Ireland, agricultural and otherwise. From those statisties we would be able to deduce the numbers who would be employed and the occupations in which they were employed. If these industries had a necessary form of protection there would be less unemployed. I hope ultimately that these statistics will be forthcoming for agriculture and the other industries. I hope that the Minister, when he seeks that power, will get it from the Dáil, and that he will be in a position to have all the information which will be necessary for him to secure these returns for the country. I do hope that he will be enabled to secure that information from the manufacturers and the employers, and that he will be in a position to give the country all the facts it requires. As Deputy Johnson has stated, the time is not yet ripe to form any fair judgment upon the tariffs that have been put on, unless we also know the particular conditions that prevail, and especially the conditions in any tentative movement towards fostering industrial developments in this country.

You could not form an opinion on this matter from the additional numbers that have been employed in these industries since the tariff was put on. No matter what industry it is you must have a good deal of time before that industry finds its markets, and before those engaged in the industry can fit their premises to employ all the numbers they want. I do not think the time is ripe yet for the Minister to be in a position to give the Dáil all the facts they would want. There is nobody who is engaged in business who would be in a position to develop that business to its fullest capacity in a period of one or two years, and certainly not in six months. I hope the Minister will get from the Dáil the power that he wants, so that at a later date all the information necessary for the Deputies, the numbers employed in those industries, and the possibility of their further development, will be available. In this way every member of the Dáil will have an opportunity of knowing what the possibilities may be in the future, when I do trust and, indeed, am very sanguine, that we will have the results that Deputy Cooper seeks.

Would the Minister tell us, in view of Deputy Cooper's emphasis on the fact that the price of boots has increased by 4 per cent., whether there has been any increase in the price of agricultural products on which there has been no tariff during that same period?

I think because of statements of the kind made by Deputy Daly that 10,000 pairs of boots extra have been made in a certain period since the introduction of tariffs, that this statement from the Minister is all the more required. I heard of stories to the effect that there are anything from 500 to 5,000 extra hands employed in boot factories since the tariff on boots was put on. We know there are other industries clamouring for Protection, and we are not sure that these industries are not going to get Protection on the introduction of the next Budget. We are told this is an experiment. If that is so we ought to know the result of the experiment. If, as the Minister says, we cannot tell the result of the experiment, and I agree it is very difficult to tell the result of the experiment within six months or even two years, I would like to get an assurance from the Minister that nothing in the way of an extra tariff will be put on until we know the effect of the tariffs that have already been put on.

I agree with Deputy Cooper and Deputy Daly that the debate shows that we might get some very valuable information if these figures had been available. I think if the figures for the three periods mentioned by Deputy Cooper were given we might be able to see clearly the effect of the forestalling of the duties which took place. It seems to me the longer the interval that elapses between two periods which you choose for the purpose of getting the figures you wish to compare, the greater the danger there is of some other cause—perhaps obvious, perhaps not at all obvious— which may come in to mask the effect of the cause you are trying to find the effect of. The longer the time elapses the greater the danger.

I have listened with great interest, particularly to Deputies Baxter and Corish, and I have been reminded by what they said of the answer given to the inquisitive gentleman who dropped into an American town and found a mark on the wall indicating the greatest height the local river had ever risen to. He asked them if it had ever come to this mark.

More sarcasm.

No. The mark was originally very low on the wall, but the school children had rubbed it out time and again, and eventually, in order to avoid the rubbing out, the authorities had to put the mark up high. That is exactly what has happened here. Deputy Cooper has put a question which is too high for my Department to reach, at the moment; I could not reach it yet. Deputy Cooper has here asked for a return in regard to the number of employees in various industries, with particulars as to their wages. Because I say I cannot give those particulars, Deputy Cooper and Deputy Baxter say that the Minister should pay more attention to the matter, that the Minister's Department should be watched, and that some indication should be given that attention is being paid to all those matters. I emphasise that attention is being paid to those matters, but such attention could not be paid that would enable me, as a result, to give all those items asked for here, because to do so would require compulsory powers.

I wonder would Deputy Baxter, or any of his colleagues, accept particulars from me if I said that I had received them from an advisory committee in connection with the boot and shoe trade? Suppose that I asked that committee to give me a return to indicate whether or not protection had been a benefit, and that simply accepting what they gave me, I placed that information before the Dáil, I wonder would Deputy Baxter take that information without a murmur? Would he take their statement as to what was the effect of the tariff? Remember, I cannot make any other examination. I have no power to go in and examine books, and that is what is required. If Deputy Corish thinks it is for me to send an official from my Department to find out what is the result of a tariff on boots and shoes, or soap and candles, and if information is refused to that official, what am I to do? He dare not come back without having an answer, because Deputy Corish would criticise me very severely in the Dáil for not paying attention to the matter. I cannot pay any attention to it beyond what my powers enable me to pay.

To get on to the point that Deputy Johnson and Deputy Egan touched upon, powers of that sort will be looked for under the statistical legislation that will soon come before the Dáil. At the moment, I cannot go in and, by any threat of compulsion, acquire the information that Deputy Cooper asks for. If I say that now, and say it again, let it not be taken as a confession that the Statistical Branch of the Department is sitting with its arms folded and not getting any particulars or information. I have already stated to Deputy Cooper what information I believe I can get. I can get material on which I could present a summary to the Dáil. Deputy Johnson did draw attention to one point. That is, the question of maximum and minimum rates. I think the question of piece-rates is going to cause difficulties. Piece-rates are known in the first, second and sixth items on this list. I do not know how, exactly, I am to arrive at a maximum or a minimum wage where those things operate. If the Deputy will clear up that matter I will see what I can do to meet him.

I could quote the district rate of wages for a particular class of worker, and I could quote the changes of wages where the changes have been brought about by wage disputes, or where they have been considerably altered by conferences. With regard to the items that have been asked for, I have, actually, particulars in regard to the number of persons employed in one instance. To be more correct, I have figures for only one of the groups mentioned, the first one. There were over 1,800 insurable workers in the boot and shoe trade at the end of June of this year. As for any of the other groups, the confectionery group is included in the industry group, which is known as the manufacture of food and drink group. Soaps and candles, curiously enough, are included in the explosive and chemical group. While I could give numbers of insurable workers employed in any of these eighty-one classifications, I could not get, at the moment, the numbers employed in any of these cases, with the exception of the boot and shoe group, which happens to be set apart by itself.

I quite agree with portion of what Deputy Johnson has said. I go further, and I think it is better, in this country, not to give incomplete returns, particularly when they are so liable to be misunderstood. If one is to give figures which are very indefinite and incomplete, and attempt to guard against misconceptions by setting forth all the points that have to be attended to, immediately people fly into a frenzy and they say that something has to be cloaked, and there is a detective search commenced with a view to finding out what has to be cloaked. It is impossible, innocently, to give out any information actually incomplete, without falling under suspicion. I do not agree with the Deputy's conclusions, which I take to be that he approves of the return as an aid to a certain conclusion. I give it as a warning that the conclusion, if drawn, would be wrong. That is, I think, what his words amounted to. If we give an incomplete figure, the object would be to lead to a certain judgement, and that would be completely and almost necessarily wrong. Deputy Thrift raises a point in answer to my own. The longer the period the greater the opportunity for incalculable factors to come in. That would be so, clearly. I quite agree that is an arguable case normally, but at present the conditions are altogether the other way. Take the point of forestalling. There is no doubt in soap and candles sufficient stuff was brought in, in the period, that had, unfortunately, to be allowed, to make it absolutely certain that this trade has lost by the application of the tariff this year—this trade has definitely lost.

Quantities of goods brought in are now being sold, and are being sold at an enhanced price, and as far as the individual case was concerned the tariff was an absolute loss. Where the tariff was not put on at the particular date, the opportunities for forestalling could not be provided against. I do not think in the circumstances a return for the period that Deputy Cooper looks for, for this year, would be at all satisfactory. I think the likelihood is that over, say, one or even two years, other factors, more or less incalculable, would crop up. The factors that are there at the moment, and would have to be calculated on, are very considerable. As Deputy Johnson pointed out, it may be argued that because the cost of living shows an increase on the price of certain manufactured articles, it is due to the tariff. That does not just hold as a simple argument, because the increase in the cost of living, as evidenced in this report of October, came through the changes in the retail price of eggs, butter, fresh milk, bread, flour and bacon.

If there is going to be any argument on Deputy Gorey's lines, it will not be one that will be very satisfactory to his Party. I would again offer to Deputy Cooper that I will get the information, such as I have described already, and lay a summary of that before the Dáil; but I would ask the Dáil, in considering this motion, to realise that they may ask me to make this return, but they cannot force me to make it, because I cannot force employers to give figures. I cannot do that at present, though I may look for the powers afterwards. I believe I shall have to. I would ask the Deputy to consider the undesirability of pressing for a quarterly return; a yearly return, in my opinion, would be quite sufficient.

Perhaps the Minister will tell us why boots jumped up three or four shillings in price within a week after the tariff was imposed?

Both Deputy D'Alton and Deputy Johnson imputed certain motives to me in putting down this motion. I had no such motives as they suggest. I had not the faintest idea what the result of the return would be, if granted, and I put it down simply for one purpose alone—to gain information. If I wanted to discredit a Protectionist system I should go and put down a motion frankly saying so. It is not my practice to go about things in a back-handed way and try to slip Protection in under cover of what appears to be an innocent motion. We have got to make up our minds on this question, and I do suggest that the more facts we have the more justly we shall be able to make up our minds. Therefore, I think such facts as I ask for would be educational to us.

I agree with Deputy Egan and Deputy Corish that this return would not give a complete picture of the effect of the tariffs. It could not. But if you do not get these facts you will never have a complete picture at all. A complete picture on economic questions should be built up by accumulated facts, and these facts, amongst others, are very essential to the construction of that picture.

With regard to the point made by Deputy Johnson about maximum and minimum wages, I was, perhaps, rather unduly vague on that point. What I wanted was some data which would show the movement of wages: whether there was a tendency to increase or decrease, and I was more or less intending to leave the Minister to decide how he would obtain the information. The suggestion he has made on the point is perfectly satisfactory to me. It will give the necessary idea of the trend of wages. I agree with the Minister that the effect of a tariff cannot be measured only by its effect on a particular industry; but, to obtain its effect at all, you must know what effect it has on the protected industry. For instance, if it is proved that one particular duty has given no additional employment at all, in that case obviously it is not stimulating other trades. So that I think this return I moved for would have been a valuable contribution.

Take the question of forestalling. We know that there was great forestalling in candles, and we also know from the Minister's official figures that the price of candles has gone up. If it can be established that there has been no increase in the manufacture of candles, or in the employment given in manufacturing candles in the city, then is not that clear evidence that there is profiteering somewhere?

I think that this return would be a valuable and useful additional to our knowledge. The Minister says that it is impossible to give the figures, and one or two Deputies twitted Deputy Gorey and Deputy Baxter with the fact that the making out of the figures would involve increased expenditure and staff. We voted, I think, £26,000 for the cost of the Statistical Department for the year. All that we ordinary Deputies get for the money are the monthly figures of trade returns. I would suggest to the Minister, even if it involved some reorganisation of the Statistical Department, that this information about the increase or decrease in employment is as important even as the trade returns, and that some of the attention of his Department might be directed to it.

At present the Minister has not got the figures or the powers to get the figures. I wonder where the figures came from that the Minister for Finance used in Cork. Did he get them from Deputy Daly? Were they not official figures? The Minister for Finance goes to Cork with the full sense of responsibility that Ministers always feel when they are speaking at by-elections, and gives certain figures about how many people were working full time and short time. I, naturally, took these to be official figures. I suppose they were due to private information of some kind. I suggest that the Minister for Finance should not be left to rely on the gentleman who informed Deputy Daly that he was turning out 10,000 extra pairs of boots, but he was not sure whether it was per week or per month he was doing it.

I am glad you called him a gentleman.

I am sure that he is a gentleman; he comes from Cork. I humbly suggest that the Minister for Finance ought to have the figures; that the whole Executive Council ought to have the figures, and that, if the figures are not available, then this motion of mine will at least have served some good end if it makes it easier for them to become available in future.

I cannot quite appreciate the Minister's objection to quarterly returns. After all, the returns made by his Department in very many cases are monthly. The trade returns are monthly. Are they misleading? The cost of living return is quarterly. Is that misleading? I think that once you get the quarterly returns established, as my motion intended, on a regular and systematic basis, they are no more misleading than any figures. If people want to make a distorted or dishonest case, they can always find figures that will support them by a little selection or adaptation. I do not see that quarterly returns would be unduly misleading.

Would the Deputy proceed to base any argument say, upon quarterly returns of imports and exports, over the whole year? Does he not realise sufficiently well that any argument based upon a three months' return, simply multiplied out for the year, would be wrong?

I agree. But I was providing to have a series of returns. I think the Minister would be perfectly entitled to attack me if I had moved for these returns and not for future quarterly returns. In that case I agree that I would have been drawing a misleading picture. It was for that reason I was careful to move that the returns should continue so as to get information which would enable us to correct any misapprehensions we might have derived from the first returns.

The Minister has not got the figures. I want to get this information in some form and I am not very particular as to the form. The Minister, has not got the figures I asked for, but he has offered me a statement showing the effect of these tariffs up to 1st December. I would sooner have them up to the 1st January, if he can see his way, because that is an eight months' period, and seven months is an uneven period. If he could give it up to the 1st January, with any figures as to wages that he can secure, that will enable us to see the trend and movement of wages, whether up or down; then I would accept that and withdrawn the motion.

I simply mentioned December because I thought the Deputy wanted to get the return as soon as possible.

I think, on reflection, January would be better. I suppose we should get it after the Christmas Recess, some time about the middle of February.

You might get it after the next Budget.

Now we are beginning to find things out.

If you leave it December you might have it before then.

Well, leave it December. One gratifying features is that the Dáil is unanimous that in future, when an industry comes and asks for protection, we must take power to obtain this information. If we are going to impose tariffs, let them be scientific tariffs, and let us have a clear knowledge, as far as we can obtain it, as to their effects and consequences— whether it be an increase of price or an increase of employment. I feel sure that when the Minister comes to the Dáil to obtain the compulsory powers, if they are necessary, he will find that the ground has been well prepared for him by my motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
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