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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 28 May 1925

Vol. 11 No. 22

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - VOTE 14.—PROPERTY LOSSES COMPENSATION.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £2,090,300 ar a n-áirítear suim bhreise de £15,000 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1926, chun íocaíochtanna i dtaobh mille no díobháil do mhaoin a dineadh i rith na tréimhse 21 Eanair, 1919, go 12 Bealtaine, 1923, go huile, fén Acht um Dhíobháil do Mhaoin (Cúiteamh), 1923, fé mar do leasuíodh é, agus ar shlite eile; agus mar gheall ar dhamáiste do mhaoin, no cailliúint maoine, agus íocaíochtanna tré shlánú no tré aisíoc fén Acht Slánaíochta, 1924, agus chun deontaisí d'íoc a socruíodh a íoc de bharr mola an Property Losses (Ireland) Committee, 1916, mar chúiteamh i bhfoirgintí a milleadh i mBaile Atha Cliath i rith Seachtain na Cásca, 1916.

That a sum not exceeding £2,090,300, including a supplementary sum of £15,000, be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1926, for payments in respect of destruction of, or injuries to, property within the period 21st January, 1919, to 12th May, 1923, inclusive, under the Damage to Property (Compensation) Act, 1923, as amended, and otherwise, and in respect of damage to, or loss of property and payments by way of indemnification or recoupment under the Indemnity Act, 1924, and for payment of grants awarded on the recommendation of the Property Losses (Ireland) Committee, 1916, as compensation for buildings destroyed in Dublin during Easter Week, 1916.

Under sub-head (a), the sum asked for this year is £1,700,000 for compensation for pre-truce damage. That is less than half the amount asked for last year. It is, however, more than was actually spent last year. The amount actually paid out under that sub-head last year was £1,970,001. A good deal of the cause of that was the holding up of the work of the Commission, owing to a question that arose as to the meaning of its terms of reference. There has been delay in discharging some of the awards of the Compensation (Ireland) Commission because of reinstatement conditions being attached which have not yet been fulfilled. Our practice is make payments of instalments in such cases according as the actual work of rebuilding proceeds. We act on the certificate of the Commissioners of the Board of Works. They are moved to inspection by receiving the certificate of the architect in charge of the actual work. It is estimated that a sum of £880,000 remains to be distributed in this way. It is believed that the Compensation (Ireland) Commission will finish their labours this year and it is hoped, consequently, that the present year will see the end of payments in respect of pre-truce periods unless some unforeseen obstacle occurs.

Sub-head (b) deals with the expenses of the Compensation (Ireland) Commission. Heretofore we have only borne part of the expense of the Compensation (Ireland) Commission. As a matter of fact, our charge was 45 per cent. The British paid 55 per cent. But a new arrangement was reached, in the first instance, in October, 1924. This new agreement arose out of a dispute as to the terms of reference, and the British Government entered into an agreement to pay us a lump sum of £900,000 to discharge all their further liabilities in respect of this damage.

It was provided that we should be entitled to issue, through the Governor-General, fresh terms of reference to the Compensation Commission so as to bring in classes of cases which either were not included in the original terms of reference, or where there was doubt as to whether or not they were included. These new terms of reference were issued by the Governor-General early in the year. As a result of the change of this agreement as to the £900,000, the entire expenses of the Compensation (Ireland) Commission are now borne by us except the expense of Mr. Howell Thomas, who was the British nominee, and who is, I think, a Government official. The personnel of the Commission remains unchanged. That was also part of the agreement. That change explains the increase in the cost of running the Compensation (Ireland) Commission.

Under sub-head (c) the amount asked for is £1,750,000, that is, half the amount asked for last year, but it is considerably in excess of the amount actually paid last year, which was £875,309. When the Estimate was being framed last year there was comparatively little information on which we could go. Only a small proportion of the claims had been heard, and we had no idea of the rate at which progress would be made with the hearing of the cases for compensation under the Damage to Property Act. Also we had no experience of another matter which caused that much smaller sum to be paid out than was anticipated, the delays which have necessarily elapsed between the hearing of the claims and the lodgment of the decrees or the reports with the Department of Finance. The total number of claims lodged is, as I have said in another connection, about 26,000. Roughly two-thirds of these have been heard: 12,500 have been paid and about 3,000 have been dismissed. The aggregate amount of awards earmarked for reinstatement notified to the Department of Finance up to the present is £850,000, and £170,000 has been paid. The balance merely awaits compliance with the conditions attached to the awards. On the receipt of an award to which a reinstatement condition is attached the applicant is notified of the conditions with which he must comply; that is, to send in the requisite certificate as the work of reinstatement proceeds, and when an inspection has been carried out by the Board of Works payment is made. About two-thirds, from the numerical point of view, of the cases heard in the courts are report cases under Section 15 of the Damage to Property (Compensation) Act, 1923. The reports are made in respect of losses, such as looting or commandeering by the Irregulars. Of course they are not two-thirds in value. These reports are in the nature of recommendations to the Minister for Finance, who is responsible for acting on them or rejecting them, in whole or in part, and there is no appeal, either by the Minister for Finance or by the individual. In these circumstances it is essential that the recommendations should be scrutinised in the Department of Finance before payments are made. Amongst other things, different judges adopt different standards and different interpretations of the law. Any case in which a legal matter arises is referred to the legal advisers of the Government.

Very many questions have been addressed to me in the Dáil from time to time in reference to delay. Delay arises from a variety of causes. First, there may be delay in hearing the claims; congestion in the courts has caused great delay in many cases. Then, even when the claim has been heard and decided upon, sometimes a very considerable period elapses before proper steps are taken by the applicant's solicitor to have the decree made out, signed by the Judge, and forwarded to the Department of Finance. When it reaches the Department of Finance there is also a certain amount of delay in making the investigations that are necessary in respect of claims against the decrees, liability of the holder of the decree to income tax, the question of claims against him by the local authorities, and so forth.

Sub-head (d) is compensation for damage to railway property between the 12th July, 1921, and the 12th May, 1923, inclusive. I do not think that any further provision will be asked for under this sub-head. The payments are made in pursuance of an agreement that was entered into with the railway companies about the time that the Damage to Property Act was passed. Payments are only made on the certificates of the Government's consulting engineer. Payments already made to the railway companies to the 31st March, 1925, under that agreement, amount to approximately £546,000, of which £230,000 was paid in 1924-5. The provision under sub-head (e) is for the purpose of defraying expenses incurred by the Government in connection with the investigation, defence and discharge of property claims, both before and after the Truce. It includes fees and salaries payable to counsel, architects, valuers and engineers, other than the Government consulting engineer, whose salary is borne on the Vote of the Department of Finance. It also includes the cost of advertising in the Press awards which are proposed to be discharged, and the publishing of notices. It includes the expenses of the staff employed in the office on work exclusively in connection with property losses, compensation claims, and the travelling and incidental expenses of such of the permanent staff as perform compensation work. The provision of £20,000 shows a decrease of £5,000 on last year's figures. That is not a very large reduction, but it has to be borne in mind that as building progresses, the expenses in connection with applications for advances on foot of decrees will increase, and while the expenses of investigation in connection with pre-Truce claims will decrease very considerably, it is anticipated, on the other hand, that similar expenses in connection with post-Truce cases which are now being rather rapidly disposed of, will increase.

Under sub-head (f) provision is made for a contribution towards the expenses incurred by county councils prior to the 12th May, 1923, in investigating and opposing claims for damage to or loss of property after the 11th July, 1921. In certain cases councils did not take up the attitude that was generally adopted, where they have made up their minds from the beginning that no part of the damage then being done would be borne on the local rates, and refused to take any steps towards defending or contesting claims that were put in. A few councils did decide to oppose the claims, and incurred expense in having them investigated with a view to opposition in the courts if changes in the law had not been made by the Damage to Property (Compensation) Act, and if they had still been liable under the Malicious Damages Act. It is felt that the action of these councils did save the State considerable sums by preventing bogus and inflated claims being got away with, and it is proposed to give a contribution towards meeting the costs that were incurred by two or three county councils in that regard.

Sub-head (g) is for compensation under the Indemnity Act, 1924, for damage to or loss of property. The committee set up under the Indemnity Act had not been able to get to work to any extent before the end of the last financial year. A sum of £90,000 is now asked for the purpose of paying reasonable compensation to persons who incurred loss during the national struggle. The committee has now made very considerable progress with its work. It is felt that this provision will be ample and that the work will be completed, or almost completed, in the present financial year. The expenses incurred by the committee are not very much; they are confined practically to the salary paid to an investigation officer whom it was considered advisable to appoint for the purpose of reporting for the information of the committee his opinion on the merits of the cases referred to him and of submitting estimates of the compensation which might be paid.

The Supplementary Estimate which has been circulated is for £15,000. It arises out of a settlement with the British Government on outstanding matters in which various claims were put forward and admitted on each side. There are considerable numbers of cases which have been extremely difficult to settle. For instance, in connection with liability for personal injuries, and for liability where it was difficult to determine which side did the damage, we came to an agreement whereby we were to take on directly the outstanding liability for property losses in 1916 amounting to £45,000. As far as £30,000 of that is concerned, the British Government will recoup us as payments are made.

As regards £15,000 of it, it was set off against a claim of the British Government to an additional contribution of £13,000 in respect of personal injuries compensation, and another claim for a refund of £2,065 in connection with personal injuries. The net result of the bargain roughly is that we are the better by about £65 on the transaction.

I fear that it is not within my province as a private member to move an increase of this Vote. That being so I shall have to fall back upon the device of moving its reduction by £100. The reasons that prompt me to do that are many, but I intend to deal mainly with one. In regard to the whole question of compensation, pre-Truce and post-Truce, compensation for property, and for personal injuries, I desire to say that I give all credit to the Government for passing laws, setting up tribunals, and endeavouring by these methods to secure compensation to just and deserving cases. I am not going to deal now, as I should be out of order, with the personal injuries aspect.

In regard to the compensation for loss of property, allow me to say at once, echoing, I think, the statements made by the President earlier in the afternoon, that no fair-minded person could in all justice find fault with the working and the administration of the Wood-Renton Commission. That dealt with a certain period. But the period that I want to confine my remarks to is covered by the Damage to Property Act of 1923—the period between the 12th July, 1921, and the 12th May, 1923. That Act dealt exclusively with damage to property. The Minister has correctly stated the law in regard to certain forms of claims, namely, reports. That Act passed by the previous Dáil set up tribunals consisting of judges, and gave those judges authority to make recommendations—as the Minister truly said, only recommendations in certain cases, mostly cases of loot— to the Minister for Finance, for what I shall candidly admit is an ex-gratia payment. To my mind that was a most iniquitous procedure. I am not now going into detail about the Act, because the Act is there, and we have got to take it. I should like to say, however, in passing, that the proposal to set up judges, to call them judges, have cases tried before them, and then when they decided those cases, to have no appeal for the applicant, but to have the whole award of a judge made the subject-matter of the will and the whim of the then Minister for Finance, is an iniquitous procedure. However, there it is.

What we have to investigate now is the administration of the Act. I cannot question the amount of the awards made. The cases came before the judges, and the judges used their discretion and judgment. As the Minister said, they varied. What judges never did vary upon any question, either of law or fact, I should like to know? However, the fact remains that they made their awards. I do not quarrel with these awards. There have been grave complaints about the delay in paying them. I am not now going into that question. Those awards were made after the cases were fought out, on one side by the applicant, and upon the other by the State solicitor—fought, let me say, openly and candidly, in my experience, fairly and squarely by the State solicitors. The awards were made and, according to what I call this iniquitous law, the Minister for Finance has a perfect right to pay all or nothing of the awards in report cases. So far so good.

Now I want to come to another class of case that I dealt with yesterday in a question to the Minister. I want to come to a case that was not fought out, as far as the amount of the award was concerned, before the judge, but where the State solicitor and the State valuer—in many cases not a local valuer but a man sent down by the Public Works Office specially for these cases—on the one hand, and the applicant, his counsel and solicitor upon the other, come to an agreement. An agreement as to what? An agreement as to the amount that the award shall be, not as to the law as to whether there should be an award or not; that is a matter for the judge. They come to an agreement as to the amount of the award, subject, of course, to the judge deciding that the case lies within the four corners of the Damage to Property Act and that the applicant is entitled to an award. In my own small experience I have known hundreds of cases of that description and thousands of them have occurred. If those consents had not been made very few awards would have been made, because the business would not have been able to have been gone on with. What is my complaint? It is this, that in numerous instances—instances that I am not going to go into detail on, as the Minister for Finance said yesterday that he required further notice— where that agreement had been made by the applicant—thinking naturally and properly that the State solicitor and this accredited State representative were the spokesmen of the Government—and the judge decides that the application came within the Damage to Property Act and makes an award of the sum fixed upon, those agreements have been repudiated and dishonoured by the Department of Finance.

I am not bandying words about this matter. I quoted a case yesterday, and I am going now to give the name of the gentleman concerned. It was a case from Charleville, County Cork, and the applicant was John Coleman. He made an application for the sum of £86 under the Damage to Property Act. Before the case came on in court the State solitor and the Government valuer came to his counsel and solicitor and suggested that they should come to an agreement as to the sum to be awarded, provided the judge said that the case came within the Act. After the greatest reluctance—I can say this with authority, and I think in some cases counsel have some persuasion—on the advice of his counsel the applicant consented to this agreement, believing, as he was entitled to believe, that the State solicitor and the Public Works Office valuer spoke for the Department of Finance and the Government. The case was heard by the judge that this Government set up to hear the case. The applicant did not put the judge there. The judge decided that the case was within the four corners of the Act. He said that the applicant was entitled to compensation, whereupon it was stated that an agreement had been come to and, according to all justice, fair play and custom, the judge awarded the sum of £51, which was the amount arrived at between the two parties.

Does the Deputy mean that he reported in favour of it, or was it a decree?

The judge reported in favour of £51. If the Minister thinks he is going to ride away on that point, he is making a great mistake. As I said before, where the case was fought out fair and square between one side and the other, the Minister for Finance has a right to turn down the report, but where the Minister for Finance and the Government have their State solicitor there, and send down a State valuer, and they both agree to a sum, then the Government should not, at any rate, go back of and dishonour that agreement. There is a great difference between the two cases. The amount reported for was £51, and the solicitor received a cheque for £1 from the Department of Finance and £12 12s. costs. I want Deputies to listen to this. What do they think of that? £12 12s. costs! What does that stand for? I leave Deputies to draw their own conclusions. I can tell them that the solicitor sent back that £1, and also the £12 12s. costs. It is said that there is no appeal by the applicant in a case that is fought out. That is true. The Minister for Finance has a right to turn it down where the case has been fought, but I say he has not a right to turn it down where his representatives have agreed to a fixed sum.

It may be said, as the Minister very glibly said to me yesterday: "Oh, but it has been discovered subsequently that these were fraudulent cases." I ask him is he to be the judge or is the judge to be the judge as to whether they are fraudulent or not? What is the good of going through this farce of putting a judge upon the Bench and then having a gentleman from the Department of Finance stating afterwards that it was a fraudulent case? Is the judge to be a judge, or what is he to be? Is the judge to be the judge, or who is to be the judge? Further, I asked the Minister yesterday whether he was aware that the judges not only of the Circuit Court but of the High Court—his own judges, the Free State judges, who are supposed to be, and who, in this case, are showing themselves to be, independent of the Executive—have treated appeals from agreed cases with contempt and kicked them, out of court. The Minister did not know that yesterday. I told him so. Perhaps I should inform him a little more about it now. I will quote him a case:—

Albina Walsh, from County Cork, was applicant; the Minister for Finance was respondent. The applicant was granted £105 by consent—

mark you, sir, "by consent," that is, the State agreeing, through their solicitor and valuer, to £105—

in respect of damage to dwelling-house, and offices attached, at 98 Blarney Street, Cork. Mr. Joseph Healy, who (instructed by Mr. O'Connell, Solicitor) appeared for the State, applied to have the case re-opened. Mr. George Daly, B.L., who (instructed by Mr. Julian, Solicitor) appeared for the applicant, said that no right of appeal lay, as a consent had been entered into.

That, sir, is my case this evening.

The original decree was for £135, and Mr. Julian, applicant's solicitor, consented to accept £105. The Recorder ruled accordingly. Mr. Healy, in reply to his Lordship, said he wanted to appeal. His Lordship: "Appeal against a consent! I am not going to allow any such thing to be done, because it would be contrary to all principles of justice and of honesty." His Lordship affirmed the decree for £105 with costs.

That is the way that the Circuit Judges are treating appeals taken by the Minister for Finance against consents entered into by his own officials, acting on behalf of the State. I will give another case.

What was the £51 for?

It was a report.

Was it for damage to property?

It was a report under the Damage to Property Act. The judge said the case came within the Damage to Property Act, and gave a decree for £51. What is the judge there for? He is there, I presume, to interpret the law. If he is not there to interpret the law, what is the use of having him there?

Could we find out what was the nature of the damage?

Loot, I think.

The Shaw Commission does not give anything for loot.

The President is not going to draw a red herring across my path. The Shaw Commission does not give any compensation for loot, and I gave credit to the Government, when they introduced the Damage to Property Act, for the provision they made in this regard. The Damage to Property Act does give ex-gratia payments for loot. I said before that they were ex-gratia. I said before that if there was no consent, they would have a perfect right, under the Damage to Property Act, to give all or none of the amount reported. But I do draw a distinction in a case where there has been a consent, where a State solicitor and a Government valuer have consented to a sum for the applicant, subject to the judge's decision as to whether the case came within the four corners of the Act. I cannot follow the Minister's line of argument, when he says that he took legal advice upon the matter. If a judge decides a case, the Minister for Finance thinks he has got a right to come along and take advice from his legal adviser. Is that the way the law is going to be carried out in this country? Is that the way the judges are to be independent of the Executive? If that is the way, we may shut up shop, so far as justice, equity and judicial authority is concerned. I say the Minister for Finance has got no more right to take legal advice as to a judge's legal decision than he would have to take legal advice as to whether the resolutions passed or the speeches made in this House were in order.

I have dealt with the Circuit Court. I am now coming to the High Court. A case came from Cork recently. I have not got the name of the case, but I am perfectly satisfied that I am giving the facts. I will give the name of the solicitor. A case was brought from County Cork in which Mr. Anthony Carroll appeared for the applicant. In that case, also, a sum had been arrived at by consent, and the judge had given his report or decree—in this matter I do not care whether it is a report, an award or a decree. The point is that the State consented to it, and there is no use in quibbling about reports or awards or decrees. This case came before the High Court in Dublin quite recently, and the High Court treated it in precisely the same manner that the Recorder for Cork treated the other case. He told them that he was not going to entertain any appeal from the Government or from the Minister for Finance on a matter on which their own accredited representatives had given their consent. This is a matter that, perhaps, has not occurred to the minds of city Deputies. I am certain it has occurred to the minds of country Deputies. But it may not have occurred to members of the Executive Council or to city Deputies before. I tell them that, throughout the country, the Government will be utterly discredited if they are going to allow it to be said— and said with truth—that they sent representatives down to the country to strike bargains with applicants under the Damage to Property Act, after the judges decided—their own judges—on the point of law which they should be the judges of, and not the Minister for Finance, because the Minister for Finance is not a judge, and that when those cases have been duly awarded, reported or decreed—I do not care which — the Government dishonour them. That is what it has come to. It is all very well for Ministers, perhaps, to treat this in cavalier fashion, as the Minister for Finance seemed to treat it yesterday. But I can assure him that the people in the country do not treat it that way, and that if he is going to pursue this policy of going behind the backs of his own judges and of inquiring into their decrees or awards or reports, so far as the law is concerned —which he suggested here this afternoon—I tell him that there will not be much respect in the country either for his Government or for his law.

Deputy Redmond has made a great deal of noise about a very small matter. These report cases are investigations by a judge with a view to recommending a sum to the Minister for Finance to be paid in respect of damage done or property taken by way of loot. They were made ex-gratia, because loot is a matter for which you ordinarily would not give compensation at all. There can be a tremendous lot of fraud in connection with loot. It is impossible to know what is taken. If it is a case of destruction of a building, it is easy to get evidence of what the building was. It is easy to get evidence of what would restore it. You have something very firm to go upon. A reasonable estimate can be made and a judge can give a decision. On the question of loot, especially with many people having all sorts of views in the country, some people not knowing which side was going to win and being willing to give goods to one side and to claim for loot afterwards, if the side they were taking did not succeed, there was every opportunity for the State being defrauded out of large sums.

Does the Minister make the suggestion that when the State came to a consent through a State solicitor and valuer they were being defrauded? Does the Minister mean to suggest that?

Will the Deputy allow me to proceed——

The Minister used the word "defrauded."

There were great opportunities for defrauding the State. Consequently, the matter was put on an entirely ex-gratia basis. If the Minister for Finance receives a report, it is his duty, if any suspicious circumstances are reported to him in connection with the case, to have it investigated further. That is done. It is my duty to do it. I am the guardian of the public purse. I have to see that the money of the taxpayer is not paid out to people who are not entitled to it in law or in equity. The question of a consent being entered into in any ex-gratia case is of no consequence whatever. The entering into a consent by the applicant does not prejudice his rights in any way.

May I ask the Minister what is the object——

Excuse me. I will not be interrupted by the Deputy——

May I ask this question——

I will not be interrupted.

What is the object of the State in entering into a consent if it is of no value——

DEPUTIES

Order!

It would be better if Deputy Redmond would allow the Minister to proceed and refrain from interruption. He can put these questions to the Minister afterwards.

Perhaps I might ask the Minister just one question—

If the Deputy will allow me to finish, it will be more satisfactory. This frothing at the mouth, on the part of Deputy Redmond, is all right in court but he need not do it here. Perhaps he will get many briefs as a result of frothing at the mouth here but I think he might spare us.

Personalities always pay.

The right of a person who has a claim in respect of loot, or something else, for which only a report can be made, is not prejudiced in any way by the case not being heard out in full by the court. The matter is at all times fully in the discretion of the Minister for Finance. The fact that some State solicitor or some valuer may have entered into a provisional agreement, which is subject to confirmation by the Minister for Finance, does not relieve the Minister for Finance of the right or the duty of going into the case. If circumstances are reported to us, as they were in a very large number of Cork cases—I do not want to pursue that matter further, and I will only say that in a very large number of cases in a certain district information came to us which showed, to our mind, collusion and fraud. I do not know whether this case was one of them or not.

Why did you not remove your representative?

When we got that information we certainly were not going to act on agreements made fraudulently by some underling of our own. I do not know whether this case was one of the number or not. There are many thousands of cases and I cannot possibly know anything about a particular case. But I know that such things have occurred. I know that consents being fraudulently entered into does not in any way affect my duty to have the reports examined when they come from the judge. We do that. We will always do that. Our entire duty in the matter is to see that the right thing and the fair thing is done. It is of no interest at all to me or to anybody concerned to refuse people payment that they are due. On the other hand, it is clearly our duty to see that the money of the taxpayer is not wrongfully paid away. There is no parallel between a report case and the case of an award. There is a definite legal procedure laid down for dealing with awards. The procedure laid down in regard to reports is entirely different. There was never any intention that the discretion of the Minister for Finance should be limited. If there had been any such intention it would not have been left entirely optional with him whether he would pay a report in full, in part, or at all. Now, I think it is not necessary to say any more about the matter than that.

I hope the Minister will believe that I am not foaming at the mouth or endeavouring to impute any corrupt motives. It seems to me that what he has said now is rather serious. In the first place, he has talked about provisional agreements being entered into by representatives of the State. The local State Solicitor and some representative of the Board of Works made it clear to claimants that those agreements are strictly provisional. If the State Solicitor actually seeks out a claimant—I have no particular knowledge of that, but it has been said that in some cases the State Solicitor has actually approached a claimant—does he make it clear to the claimant that any agreement reached is a provisional agreement and may be overridden? If that is so, no sane man will enter into any agreement. Will anybody enter into an agreement which is final as regards himself, but is not final as regards the other party? I do not think the Minister himself has fully thought this matter out.

The Minister says it is his duty to examine the reports when they come from the judge. Is it not his duty to examine the particulars of the case before it ever goes to the judge? If there is a suspicion of foul play, treachery or something fraudulent, surely that ought to be investigated before the case is laid before the judge. If any subsequent facts arise, I agree that the Minister may be justified in again examining the case; but the normal procedure should not be an examination by the Minister after the judge has dealt with the case. There should be a very careful examination before the case is sent to the judge at all. Such procedure as the Minister has referred to is bad. It creates suspicion and ill-feeling if it is generally believed that after a case has been tried in court, and after both sides have been heard before the judge, any decision arrived at can be overruled in a Ministerial office. I am not a lawyer, but I believe that to be contrary to the spirit of the law.

I am basing my remarks more on the Minister's reply than on the subject-matter of Deputy Redmond's attack. The State is very powerful and the individual applicant is very weak. The State has resources, it has finance, it has power to provide counsel far beyond the power of any individual claimant or applicant. The Minister's power should be exercised with moderation. It is excellent to have giant strength; it is tyrannous to use it like a giant. I hope the Minister is not in this regard being tyrannous; but I have apprehensions.

I am not going into this matter with any heat at all. I am outside the whole matter of what Deputy Redmond has said, and I am quite willing to leave it at that. I have no knowledge of the facts with which he is dealing. It is the Minister's reply that has made me apprehensive. In his reply he stated one thing in connection with which I do ask him to remove the impression he may have made. He certainly made a definite impression on my mind. He said that where his representatives in a particular case had come to an agreement which he afterwards believed to have been a fraudulent agreement, he repudiated that agreement. I suggest that is contrary to all accepted practice. The agreement was made in his name. It was made by a person who at that time had not been repudiated by him. Whatever disciplinary action he might subsequently find it necessary to take in respect to the person who so wrongly acted at that moment——

Which he did not take.

I am not dealing with the question of whether he took it or not. Whatever disciplinary action he might have found it necessary to take afterwards, the agreement made at that time in the person's name should have been recognised by the Minister as his act and should have been honoured by him. The Minister stands here—I put it to him quite steadily—and says that certain persons were sent down on a certain occasion to have a certain consultation. They were persons acting, to the belief of the persons on the other side of the table with whom they were negotiating, as the Minister's representatives, and as persons who were authorised to act on his behalf, and they made that agreement. If the Minister subsequently should find that the persons then acting on his behalf were acting in a disorderly or corrupt or fraudulent fashion, he would be entirely within his rights in taking the severest measures with regard to such persons. The acts done by them on that occasion were done by them in his name, and I suggest they should be honoured by him.

Now, sir, I am not going to imitate the Minister for Finance. I am not going to sling back mud at him or use personalities. I have never indulged in these things all through my political career, which has been a little bit longer than his. I wish to deal with his argument that consent, as he said, was of no consequence in regard to a report. Here is a responsible Minister getting up, speaking as a Minister—it does not matter whether he is the smallest or the greatest Minister of the lot—and stating that a consent entered into on behalf of the Government, no matter what the consent was about, whether it was about a cow or about a contract, whether it was about a report or a decree, is of no consequence. Very well; I leave it at that. He said that in a certain part of Cork it was known for some time— those were the words he used—that these fraudulent consents were being made. My goodness! And what was being done with the Government representatives when they were making these fraudulent consents? Was the State solicitor in the district guilty of the fraud, or was the accredited Board of Works representative a party to the fraud? If not, were they duped, were they made fools of? Was it a fraud, were they made fools of, or was it a proper and outright and decent bargain? Which was it?

If it was a fraud, why was not the gentleman responsible removed? Evidently he was not, because it lasted some time. To my knowledge, no State solicitor has been removed, and I do not subscribe to the Minister's description of these gentlemen as hirelings. If it was a fraud, why were they not removed? If they were duped, and if they were such fools as that they were not able to act on behalf of the Government, why were they not removed? They were not removed because I tell you, sir, that they made very good bargains on behalf of the State with the applicants, and I have some knowledge that they made hard bargains with the applicants. They acted well for their masters. They beat them down and down and down until they got them to a certain figure, the applicants believing, as they were led to believe, and as they had every right to believe, that these people were acting bona fide on behalf of the State. They beat them down, and when they had beaten them down to the limit that they would take, then the bargain was sealed, and subsequently dishonoured.

Words the Minister has also used are collusion and fraud. It takes two to make a collusion. The applicant could not collude; there has to be some other party. Who was the applicant in collusion with? Was it with the judge, or was it with the State representatives who were such dupes and frauds that they were allowed to stay on, and who were such splendid officers of the State that they would not be removed? We are told that there is no parallel between reports and awards. I suppose if the State made a contract for one commodity in one part of the country through their representatives, there would be a question as to whether that contract would be honoured; but if they made another form of contract in another part of the country, we would be told: "Oh, this is a different matter; the consent does not here apply."

I notice the Minister has disdained to allude to my remarks as to his judges. He has not referred to, or contradicted, the statement that the Judges of the High Court and the Circuit Court have refused to entertain these appeals from these consents, and they have spurned them and treated them with a contemptuous and a proper treatment. Let him take an example from his Judges. Let him be a man, and do not let him come down here as a whimpering popinjay, and say the consents in one case are not to be regarded as bona fide; they are in another. The Minister may laugh it off, as he is endeavouring to do to-night; but I can assure him, if this is the way the law is going to be administered, if this is the way that he is going to treat the people and their representatives, the laugh will be on the other side of the cheek very shortly.

I want to get some information from the Minister on a few points. I am sorry for interfering in the course of this debate.

You have spoiled it all.

There is no consent.

You must be a fraud.

I have seen a great deal of correspondence with regard to compensation claims for pre-Truce damage. The matters I wish to refer to are claims which have been made by creameries throughout the country, particularly co-operative creameries. I think the majority of those claims did not come under the old terms of reference, but they do come under the revised terms of reference. They are mostly for semi-consequential damages due to the closing of the creameries by orders of the British military, and at other times the staffs were removed and kept a considerable time from their duties. The complaint I have to make is that the hearing of those claims has not been expedited.

Despite the pressure which has been brought to bear on the Commission and on the different Departments of State, the majority of these claims are still unheard, with the result that many of these creameries are in a bad financial condition. Some of them are on the verge of toppling to financial ruin. As the Minister must know, a great many of these creameries are depending for their finance on loans from banks, and the banks have been pressing them very urgently to pay off their loans and in a good many cases are threatening to take the usual legal proceedings against the guarantors and the shareholders of the creameries. I do not know if it is within the power of the Ministry to cause these particular types of claims to be expedited. I would say, if it is within his power, and if the claims are not being heard as they are on the list, that some effort should be made to expedite them. They have been hanging over in many cases since previous to July, 1921, and the creameries are under a great loss. As I said, many of them are on the verge of ruin owing to the delay in the settlement of these claims. I would certainly urge on him the necessity for getting them dealt with as soon as possible. I have a list here of thirty-one claims which have not yet been heard. A very large sum of money is involved. Some of the claims are as high as £13,000. I need not say that a loss of £13,000, or the proportion of it that they will get, is more than any ordinary creamery is in a position to bear.

What head is it under?

I think A of Vote 14—Pre-Truce Damages. I want to ask the Minister a question with regard to reinstatement. I have heard in certain cases where the people who have got compensation are subject to the reinstatement clause that arrangements have been made with the Ministry whereby, on the acceptance of a smaller sum, they are allowed to forego the reinstatement obligations. I do not know whether that is a fact or not, but it is a fact that there are a great many houses that were damaged in the Black and Tan time and which are still derelict, no effort being made to rebuild them. The Government ought to take some steps and, if necessary, they ought to pass some law whereby these people who have got reinstatement grants will be liable to lose the award if they do not rebuild.

With regard to sub-head G—Compensation under the Indemnity Act of 1924—I have got no exact information, but my memory of it is that there was a date fixed after which applications could not be received for compensation in regard to losses under this Act, and as well as I remember the date was fixed a comparatively short time after the passing of the Act. The difficulty has arisen that a great many people did not have any knowledge of this Act. I know that there are a great many people who would have put in claims under this Indemnity Act if they had information. The Minister must remember that a great many Acts are passed by this Dáil, and it is not the fact that everybody reads the Parliamentary reports in the newspapers, or finds out what Acts have been passed. It is also a fact that a great many people do not read ordinary advertisements, particularly Government advertisements, which are very uninteresting reading. A number of them did not know that they had the right to claim compensation under this Act, and some of them had been told previous to the passing of the Act, by different Government Departments to which they had written, that they had no redress. They did not know that an Act had been passed which gave them power to claim.

I do not think that there was a man, woman or child in the country who did not know.

I might tell the President that a man came to me with a claim for a motor car which was taken from him in pre-Truce days. He did not know anything about the procedure and he would not have made his claim in time only that I told him the last day for lodging claims and how to go about getting his claim. I have heard of other similar cases.

With regard to claims for compensation under the Damage to Property Act in respect of losses and damages since July, 1921, I want to tell the Minister that the feeling down the country, as far as I know, is that sufficient enquiries are not being made, and that in a great many cases the State Solicitor has not at his disposal, when defending these cases, a sufficient amount of information. There is a feeling that in a great many cases very excessive compensation has been granted. Local people very often can make very shrewd estimates of what the losses are. The State Solicitors very often are flooded with these cases and they do not always get the assistance that is due to them.

There are a great many cases in which it would pay the State to take some steps whereby very close investigations could be made locally. Local people, although they may know about these things, are slow to come forward. Sometimes they are not asked to come forward, and very often the information they have is information which really could not be dealt with in the courts, though very often it is true information. The result is that some very large grants have been made in the courts, particularly in regard to some large mansions. A feeling exists that the owners of these mansions have got better terms in proportion to the losses suffered than people who had smaller houses and places which were very much less pretentious, destroyed. A mansion may have been built 70 or 80 years ago at a cost of £100,000, and I need not point out to the Minister that if placed on the open market now it might be a white elephant; it might not be worth anything. The only other point to which I wish to call the Minister's attention is that creamery proprietors complain, in connection with the investigation of their cases, that they are not given an adequate chance of stating their cases. Investigators are sent down to the creameries. They are trained men who have become accustomed to this form of enquiry, and they deal with people who have no local knowledge or who are not, perhaps, the most competent to state their cases to the best advantage. Having made a number of enquiries those investigators go back and report to the Compensation Commission, and the Compensation Commission make their award. Once the award is made there is no possibility, as far as I know, of getting the case reheard. When the Shaw Commission originally started it did hear cases in open court, and I understand that the party on the opposite side to the State were allowed to be represented by counsel. I would suggest to the Minister that there should be some method devised that would give those people a chance of stating their cases in a more adequate manner than they are allowed to do at present. If they are dissatisfied with the awards there should be some method of appeal.

I wish to ask the Minister whether he has any power under the Act to bring pressure on the owners of derelict sites in O'Connell Street to start rebuilding. Are they to be allowed to leave these derelict sites there for an indefinite period? We are going into another summer and, as far as I can see, half the owners have made no effort to commence rebuilding. I would ask the Minister to bring some pressure to bear on them to start the work and give much-needed employment.

I would like to say first, with reference to the point raised by Deputy Cooper, that every effort is made to have cases fully investigated before they go into court, and after the matter has been fully brought to light in court, and the report of the judge is made, we would not vary it simply of our own will. We would pay very great attention to the report. I would like to say in regard to the State solicitors that they have done their work extremely well in connection with this matter, and that no sort of suspicion has arisen in connection with their work. I wish to say no more about it, because the whole thing is being dealt with in a way that is appropriate at the present time. I do not think it will be found generally that the power of reviewing report cases has been exercised in a way that was harmful. I do not know whether Deputy Cooper has any definite information about any considerable number of cases, but I do not think he will find that it has been unduly harsh. A considerable number of people have succeeded in getting reports where we were able to get very substantial evidence afterwards, very often as a result of the actual hearing of the cases in court and the publicity that was received for them, that goods alleged to have been looted were actually supplied to the Irregulars by people who were friendly with them, and were supplied in anticipation of payment. Cases of that nature have occurred very frequently, and it certainly was the clear intention of the Act that anybody who was actually sympathising with and in collusion with the Irregulars, and supplied goods to them, should not be able to get paid by the State afterwards. But we have not exercised the powers of revision of report cases in a way that could be regarded as unduly rigorous. I have not really heard that alleged. We realise the need for expediting the claims of the co-operative societies through the country. We have put that point of view to the Compensation Commission. Of course, the Commission has a big mass of work, and, no doubt, all sorts of applicants are pleading that their cases should be heard as soon as possible. I believe that very rapid progress is now being made by the Commission in the hearing of cases, and it is anticipated that a great number of the co-operative cases will be dealt with very soon.

A great number of advertisements were issued in connection with the Indemnity Act, and quite a considerable number of public notices. I remember the section itself was issued as an advertisement, and people who might have claims were asked to apply. There were subsequent notices also and a very big number of claims—I have not the figures now, but running into many thousands—were put in, so that a great number of people must have been aware that they could lodge claims under the Indemnity Act and the discussion must have brought it home to their neighbours. I do not think it would be possible, unless we get more detailed information than Deputy Heffernan has given, to contemplate opening the lists again. This matter must close some time. We cannot have our compensation tribunal sitting for ever.

If I supply definite information, will the Minister be inclined to consider the re-opening of the lists in certain cases?

I will look into that matter sympathetically. I do not remember the terms of the Act now, but I do not know if it is possible to do so without an amendment of the Act. If amendment were required, I would not propose any further legislation.

I am afraid the Act fixes a definite date.

I think it will require a very strong case indeed to cause us to consider further legislation in this matter. People had ample time, and really if we did extend the time by legislation we would have a further spate of claims, probably many of them of a rather frivolous nature. I know that when any sort of tribunal runs too long there is a tendency for more claims of a very trifling character to come in.

The difficulties of the State Solicitors in getting evidence is very fully appreciated. That is one of the reasons, for instance, why we are making provision to repay to some counties sums they expended in the early stages in getting evidence. We feel that the action they took made the whole thing easier and really saved sums from being paid out. Deputy Heffernan talked about a mansion that cost £100,000 to erect. It might be worth very little now. Great care was taken in drafting the section of the Act to meet that case, and a tremendous amount of time was spent on it. If the Act is too loose, I am afraid it cannot be helped now. Nothing can be done.

Deputy Byrne raised the question as to whether pressure could be put on the owners of spaces in O'Connell Street to rebuild. Of course there is pressure that could be put on, and it was considered, but the idea of putting that particular pressure on the owners was rejected owing to the feeling that it would be harsh and unjust. We were urged from certain quarters, and we did consider whether we might not say to the owners: "If you do not take steps to rebuild, your award, which is an ex-gratia award, will be reduced by 5 per cent.” We could do that, but we had to bear in mind the fact that this Compensation Act was very rigidly drawn and that as a matter of fact in many cases the awards under it were necessarily on the side of being short. I think the President would say they were very short. We felt as that Act was drawn that no award in respect of a building could really be sufficient to reinstate the building or put up a new building. We heard very general complaints, and it was felt, therefore, that we could not justly say to people in O'Connell St. who have not got sufficient awards, owing to the way the Act was drafted: “Reinstate or put up a new building.” It would be harsh and unjust to impose a penalty, and that by way of a reduction on the award. It is true the owners would have a better and a new building instead of the old one that was destroyed, but that does not make it easy for them to find the cash as they go along. We feel at present that we cannot well do anything in the matter of O'Connell Street. There are, of course, certain powers in the Corporation Act. We have urged them in every possible way but we feel that the only pressure we could apply would be pressure that we ought not apply. It may be taken that we have definitely decided that we will not apply it. On the other hand, and while perhaps it is irrelevant, we have made provision in this year's Estimates for considerable alterations in connection with the Post Office and the Four Courts, so that an amount of employment will be given in that way.

The Minister says he would like to encourage rebuilding in O'Connell Street. I am sure he is not responsible, but will he use his influence to restrain the discouragement of rebuilding? I know one firm who rebuilt at a cost of double their award. They were awarded £5,000 and rebuilt at a cost of £10,000. The reward they got is that their valuation was increased by £120, and the only notice they got of that was when the demand came for the rates. I suggest that is not the way to encourage rebuilding.

We gave a little consideration in that respect. We had that in mind in the Local Government Act. The Minister cannot really exercise any discretion over that matter. There is a scale, and any interruption of the scale means starting from somewhere. The basis of the valuation is taken as the 1914 basis. When I was Minister for Finance, and afterwards, I had a very exhaustive examination made into this whole question, and I was satisfied that any interruption of the ordinary administration of the Department would lead to such chaos that I do not believe a succession of Governments for the next 100 years would be able to remedy it. The only way to remedy it would be by revaluation of the whole country, and that would remedy it only to an extent, by reason of the fact that a building that was a new building would bear an unduly high valuation.

Does the President defend the increasing of a valuation without informing the persons concerned, and leave them in such a position that when they complain they are told that the time for appeal had gone by?

They could appeal the next year.

On a matter of personal explanation, I understand the phrase used by the Minister for Finance was not "hirelings" but "underlings," in regard to accredited representatives of the Government. I, therefore, withdraw my statement.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 15; Níl, 36.

  • John J. Cole.
  • John Conlan.
  • Bryan R. Cooper.
  • Séamus Eabhróid.
  • Darrell Figgis.
  • Connor Hogan.
  • Séamus Mac Cosgair.
  • Risteárd Mac Liam.
  • Patrick J. Mulvany.
  • Ailfrid O Broin.
  • Mícheál O Dubhghaill.
  • Mícheál O hIfearnáin.
  • Tadhg O Murchadha.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (An Clár).
  • William A. Redmond.

Níl

  • Earnán de Blaghd.
  • Thomas Bolger.
  • Seán Buitléir.
  • Seoirse de Bhulbh.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileáin Bean
  • Uí Dhrisceóil.
  • Patrick J. Egan.
  • Desmond Fitzgerald.
  • Thomas Hennessy.
  • John Hennigan.
  • Seosamh Mac a' Bhrighde.
  • Liam Mac Cosgair.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Pádraig Mac Fadáin.
  • Risteárd Mac Fheorais.
  • Patrick McGilligan.
  • Seoirse Mac Niocaill.
  • Liam Mac Sioghaird.
  • Liam Mag Aonghusa.
  • Pádraig Mag Ualghairg.
  • Martin M. Nally.
  • Michael K. Noonan.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Tomás O Conaill.
  • Parthalán O Conchubhair.
  • Eoghan O Dochartaigh.
  • Séamus O Dóláin.
  • Peadar O Dubhghaill.
  • Pádraig O Dubhthaigh.
  • Eamon O Dúgáin.
  • Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Séamus O Leadáin.
  • Fionán O Loingsigh.
  • Risteárd O Maolchatha.
  • Domhnall O Muirgheasa.
  • Máirtín O Rodaigh.
  • Seán O Súilleabháin.
Tellers.—Tá: Deputies William A. Redmond and Mícheál O hIfearnáin. Níl: Deputies Séamus O Dóláin and Peadar O Dubhghaill.
Amendment declared lost.

Under sub-head B, I wish to call attention to the practice that prevailed in the early stages of the Wood-Renton Commission. Their inspectors down the country put on valuations on the destroyed property in a haphazard manner. I would like to know if their methods in this connection have improved, or is the old system still prevailing? A case was brought to my notice where a hay rick was burned down by the Black-and-Tans, and some years afterwards an inspector was sent down and with due gravity he went out to see the site of the hay rick. I submit that is bringing law and the principles of equity into contempt.

When things are being valued they should have some regard to facts. It was, furthermore, the practice in assessing houses damaged, for instance, by the Black-and-Tans, that the inspectors for the Wood-Renton Commission would make small offers in the beginning, and gradually advance. I do not think that that is the correct and proper method to employ. There should be but one offer, I fancy. A fair offer should be made in the first instance, and it should not always be increased. I have to protest against that method of giving compensation to people. People suffered very severely in these instances, and it is scarcely fair, I think, that there should be a deliberate attempt made to beat them down. They should get the fair value of their premises that have been damaged, and they should get that at the first offer.

Some Deputies here have raised the question of the discontent that undoubtedly prevails in the country. I think that is due to a great extent to the fact that various people all over the country, from time to time, write to the Ministry of Finance or to the Department that deals with cases of compensation, and I want to say that this Department, or Ministry, more than any other Ministry, has a habit of not answering correspondence. I do suggest that when people who seem to be in a quandary as to what they should do, or when they should be paid compensation, write to the Ministry, the Minister for Finance himself would, in future, see that the correspondence was answered. I think every Deputy in the Dáil has some complaint or other in this respect so far as the Ministry of Finance is concerned.

I have heard these complaints, and I have been making investigations in regard to them. It is possible to arrange, easily, for a mere acknowledgment of these letters, but to get a reply sometimes is another matter, because you have a whole series of cases. Some have to be dealt with by the Army, some by the Compensation (Ireland) Commission; some of them are in other Departments, and considerable delays, perhaps, will occur. Delays in dealing with these cases are caused because the letter very often goes to different Departments than those dealing with that section. However, I am having that complaint, which was made here very strongly by the Deputy some time ago, investigated, with a view to remedying it. With regard to complaints made by Deputy Connor Hogan, these investigators are appointed by the Wood-Renton Commission, which is a Commission of a judicial character.

What is judicial about it?

It is presided over by a judge who exercises judicial functions.

But in respect of what Act of the Oireachtas is it judicial?

In respect of its terms of reference.

Would its terms of reference confer on it a judicial status?

They have spent about five or six million pounds.

An arbitrator has a judicial status. A person who is acting as judge has a judicial status. It is the duty of the person who is acting as judge of that Commission to conduct its court and to see that the facts are brought forward and that a fair hearing is given to each person. I do not know whether anything can be done in the matter, or whether anything needs to be done. It is extremely difficult to come to a decision on a case without a considerable lapse of time. I also think that the investigators have gained by the experience they have had, and that they will be able to do their work in a more satisfactory way.

Under sub-head (c) I should like to draw attention to the fact that many complaints have been received as to the inadequacy of the compensation given, and in contradiction to Deputy Heffernan I have received many complaints. A very considerable delay occurs before payments are made. I wonder is there any means of expediting the payments? It was a very serious loss, in the first instance, to suffer the damage. But the damage and loss is aggravated, perhaps a hundred-fold, by the long, and, I submit, the unnecessary delay that takes place before payment is made. I ask the Minister is it possible to expedite payment in any way? I readily admit that, of course, there are quite a number of technical points that have to be looked into. But still, I think the Dáil and the country would consent to find the money to pay an increased staff to deal with these cases and to dispose of the burden of those cases that have been hanging over so long.

I move to report progress.

Barr
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