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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 29 Feb 1928

Vol. 22 No. 5

PUBLIC BUSINESS. - OLD AGE AND BLIND PERSONS' PENSIONS.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I move:—

"That, in the opinion of the Dáil, the law relating to Old Age Pensions and Blind Persons' Pensions should be amended so as to restore the statutory rates of pensions and conditions governing payment of same to the level in operation before the passing of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1924, and that provision should be made in the next Budget to enable this to be done."

In moving this motion, I am merely asking this Dáil to give back to the aged and the blind what a previous Dáil took from them in 1924. The excuse which was then given by the Government of the day for reducing those pensions was that there was a necessity for economy, that the country was poor and that all sections would have to make sacrifices. As usual the Government proceeded to start with the under-dog. If we are to believe Ministers, the conditions in this country are now changed. We have again and again got assurances from Ministers that the country is getting prosperous. Each of us can form a judgement, I think, as to the soundness of those assurances, but if I could accept the statements of Ministers I would, I think, be justified in asking that the old people worn out with work in this State should be allowed to participate, at least to some small extent, in the additional prosperity which we are told has come to us. Whatever Deputies may think as to the policies of the different parties that make up this House, it is fair to assume that our old people are nearer and dearer to us than they were to the British Government when they were here.

Yet we find that a previous Dáil cut down those pensions drastically, and the old people, the weakest section of the community, were, if I might put it so, made the first social martyrs of Irish liberty. I am asking the Dáil to say to the old people and to the blind: "We gladly give you back what we took from you; we are prepared to treat you as well as any foreign government were prepared to treat you, and we are going to do it so that you no longer can be pointed to as the weak and the infirm victims of Irish liberty." I am not asking for anything magnanimous, but merely asking the Dáil to put things back as they found them. At this stage it would perhaps be well if I made some reference to the amendment which stands in the name of the Minister for Finance. I am sure Deputy John Daly when he saw the Minister's amendment must have got a shock, because, if he is correctly reported in the newspapers. he promised the old age pensioners amongst his constituents a few days ago that they were all going to get the shilling back.

Mr. DALY

I am quite recovered from the shock.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I am afraid the Minister will have another shock in store for the Deputy when he informs him that he cannot bring down the price of the pint. If the Deputy survives that shock, he will probably get another shock before the end of the year that he may not survive.

Mr. DALY

The Deputy will find that I will survive all the shocks.

Mr. MORRISSEY

For the information of the House and, incidentally, for the information of Deputy Daly, I should like to point out that the Minister's amendment will not even give back the shilling to the people from whom it was taken. According to the returns of 1925, taken from the statistics in the Report of the Revenue Commissioners, there were 59,609 persons in receipt of pensions at the rate of 9/- per week. In the majority of cases, the pension was the whole or much the greater part of the income of this category of pensioners. The total income from all sources in order to qualify for a pension of 9/- could not exceed 16/- per week. If I understand the effect of the Minister's amendment, it is that persons whose means are not valued at more than £15 12s. or 6/- per week, will receive the extra shilling—in other words, the 10/- per week. Those whose means are valued from £15 12s. to £18 5s., that is from 6/- to 7/- per week, will receive no advance—the pension will remain at 9/- so far as people coming into that category are concerned. Out of the 59,609 now at 9/- per week, an unspecified number will have means valued between 6/- and 7/- per week. If we assume that 9,609 are in that category, having between 6/- and 7/- per week, that leaves 50,000 out of a total of 116,000 pensioners who will get the extra shilling under the Minister's amendment—in other words, less than half the pensioners. I want to point out to Deputies, and in particular to those members who once formed what was known as the Farmers' Party, that when the 1924 Act was passed it was not, as the Minister stated then, a ten per cent. reduction, but in many cases twenty per cent., and in some cases 100 per cent. I have a very clear recollection of nearly all the Deputies of the Farmers' Party some time after the Act had been passed, when they began to realise the effect of it, telling the House that if they had known it meant more than 1/- reduction they certainly would not have voted for it.

Let us see how pensioners were made to suffer under the 1924 Act. Prior to the passing of that Act, the maximum income allowed to a pensioner was £1 per week. When the Act was passed the maximum became 16/. So that a person whose means were assessed at 10/- per week lost not 1/- but 4/-. Let it be noted that even under the Minister's amendment that person will not gain any increase. That being so, this is what happened in many cases. There were many old people who were in receipt of pensions of 8/- and 10/- per week from the British Government in respect of the death of their sons during the Great War. The Free State Government immediately took advantage of the fact that they had, say, 10/- from the British Government, and their old age pension was reduced from 10/- to 6/-. Some time afterwards, when the British Government came to see that the Free State Government were saving money at their expense, instead of giving pensions of 10/-, they gave pensions of 7/-, so that the old age pensioners would become entitled to the maximum pension of 9/-. I will give another case as an illustration, which I have come in touch with during the last week. A man with 53 years' service on the Great Southern Railway, I am informed, got as a reward for his faithful service a pension of 7/- per week. He was over seventy, and was told by the officials of the company that if they gave him 10/-, 12/- or 15/- it would be all the same to him, because if he got 15/- from the railway he would only get 1/- old age pension, and they might as well save this by giving the man 7/- and allowing the Government to give him the nine shillings.

I ask the House to reject the amendment because, in my opinion, the Act cutting down the old age pensions was the most shameful Act ever passed through this House. There was no Act, no matter how harsh or severe, but had its defenders, save the Act cutting the old age pensions, which was universally condemned and regarded as a stain upon the State. In order to remove that stain and to give effect to the wishes of the vast majority of the people, I have put down this motion. I hope the House will pass the motion and insist upon the Government making restitution to the old people and to the blind people, and will insist that the old people and the blind people in the 26 Counties shall be put upon the same level as their fellow Irishmen and women across the border.

The Constitution of this House is such that almost every member of it knows the mind of the people with regard to the aged and the blind. It is, I submit, above and beyond all, the desire of the people of this country that the old and the blind should be free from dire poverty. It seems to me this is a very important matter, and a matter that affects not only the honour, but the humanity of this country so much that I think it should not be made a party question. If it is not made a party question I have no doubt the House will unanimously pass the motion and unanimously agree to provide the money to meet it. Of course it will cost money. That is the great argument put up against the acceptance of the motion, but if it did not cost money the House would merit no commendation for restoring the cut. The more money it costs the more it is necessary for the House, in justice to the old people, to restore it, because the more it costs only goes to show what we have robbed from those poor people in the last four years. But I submit it will not cost anything at all like what some of the newspapers suggest when they talk of the restoration of the shilling costing one million pounds per annum. No such thing. I suppose, putting it at the outside figure, the cost would not be more than half a million. You cannot, however, well say it will cost so much, because there has been so much of a reduction in the amount paid out in old age pensions since the 1924 Act was passed and for this reason.

Since the 1924 Act was passed the administration has been tightened up considerably. Many persons were admitted and got pensions before that date who never should have got the pension and who have had it taken from them since. I hope the Ministry will go on taking pensions from people who never should have got them rather than that they should penalise those who are entitled to them. If the Ministry had adopted that attitude from the beginning it would have been quite right, for we all know that there was, after the Old Age Pensions Act was passed, a looseness in the administration of the Act when the British Government was here and when it was looked upon as a patriotic thing to get as much out of the British as you possibly could. The result was that many persons not entitled to pensions in the ordinary course did eventually get them. So far as I am concerned, I have no brief for them, but I say that the machinery should not be tightened up in such a way as to penalise people who are entitled to pensions.

If this resolved itself into a question between the reduction of taxation and restoring the cut to the old age pensioners, I say emphatically that the mass of the people in this country would stand for an honourable discharge of their obligations to the blind and to the old rather than for a dishonourable economy, secured at the expense of the old and the blind people. I have no hesitation in making that statement. I believe the vast majority of the people of this country are anxious that we should do justice to the old people, and I believe that if this matter were left to a free vote of the House, the House would be unanimous in support of the motion and would give the Minister all the power he needs to provide whatever liability would be incurred by this increase.

The only people that will benefit if the Minister's amendment is carried are those who are wholly, or almost wholly, dependent on the pension itself. No small farmer in the congested areas of the West of Ireland, where there are small farmers and poor farmers, will benefit. None of these will get the extra shilling, because what the Minister is giving with one hand he is taking back with the other. A person whose income does not exceed £18 5/- a year was entitled to 9/- a week. That person remains in the same position, because the Minister will give 10/- only to those whose income does not exceed £15 12/- a year. In other words, a man whose means, from any source, is estimated by the pensions officer to be valued at 7/- per week does not get the extra shilling. I must say I was amazed when I read this amendment. I had hoped, now that the country was prospering, that it had turned the corner, that the Government were prepared to make restitution. Apparently they are not, even though the country wants them to make restitution and desires that this cut should be restored, not in part, as the Minister proposes, but in full. The Ministry are perfectly well aware of that. There may be some difference of opinion in the country as to whether or not the Ministry should reduce taxation upon beer and spirits, but there is very little difference of opinion as to whether they should or not restore this cut in old age pensions.

I hope Deputies will do their duty in this matter; that they will voice not their own personal opinions or those of their Parties but the opinions of those who sent them here; that they will have due regard to what their constituents want them to do, and if they do that, I have no doubt whatever but that they will vote for this motion. I ask the House to insist, by the passing of the motion, that we give back to the weakest section of the people. the old and the blind—to use a word that is perhaps a strong word, but which I think is the proper word to describe it—what we have taken from them, what I might say we have robbed them of for the last four years. I doubt if it was ever necessary to do it, but if it was the necessity has passed. We have taken enough from these old people. We have made them sacrifice far more than any other section of the community was asked to sacrifice. If there is one section of the people who can say that the setting up of the Free State meant worse conditions for them it is the old age pensioners. I hope that the House will, by a majority, if the Government does not agree to accept the motion, remove this stain that was placed upon the State four years ago, and do justice to the old and the blind.

Mr. T. MURPHY

I desire, formally, to second the motion.

MINISTER for FINANCE (Mr. Blythe)

I move:—

To delete all words after the word "so" in the second line, and substitute the words "that a pension at the rate of ten shillings per week shall be payable from the 6th day of April next to every pensioner whose yearly means, as calculated under the Old Age Pensions Acts, do not exceed £15 12s. 6d."

In the course of my Budget statement, in April, 1925, I referred to the desire that the Government felt for a revision of the Old Age Pensions Act of 1924. I dealt with various remissions of taxation that were then being given, and I said that it was not proposed at that time to apply any part of the surplus towards increasing the Old Age Pensions Vote. I indicated that the reason for that decision was that the country had been in a state of economic decline since the beginning, in 1920, of the post-war slump; that it was difficult for the country to recover economic health as long as the burden of taxation was as great as it was, and I said that we felt at the time that it was necessary above all things to give relief in the burden of taxation so that we might put the country on the way to economic recovery. I said that if before the end of the year things became better we would revise the Old Age Pensions Act before giving any further relief from taxation. Things had not improved at the end of that year; the decline had continued. But we have now at least reached the position where we have actually turned the corner and where, although the improvement is not very great, there is a definite and real improvement. The various figures that have been published go to indicate that. Investigations which have been made by the Revenue Commissioners into profits go to show that during the past year there has been an actual improvement in conditions. It is that improvement that, in my opinion, gives justification at present for some improvement in the conditions of the old age pensioners.

We have succeeded, by the policy of reducing all the burden of taxation, in checking that decline in industry which was going on. If we had not succeeded in checking that decline it would not have served the old age pensioners to have continued their pensions at the rate that was in existence before 1924. We have to consider at present whether what we propose to do will not check the economic recovery that has begun. I believe that to pass Deputy Morrissey's motion and to put upon the country the increased taxation which that would involve would be a dangerous thing, a thing that would be detrimental to the country at large, and detrimental to the old age pensioners themselves.

Mr. G. BOLAND

You do not know what is good for them.

Mr. BLYTHE

The Deputy will have an opportunity of talking when I am done. Quite apart from any increase in the Old Age Pension Vote, it will be extremely difficult, and every device will have to be resorted to, to avoid any increase in taxation in the coming Budget. Every penny that may be given to the old age pensioners, as a result of a change in the rate of pension now, will have to be found by increased taxation, and the old age pensioners themselves will have to bear their share of that taxation. The amendment that I propose is one which will benefit the majority of the old age pensioners. Almost 60 per cent. of them will benefit. They will be the pensioners who have less to rely on than the others outside the old age pension. The cost of carrying out the proposal in my amendment would be immediately about £150,000 per annum. Ultimately it would be about £175,000 per annum, because there is a substantial number of old age pensioners who are at present being paid at the old rate and, if no change were made, in due course that number would be paid at the reduced rates brought into operation by the Act of 1924; so that while the immediate cost would be about £150,000 the ultimate cost would be about £175,000.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Would the Minister kindly explain what he means by £175,000—how the increase is going to come about?

Mr. BLYTHE

It would not be an actual cash increase, but it would be an additional charge, because automatically there would be some reduction in the cost of the old age pensions through those who are now being paid at 10/- a week being replaced in the course of a couple of years by people who would only be paid at the rate of 9/- a week. Deputy Morrissey's motion would cost about £500,000. Perhaps that is a fair estimate. The Act of 1924 brought about a reduction of £610,000. There has been a decrease in the number of old age pensioners, and the repeal of that Act would not bring the cost up to the figure that it was before the Act was passed. We will take it that Deputy Morrissey's motion would involve an extra charge of £500,000. Every penny of that £500,000 would have to be got by increased taxation.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Save it out of the Army.

Mr. BLYTHE

There is no use in bringing in other things. The poorest section of the old age pensioners, whom I propose to benefit, would have to pay their share also of an increase to those who are distinctly better off than themselves.

Mr. DAVIN

Would the Minister explain what he means by that statement?

Mr. BLYTHE

I said that there was clear proof that economic conditions had improved, that the decline which had continued for so long was stopped —that there was a definite improvement. That improvement has not yet been reflected in the tax yield, and it will not be reflected in the coming year, nor perhaps in the year after. We must look, not for an increased yield from taxation if taxation is maintained at its present rate, but for some decrease in the yield of taxation. We cannot, because we know things have improved, reckon that we will be able to meet a charge of £500,000, in whole or in part, as a result of the improved yield. In order to get that we would have definitely to impose taxation.

I would like Deputies to reflect on the increase that would be necessary in order to get £500,000. A tea duty of 6d. in the lb. would do it, and an increase in the sugar duty of ¾d. in the lb. would do it. I do not believe it would be possible to do it by any increase in the liquor duty, because consumption would further decline and no additional revenue would result. But supposing consumption would not decline as a result of the increased tax, it would mean an additional 16/- on the standard barrel of beer or an additional 15/- on a gallon of whiskey. As I say, it cannot be got from any increase in the liquor duties. A sum like that cannot be got by any sort of luxury tax. You cannot get it by a tax on imports of carpets or imports of lace. Taxes on luxuries will produce small amounts. A tax to produce £500,000 would have to be on some article of necessity and of common use. The 15 per cent. duty on apparel does not bring in very much more than £500,000, and the tax on boots only brings in half that amount. The sum of £500,000 is not so very far short of the additional Agricultural Grant which was given a few years ago, which is something less than £600,000. That additional Agricultural Grant meant that in most counties there was relief in rates of about 1/3 or 1/4, so that to carry Deputy Morrissey's motion and act on it would be something like the equivalent of increasing the rates all over the country by 1/3 in the £. There are people who will say that that should be done and that this money should be expended, but they would be very vehemently opposed to an increase of rates in their own county by 1/3 in the £.

Mr. CORRY

What about reducing salaries?

Mr. BLYTHE

That has been done.

Mr. G. BOLAND

That is unthinkable.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

took the Chair.

Mr. BLYTHE

Deputies should not have the view that we can help old age pensioners by increasing the rates of pension, irrespective of what we do in the matter of taxation. Taxation has a very definite reaction on the cost of living, and the value of any pension that may be given to old age pensioners depends on the cost of living. When the pensions were increased from 5/- to 10/- the cost of living figure was about 130. That figure is now down to about 73. For the last four quarters the average was a little over 73. Assuming that we had the cost of living at 180, at which it was when we decided to make a change in the old age pension, 10/- would equal in purchasing power 12/9 at 230, which was the figure when the pension was increased to 10/-.

A DEPUTY

Not in house rents.

Mr. BLYTHE

If we take it the other way round. at 180 7/10 would equal 10/- at the time that the rate was increased to 10/-. Even within the past two or three years there have been fluctuations. Three years ago, in January, 1925, the cost of living figure was 195, or something over 20 points more than it is at the present time. Nine shillings now would be as good to an old age pensioner as 10/- was in January, 1925, and if we were to increase all pensions by 1/- weekly and let the cost of living as a result of taxation run up 20 or 21 points we could take that shilling away in its entirely from the old age pensioners. It is not, therefore, simply a question of giving the pensions back without minding the question of taxation that would be necessary. There is no use increasing the pensions if as a result of increased taxation we will raise the cost of living, so that the purchasing power will be reduced to the figure it was at originally.

Deputy Morrissey talked a great deal about robbing the old age pensioners. One of the difficulties in dealing with this old age pension question is that everybody thinks it is a great thing to make political capital out of. It is always talked of in a very heated manner, and is extremely difficult to keep to the facts in regard to it. Let us for a moment compare the condition of the old age pensioner now and the condition of the old age pensioner pre-war. As I have stated, the cost of living figure for the last four quarters has averaged about 73, or a little over that. On that basis the equivalent to 5/- pre-war would be 8/8. When it was decided to reduce the pension to 9/- the cost of living figure, as I have said, was 180. At 180 9/- is the exact equivalent to the pre-war 5/-, so that all the talk about robbing the old age pensioner has no foundation whatever. The poorest and the majority of the old age pensioners did not suffer as compared with their pre-war condition. True, a certain section of pensioners did suffer, those whose means were greater than what was allowed for the maximum pension.

I suggest to the House that the country is not in a position to stand a sharp rise in taxation at the present time; that there are other hardships than those suffered by the old age pensioners. There are hardships that, perhaps, affect the old age pensioners too, resulting from unemployment, and we cannot afford to neglect this. It is hard to point to the damage done to industry by a particular increase in taxation. You cannot trace the effects of the increase through all the ramifications of industry and find just where it stops the wheel. But it cannot be doubted that an increase in taxation is a handicap to industry. An increase in the cost of living does increase the cost of production, and it stops and hinders the wheels in the running. The best thing to do at the moment is to give an increase that will put the majority of the poorest pensioners at the rate at which they were before 1924—a rate that is more valuable than it was in 1924—and to wait for some further progress economically before we turn to assist those whose own means are greater. We have fixed the figure of 16/- a week as the amount which the old age pensioners may have between pension and personal means. We think, having regard to all the conditions in the country, that the most desirable thing is to bring some more of the pensioners up to the total of 16/- a week and not at the present moment to bring any of them above the 16/-. As I have already said, if we bring any of them above the 16/-, then those who have not 16/- a week will be helping to pay for the cost of that.

We have given a promise that an amendment will be made in the law which defines blindness for the purpose of the blind pensions. That amendment will throw additional charges on the Exchequer. There are some 3,000 blind persons at present. Suppose 1,000 are added to the number, you have an increase of £25,000 there. Quite recently the scale for calculating the means has been the subject of discussion between the officers dealing with appeals in the Department of Local Government and Public Health and the officers of the Department of Agriculture, and certain revisions have been effected, the result of which will be to increase the charge for old age pensions, even if neither the amendment nor the motion were passed.

All sorts of other objects of expenditure are being pressed upon the Government, and I do not say that they are not being rightly pressed. We are asked to do things in connection with technical education in the Gaeltacht. We are asked to make certain changes with regard to the pensions of national teachers. We are providing a superannuation scheme for secondary teachers. We are asked to do more for drainage, and a great many objects of expenditure are being pressed upon us, and perhaps rightly pressed upon us. But they mean additional expenditure.

If we are to go further than is proposed in my amendment at the present time, I am satisfied that we will postpone action on measures which are necessary and on measures which will re-act beneficially on the whole economic fabric. We will increase taxation at the time when economic recovery has just begun. We will throw back that economic recovery; and we will increase the hardships of unemployment by perhaps putting up the cost of living; and we will deprive the old age pensioners of part of the benefit received by the addition to their pensions. We will deprive them of the advantages gained from that increase, and we will do that for the benefit of those who are comparatively well off amongst the old age pensioners at the cost of those that are the poorest. If we do what is suggested in the amendment we will relieve all the hardest cases, we will relieve the majority of the old age pensioners, and we will do that in such a way and at such a comparatively moderate price that will not endanger the progress that has begun; that will not increase the cost of living and that will enable the present tendency in the cost of living to continue.

If that tendency continues and if the average cost comes down from 73 to 63 or to 53, then we will have done more actual benefit for the old age pensioners than if we increased the rate of the pension. People who concentrate on the rate simply because the rate is easily understood, and simply because it is a thing out of which political capital can be more easily made, are not looking as closely into the problem as it deserves. I suggest to Deputies that as the policy of reducing taxation has now had the result that was hoped for when it was initiated, they should not do anything that would endanger the continued reduction in the cost of living, that they should let that reduction develop, meanwhile doing all that is asked for the majority of the old age pensioners, and the poorest of the old age pensioners, and that we can let these get the full benefit of what we do for them by this reduction in the cost of living. We can now give them a full shilling in value, but if we do what Deputy Morrissey suggests we will be giving the old age pensioner nominally a shilling increase, but the real increase will be less than what is proposed in this motion.

Dr. RYAN

I would like to support the motion proposed by Deputy Morrissey. In my opinion that motion is by no means an extreme one. I had hoped when the Minister for Finance was speaking on the amendment that he would have given us some idea of what the cost would be in putting the old age pensioners on a level with the pensioners in Northern Ireland. He did that with regard to the old age pensioners, but I thought he would have gone further and that perhaps he would have alluded to the contributory pensions granted in Northern Ireland on the contributory basis from 65 to 70. I would like to have the figures in that connection if they are available. We may accept the figures given by the Minister for Finance with regard to his amendment, and what it would cost to give effect to the motion introduced by Deputy Morrissey. We are told that if this motion is carried it will be an extra cost of £500,000 a year on the people of the country. If we thought that the old age pensioners deserved to get back to the conditions that they enjoyed in 1924 we would examine the possibilities of raising this £500,000. The Minister for Finance has suggested certain ways. He suggested, for instance, a duty of 6d. a pound on tea, and ¾d. a pound on sugar. There are other ways which might be suggested from other quarters.

We might, for instance, save half a million pounds on the Army or half a million on the Civic Guards. We might, perhaps, send a couple of millions less in tribute to England every other year. There are many ways in which we could make a saving of half a million pounds. The Minister tells us now that by granting this shilling to the old age pensioner we are going to do him a disservice, because by giving him the shilling we are going to raise the cost of living, and in that way it will cost him more; in other words, the old age pensioners will have to drink two pounds of tea in the week, because we are told that if we put 6d. in the lb. on tea it will raise this money. The pensioner will have to pay more than his share, and, when it comes to simple calculation, we find that the pensioner will either have to drink 21bs. of tea or consume 16lbs. of sugar each week.

Practically every Party in this House agrees that it would be a good thing for this country if Northern Ireland and the Free State were to come together again and form a whole Ireland once more. But how can we expect the old age pensioner in Northern Ireland to vote for unity if he is in any way selfish about the pension he is receiving? Not only are the people victimised who have an income of less than £15 per year, but the whole way up we find that pensioners who are receiving even small amounts are also victimised as compared with pensioners in Northern Ireland. We find, for instance, in one calculation that I was making, that a person in Northern Ireland, if he had a capital sum of £400, would receive ten shillings a week, and if a person with a similar amount lived on this side of the border he would receive one shilling a week. There is there a difference of nine shillings, so that we would have a considerable number of people receiving small and large pensions in Northern Ireland who would be very much against unity considering the conditions we have here. That is why I was anxious to learn from the Minister if he could give us figures, or even tell us if it was his intention at any time to try to put our people here on the same basis with regard to contributory pensions from 65 to 70.

Deputy Morrissey spoke of people being knocked off who were not entitled to pensions, and he mentioned that a saving was made for those who were entitled to them. That is all to the good, certainly, but that sort of thing can be overdone. We are continuously receiving complaints that the officers concerned are far too—I do not know what you would call it—stringent; in fact, that they are not umpires, but that they are partial against people getting the pension. I suppose they are put there to judge a case fairly, but, as a matter of fact, they have been accused of preventing, as far as possible, people getting the pension. I have known quite definitely of cases where old people are prepared to swear affidavits that, being over 70 themselves, they know that other persons are over 70, having gone to school with them. But even that is not always found satisfactory by the Revenue Commissioners.

The Minister for Finance tells us that his amendment would make a difference of somewhere from £150,000 per annum to £175,000 per annum. Therefore, the difference between his amendment and Deputy Morrissey's motion would be, roughly, about £350,000 per annum. So between the amendment and the motion we are, at any rate, only dealing with that sum of money. That £350,000, as was pointed out to us, could be saved on certain services at present, or could be raised by imposing additional taxes. At any rate, it would give comfort to a large number of people who are at present not enjoying what you would call frugal comfort. It may be true that the person who was receiving 10/- when the cost of living was at its highest would be as well off now on 7/10. I am sure that is true according to the cost of living figures, but that does not prove that they were sufficiently well off on the 10/- when the cost of living was high. If the argument were put forward here that the labourer in Dublin is better off now than he was in 1910, that is no proof that he is sufficiently well off now.

I am sure we are very glad to know that an amendment is being introduced with regard to the law relating to blind persons' pensions, and we can await the amendment to see if it is satisfactory before we deal with the blind persons. I support the motion introduced by Deputy Morrissey. I think it is not only not a rash proposal, but it is very moderate, and I am sure that, as Deputy Morrissey said, if Deputies in this House were left to themselves the motion would be passed unanimously.

Mr. CASSIDY

In supporting the motion moved by Deputy Morrissey on behalf of the Labour Party, I would like to direct the attention of Deputies to the wide margin as between the motion and the amendment. Deputy Morrissey's motion calls for the restoration of the statutory rates of pension and conditions governing the payment of same to the level in operation before the passing of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1924. The amendment stipulates for a ten shillings per week pension as from April next to pensioners whose yearly means do not exceed £15 12s. 6d. I would like to point out that prior to the passing of the 1924 Act the old age pensioner whose means did not exceed £26 5s. was entitled to the full pension of ten shillings per week. I might say, candidly, that I look upon the amendment put forward by the Minister as absolute camouflage in order to throw dust into the eyes of the public; an attempt on behalf of the Government to make the man in the street believe that all the reductions as far as the old age pensioners are concerned are being wiped out. I hope when the Deputies on the Government Benches flock into the lobby to vote they will not be blinded by this attempt to throw dust into their eyes. Personally, I fear they will, because, standing here looking across the Government Benches seeing the empty Benches, I come to the conclusion that the Government Deputies will flock to record their votes like machines on this occasion, just as in the past, in favour of this amendment rather than in favour of Deputy Morrissey's motion.

The reductions in the old age pensions under the 1924 Act have often been referred to in this House and from Government platforms as reductions of one shilling per week. I contend that that statement is altogether misleading. Prior to the passing of the 1924 Act there was only one scale in operation, namely, that laid down in the Act of 1919, but under the 1924 Act we find that old age pensioners who had been in receipt of pensioners prior to and up to the passing of the 1924 Act had their pensions reduced by one shilling a week in some cases, and in other cases up to 4/- a week. Under the First Schedule of the Act of 1924, in regard to future rates of pensions, we find that pensioners who were entitled previously to draw ten shillings a week are now entitled only to draw six shillings a week. In some cases pensioners who under the 1919 Act were allowed to draw eight shillings a week are now entitled only to five shillings per week, and others who were entitled to draw six shillings per week are now only entitled to draw three shillings. This is the Act in connection with which various Government Deputies and President Cosgrave and the Minister for Finance went round the country telling the people that the pensions were being reduced only by one shilling per week.

Another matter to which I would like to refer is the administration of the Old Age Pensions Act. I believe that the delays which take place in the Department of Local Government in regard to appeals in reference to old age pensions are very often tantamount to legalised robbery of the poor, the aged and infirm. Some time ago the Government set up a Committee to inquire into the question of old age pensions and also of blind persons pensions. I would like to quote a few extracts from the findings of that particular Committee. The report of the Committee said that several witnesses stated that there was a general feeling amongst members of the Pension Committees that the Committees did not count, that they were mere figureheads, and that wherever a conflict arose between a Committee and a pensions officer the latter almost invariably appealed, and the appeal was in most cases upheld. The report also says that another matter that helps to foster a spirit of distrust and antagonism between the Pensions Committees and officers is the system of secret instructions, as some witnesses called them, and on which an officer is bound to act in investigating and reporting on claims. The instructions are confidentially issued to pension officers by the Revenue Commissioners in regard to the performance of their duties. These instructions were not put before the Committee by the Government inquiring into the whole position.

Speaking in the Dáil on the 6th March, 1924, on the Third Stage of the Old Age Pensions Bill the Minister for Finance stated that one felt it hard to refuse some special concession to the blind because of their pitiable condition. I would like to know whether the Minister was serious in saying that or was he only playing to the gallery and, as he alleges some Deputies in this House are doing, making political capital out of their position. I want to cite certain cases in order to prove that there are absolutely unnecessary delays in regard to the administration of the Old Age Pensions Act and the Blind Pensions Act. I have before me a case of an old worn-out labourer in Donegal who, on the 8th April, 1927, made application for a blind pension. His case was appealed against, although he furnished a medical certificate from the local doctor. No doctor went from Dublin to Letterkenny, although the Letterkenny Pensions Committee wrote to the Minister on the 24th September and received a reply acknowledging the letter and stating that the medical officer would visit the district as soon as possible, having regard to other necessary arrangements. I took up the case a few months after that and received a similar reply. That poor man had absolutely no means and was on the verge of starvation and would have died were it not for the efforts of the St. Vincent de Paul Society. His pension was held back.

General MULCAHY

What about the County Board of Health?

Mr. CASSIDY

Surely there is something wrong there. The sequel to the case was that after a lapse of ten months the Local Government medical officer visited Donegal, examined the claimant, and decided to award him a pension of nine shillings a week as from the 9th February. The payment was not made retrospective for the previous ten months, therefore, owing to the delay on the part of the Local Government Department, that poor blind man was systematically robbed.

Mr. BLYTHE

I would ask your ruling, sir, as to whether the Deputy's remarks are relevant.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I would like the Deputy to conclude his quotation of that case, and I would point out that we are not discussing the administration of the Old Age Pensions Act. There will be time to discuss that later. Clearly we cannot discuss individual cases on this motion. Under legislation there must be administration of some kind or another, whatever the legislation is, whether it provides for a pension of ten, nine, or eight shillings a week. We cannot discuss administration now. I would ask the Deputy to get back to the amendment.

Mr. CASSIDY

I cite this particular case to prove the manner in which the Act is being administered.

General MULCAHY

I wonder would the Deputy, when describing the starving condition of this man, say whether the County Board of Health or the Relieving Officer did anything in the case?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

That is also irrelevant. I would ask the Deputy to get back to the amendment.

General MULCAHY

It is a question of completing the irrelevancy.

Mr. CASSIDY

In regard to the manner in which this Act affects the poorest of the poor I believe that Deputies on the Government Benches should vote in favour of Deputy Morrissey's motion, because I believe the Act should never have been passed. The Labour Party opposed it in 1924 and they still say that it is wrong to put it into operation. Mr. Blythe, on the Second Reading, in 1924 said: "We would not propose to make a cut if it were not for the dire financial necessity under which we labour." He went on to say: "It is very easy to say you should get £200,000 or £300,000 here or there, but when you come to effect any economies you find it is not such an easy thing at all and that it requires a good deal of effort to get any economy actually carried into effect." Mr. Blythe in 1924 endeavoured to balance his Budget but I ask the House why was it necessary for him to place the old age pensioners and the blind people in the front line trenches while the Governor-General and his expensive household were kept in the background? Mr. Blythe says that he is out to effect economies if he can. He said the same in 1924, but in 1924 did he explore every avenue possible to bring about reductions?

In contravention of that I will quote a statement by President Cosgrave made in the Dáil on the First Stage of the Bill, in which he said: "There are two or three services that have been examined prior to the deduction, the Army Education and Old Age Pensions. I do not know that the Minister for Finance has examined closely a great many of the other services; he has not completed the whole of his examination yet." He did not, therefore, explore all the avenues. He took the easiest way and reduced the pensions of the most helpless class —the poor men and women. Deputy Dr. Ryan referred to the question of the unity of Ireland. I believe the question of the unity of Ireland is, to a large extent, bound up with the social services obtaining in the Saorstát. I read the other day a speech delivered in Dublin by Mr. Kyle, a member of the Northern Parliament, in which he said: "If you want to bring about unity in Ireland the Free State will have to improve their social services." Deputy Dr. Ryan pointed out that you will not get the people in Tyrone, Derry and Fermanagh to come into the Free State if you say "We will reduce your pensions." We believe it is up to the Government and to the Deputies, for it does not rest exclusively with the Government, to act justly in this matter. I understand that the Donegal County Council has called on the Deputies representing the Donegal constituencies, and there are four of them representing that county sitting on the Cumann na nGaedheal Benches, to vote for this motion, and if they do it will mean that the motion will be carried, and the old age pensioners will get back what was systematically robbed from them by the present Government, although the pensions were not given in the first instance by this Government. I hope Deputies will look at this from a humanitarian standpoint, and will place the sufferings of these old age pensioners in the foreground rather than the interests of their Party.

Dr. WARD

I have listened with considerable attention to the statement from the Minister for Finance that the resources of this country cannot bear the financial burden the adoption of the motion standing in the name of Deputy Morrissey would involve. If the financial resources of the country will not allow a more generous treatment of the old and infirm than is indicated by the amendment standing in the name of the Minister for Finance, we must ask ourselves can the country afford the extravagant expenditure we see around us in other directions? Under the 1919 Act a person whose means, as calculated under that Act, did not exceed £26 5s. per annum was entitled to the maximum pension of 10/- per week. If it exceeded £26 5s., but did not exceed £31 10s., a weekly pension of 8/- was allowed. If it exceeded £36 15s. but did not exceed £42, a pension of 4/- was allowed, and so on down. If an income exceeded £47 5s. but did not exceed £49 17s. 6d., a pension of 1/- per week was allowed. That was the basis when the British Government was directly responsible for the administration of the social services in this part of Ireland, but when the Parliament of the Free State assumed control of the finances of the twenty-six county area, it was discovered that the British Government had been far too generous with the aged poor. The 1924 Act reduced the basis on which the maximum pension should be allowed to an income of £18 5s. per annum, and at the same time the maximum amount of pension payable was reduced to the sum of 9/- per week. Again, the 1919 Act lays it down that an

"Account shall be taken of the yearly value of any property belonging to a person (not being property personally used or enjoyed by him) which is invested, or is otherwise put to profitable use by him, or which, though capable of investment or profitable use, is not so invested, or put to profitable use by him, the yearly value of that property being taken to be one-twentieth part of the capital value thereof."

The 1924 Act amends the method of calculating the value of such property very drastically. It provides:

"The yearly value of any such property shall be calculated as follows:—(i) The first twenty-five pounds of the capital value of the said property shall be excluded; and (ii) The yearly value of so much of the capital value of the said property as exceeds the sum of twenty-five pounds shall be taken to be one-tenth part of the capital value thereof."

It would be of interest to know by what method of calculation the Minister for Finance concluded that the capital value of any property has increased by 100 per cent. since 1919. I think it is generally admitted that the capital value of the class of property held by claimants to the old age pension has very considerably come down since 1919, especially house property and small farms. It ought not to be lost sight of that the small farming community and the labouring classes contribute very generously, and more than their just share, in indirect taxation to the pensions and salaries of the other groups in the State. If the country cannot afford more generous treatment of these poor old people who have toiled all their lives in producing the food or mechanical requirements of the country, it would appear to me the time is coming when there should be some levelling up, and that we should ask ourselves: "Can the country afford the extravagant salaries and pensions these people contribute to that are paid to the other sections of the community, largely in the State service, such as civil servants, teachers, police, local government officials, and so on?" Most of these classes when they reach the age of 65, can retire on pensions of two-thirds of their earning capacity. These pensions are contributed to by the general community—by the labouring and small farming classes. I certainly find it hard to follow how a country that can afford to pay so generously these salaries and pensions cannot afford to give the labouring and small farming classes a retiring allowance equal to two-thirds of their earning capacity when they were able to earn. It appears by the Minister's amendment that he is prepared to give a pension of 10/- a week to anyone whose income does not exceed £15 12s. 6d. per year. I wonder is the Minister not a little bit ashamed! Not a bit, he says. Well, I suppose I am not surprised. Is he not aware that in calculating the income of a claimant even charitable donations are taken into consideration as part of the person's income?

If a claimant has a friend or relative at home or abroad who contributes any food or clothing or in any way contributes towards keeping a person from dying of starvation or want, all this is taken into account in calculating the income. The only one form of relief to the poor in their homes that is not calculated as income under the Act is home assistance. The Minister for Finance apparently has figured it out that if a claimant has an income from all sources, charitable and otherwise, of more than £15 12s. 6d. per year, then the country cannot afford to pay that person an old age pension of 10/- per week. A pension of 10/- per week brings in £26 a year, so that the Minister appears to be satisfied that a person over 70 years of age, having an income of £15 12s. 6d. a year plus the maximum pension, which is £26 a year, or a total income of £41 12s. 6d. a year, can procure all the necessaries of life that he requires in his declining years out of that amount. It is like "passing rich on £40 a year," but claimants for old age pensions must be forgiven if they ask themselves how does the Minister conclude that he himself is worth practically £40 a week, while they are expected to live on £40 a year?

There is great complaint with regard to the interpretation of the Blind Pensions Act. I think that the conditions governing payment under this Act are certainly different from the conditions that governed it in the year 1919. Section 1 of the Act of 1920 provides that the person must have attained the age of 50 and be so blind as "to be unable to perform any work for which eyesight is essential." It would appear to me that a person who is blind at 30 years of age is about as helpless as a person who is blind at 50 years of age. Leaving that aside for the moment, it is perfectly evident that it was not the intention of the Act that a person must be stone blind in order to qualify for a pension, but that is how the Act is being administered. If a person can perform any work whatever, even groping their way about a house, my experience has been that these people, not being completely blind, are not allowed the pension. The Act says so blind as "to be unable to perform any work for which eyesight is essential." Obviously, the Act meant to convey any work by which a man could earn a living—not any work whatever. A man, for instance, might be able to tie his boots or, from force of habit, be able to go to the byre to let out the cows, and yet his earning capacity, by reason of his defective eyesight, might be reduced almost to nil; but as the Act is administered such a person would not be entitled to a pension. I notice that the Minister stated that an amendment will shortly be introduced on that head. I am glad to hear that. A more generous interpretation of the Act as it stands would certainly meet a big number of the grievances that exist.

The Minister for Finance seems to be worried about the danger of increasing taxation in the next Budget if any more generous terms than he has suggested be given to the old age pensioners. I suggest to him, in all seriousness, that the way to provide this money is to reduce expenditure. The five million pounds that he signed away recently in his trip to London would go a long way towards providing pensions for the poor people of this country. When the Minister is considering the cost of living bonus, the Estimates, and figures like that, he should at least consider the economic position of one class in the community, namely, the small farmers. Their position at the present time, as I have good reason to know, is that there is no price for anything they have to sell. Their income was never lower than what it is at the present time not in my memory, nor perhaps in the memory of the Father of the House on the opposite benches. I hope that, when a division comes to be taken on this question, Deputies will take a broad view on it and will treat, if not with generosity, at least with some degree of justice, this very deserving class in the community. I have directed their attention to some of the avenues where necessary economies can be effected in order to save the country from any increased taxation on that head.

Mr. LAW

I do not propose to follow Deputy Ward into questions of administration. If I were to do that it is probable that he and I would find that we had a good deal in common, but the terms of the motion seem to me to preclude a discussion on that matter. This cannot be considered a party question, because I am certain there is no member, no matter where he sits, who does not desire that the most generous treatment possible should be given to the old people. We are not inhuman merely because we are supporters of the Government. We retain, I hope, some spark of ordinary decent human feeling. Even if we had no such feeling and were only to consider the matter from the lowest possible motive, we should certainly desire this increase to be given—that is, if we only wanted to save ourselves a lot of trouble. I think I am correct in stating that a very large part of the correspondence which every Deputy receives is made up of appeals on behalf of old age pensioners, so that if every person were able to get 10/- a week we, at least, would be saved a great deal of trouble. Add to that the fact that all of us naturally have some kind of respect— I will not say fear—for our constituents, and there is certainly nothing which would be so sure of earning the thanks and gratitude of our constituents for us as being able to raise everyone's pension by several shillings a week. Deputies on the opposite benches need have no fear that so far as our private feelings are concerned we are any different to themselves.

The whole difficulty comes down to a question as to how you are going to bridge the gap which exists between the cost of the proposal of Deputy Morrissey and the cost of the amendment moved by the Minister for Finance. The Minister for Finance has put that gap at, I think, £350,000. We are now provided with one or two suggestions for the bridging of that gap. Deputy Cassidy, a moment or two ago, for example, suggested that we might throw into the gulf the Governor-General's salary. I am not concerned with the Governor-General's salary, but, no doubt, the £10,000 which is paid to the Governor-General would go some way to provide an additional shilling for pensions, but how far? Take £10,000 out of the £350,000, and you are left with £340,000. "Then," said Deputy Ward, "there is the £5,000,000 that you signed away in London."

A DEPUTY

That would go a long way.

Mr. LAW

That would go a long way, and, in fact, the Deputy and I might put in a claim ourselves. I am a good way off the present limit of age, but really, if the Minister for Finance had that sum to play with I am not at all sure that I should not be pressing him with some hope to reduce the age to 50. I suggest to the Deputy who interrupted me that there is such a thing as common honesty. There is such a thing as national honesty and national honour. When a Government or its representative undertakes obligations, these obligations have to be honoured. That is all I have to say on that subject.

I now turn to the much more interesting question of how you are to find the money. You have got, as far as I see, allowing for the Governor-General's salary, to provide £340,000. How are you going to find that? It is suggested that you might find it by reducing the salaries of civil servants. Deputy de Valera has made himself responsible, I think, for the suggestion that no one should have a salary in this country of over £1,000. I am not sure of the exact amount that could be produced if all salaries over £1,000 at present were reduced to £1,000, but I suggest that it would be very small. I have not gone into it, and perhaps the Minister will deal with it later, but I am perfectly sure it would not come to more than £20,000 more. If I am right, that means that you have over £300,000 to find.

Then it is said that Ministers' salaries should be reduced. Deputy Dr. Ward is very curious to know how the Minister could possibly consider himself worth, I think he said, £40 a week, but as a matter of fact he receives nothing like that. It is very much less than that. The Minister is far too modest to answer for himself, but I might be able to answer for him. There is possibly no worse form of economy any country could embark upon than to underpay the men in charge of public affairs. I say that in these matters you have got to take into account the remuneration ordinarily paid in the professions and business, and if, in addition to the many other worries, responsibilities and duties which fall on the shoulders of your public men, you are going to make it impossible for them to gain something like a remuneration which will support themselves and their families and which they could gain by following out their own ideas in the professions or in business, then you will find indeed that that is false economy. You will find, no doubt, that you will cut a few thousand pounds off your estimates, but you will also find that your public affairs are very much less efficiently conducted. The consequence of that will be not a saving, but an enormous increase in the general public expenditure.

I am really speaking quite seriously. We all, I am quite certain, and not least of us the Minister for Finance, would be only delighted if we could really find, without increasing taxation or through real genuine economy, the means for bridging the gap and restoring the pensions for the old people, at least to the point at which they formerly stood. So far I have heard no such suggestion. I have not heard a single suggestion that adequately meets the case, and until I do it is my intention to vote for the amendment.

Mr. T. MURPHY

In supporting this motion, I think that there is general agreement or nearly general agreement that the measure we are reviewing and of which we are asking an amendment, was a very undesirable measure. It has been said frequently that the Amending Pensions Act of 1924 was one of the most reactionary measures ever placed on any Statute Book. It has been properly described this evening as a slur on this Dáil. No justification was offered for the measure at the time it was introduced beyond the reason advanced by the Minister of the time that it was necessary to save money. It was really a measure I think that we were all ashamed of. Because that was so, the opportunity that we are getting here now of reviewing that decision and righting that wrong ought to be welcomed. I rise here not so much to stress the hardship it has imposed on people who lost a shilling a week in their old age pensions as to stress the effects of the Act on people who lost far more than a shilling a week. In that connection I would like to say that it is a hardship which applies particularly in the constituency which I represent. My colleagues here from West Cork can bear me out in stating that the outstanding hardship of the Act of 1924 has been the cut of several shillings a week which it has imposed on poor people. I am rather surprised that Deputy Law representing a constituency similar to some extent to the constituency of West Cork, has not thought it proper to refer to that aspect of the case. The average small farmer in a congested area who, in the ordinary way prior to the passing of the Act of 1924 would receive ten shillings per week, receives a pension of five or six shillings a week or less in some cases at the present time. He received that pension because he has a little holding and a few cattle. His case at present calls for review and there is a very clear case for going some way to meet it.

There are many other people affected by the 1924 Act. There are, for instance, people who are being maintained for reasons of charity and humanity by relatives other than sons and daughters. They find that the valuation of a house, say, in a town, or a little holding in the country, is looked up and used to deprive them of the pension to which in the ordinary way they would be entitled. That is a very great hardship. If people of that class were not maintained in the way in which they are, they would have to seek refuge in the local poor law institution. Deputies from the congested areas are very familiar with that class of case since the 1924 Act was passed. The Act also operates harshly in other directions. If a little holding that was visited presented the appearance of being fairly well kept and more tidy and comfortable looking than others, the claimant for the old age pension suffered by reason of that fact. That point has been stressed here year after year on the Old Age Pension Estimate since the 1924 Act was passed. Again, a large number of people, by reason of the working of the 1924 Act, have been deprived of the opportunity of receiving any old age pension at all. In the remote congested areas there are innumerable cases of hardship under the Act.

The Minister has stated that he did promise to revise the position if things improved before giving relief in other directions. I should like to remind him that relief has been given in other directions since then. A year ago very distinct relief was given to people who pay income tax when one shilling was taken off that tax. While that might be desirable in its own way, it was a very distinct wrong to give that relief before relieving the people who were the biggest sufferers—the victims of the operations of the Act of 1924. The Minister suggests that the time is not ripe for giving effect to the terms of this motion. I suggest that the Minister will find surprising unanimity in the country as to the merits of the motion, and that even amongst his own supporters, amongst business people and taxpayers generally, there is no question whatever about the desire that this motion should be carried. Deputy Law has suggested ways and means of providing portion of the money. I gather that by the scheme of Army reorganisation that has been before the Dáil, and its extension in future, very considerable economies can be effected. I suggest that the Minister will find there a way of getting the money necessary to make good this wrong enacted here in 1924, and that the people will welcome an effort to meet the terms of the motion in the fullest possible way. I suggest that a very special case can be made for the people who lost, not one shilling when the 1924 Act was passed, but three or four shillings, and that the Minister ought again to consider going some way to meet that class of case.

I am not convinced by the Minister's statement. He has not dealt with the matter fully. He has not answered the case put up for the motion. I suggest that the motion ought to be adopted, because it does not ask for anything which is over-generous. It asks only for bare justice, for justice that is very tardy, because the need for this motion would never have arisen if other ways and means were explored at the time when it was alleged to be necessary to make these changes. A very good case has been made for the motion, and the Minister's statement has not met the position. My colleagues in the constituency I represent can bear out the statement I have made as to the operation of the Act in rural areas. I trust the motion will receive the support of the majority of Deputies.

Mr. CARNEY

When Deputy Law was speaking he asked for hints or schemes whereby we might be able to save enough money to do justice to the old age pensioners. I feel sure that any Deputy with any military experience could save at least three-quarters of a million on the Army alone without losing any sleep on it. In the last year almost two and a quarter million pounds were spent on the Army, over £50,000 of which was spent on war-like stores. These war-like stores consisted of "dud" guns that were cast out of the British Army in 1917. I suggest that instead of buying these "dud" guns they should arm all their soldiers with packets of confetti. By a reorganisation such as was suggested by our Party some time ago, with a small maintenance and training force and a volunteer reserve army equipped for warfare such as it should be in this country, we could save three-quarters of a million per year, and that would pay quite a lot of old age pensions. Like Sir Foppery Flutter, I think the people on the Front Benches opposite imagine that beyond Merrion Square everything is a desert. They seem to have no conception of what it is to live in Glencolmcille or the Rosses in Donegal, where the land grows granite beautifully, but very little else. They seem to think that old age pensioners, because they reach the age of seventy, do not or are not entitled to purchase clothes, boots, firing, light and food. I wonder if any Deputy has ever tried to live on 9/- per week. I do not think so. The Minister for Fisheries was round by Glencolmcille recently, but it was a flying visit—and I am afraid he did not see very much—at least, he did not see very much of the cabins. If he had gone into the cabins he would see families sitting to their usual diet of a few potatoes, a handful of salt and the mug of buttermilk, or sweet milk, if they could afford it. If Deputies saw these things, there would not be very much talk as to where the money is to be got to pay these old age pensions. Potatoes and milk do not make a very satisfying diet, although they keep body and soul together for a time. Then we have the very important question of providing boots and clothes for these old people when they are fed. Of course, the President will tell us that this is a free country and if they have not boots they can go in their bare feet. Deputy Law wanted some suggestions for saving money. I give him that free, gratis, and for nothing.

Mr. GERALD BOLAND

He is not here to hear it.

Mr. CARNEY

And if they adopted some of the suggestions put forward, not from these Benches alone, but from other parts of the House, we would have no talk as to where the money would come from to add this shilling to the old age pensions and to restore some of the other shillings also taken away from the old age pensioners. Deputy Cassidy said that the Donegal County Council had called upon all the Deputies from Donegal to respond on this question of old age pensions. They were called on, but I think it will be found to be the case this time that "Many are called but few are chosen." I am sure when the Donegal Deputies on the Government Benches are called we will find them mechanically and systematically supporting the Government, simply because they do not know where the money is to come from to pay the old age pensions. They have got suggestions as to where the money could come from, but the suggestions have fallen on deaf ears, and the old age pensioners round Glencolmcille and the Rosses can still go on living on potatoes and salt and milk, and through the winter-time sitting before fireplaces without fire, because they are unable to purchase it. Still, we are asked where will the money come from to pay the old age pensions.

A short time ago in Glencolmcille a man said to me: "In this place we are living on charity." Said I: "What do you mean by charity?" He answered: "The old age pensions and the money we get from America." That, of course, is not charity; it is only justice; it is only what these people are entitled to and what these people should get. I hope every man on the Government Benches will not respond to the touch of the button to go into the Lobby to vote against this motion on old age pensions.

General MULCAHY

I think it was Deputy Law who made the statement that nothing would give Deputies more pleasure than if they were able to raise everybody's pension. Personally, I doubt that the mental condition of the country is such that that is a fact. If it were a fact no one with any spark of intelligence should leave anything undone to make it perfectly clear to everybody that that was not the way to improve the lot of any section of the people. The Government, at any rate, take the attitude that to show how the resources of this country can be taken and used, and to work systematically to make the best possible use of the resources of the country, and to distribute these resources to the best possible advantage, is the best way to improve the lot even of the old age pensioners.

The Motion before the House does not contemplate that completely destitute persons, without any income, shall get more as an old age pension than 10/- a week. Yet, we hear some Deputies exclaiming what an appalling thing it is that any old age pensioner should be asked to receive 9/-. The reaction from appreciation of what a terrible state of affairs that is is that a proposal is made that they should receive 10/-. And the other side of the Motion is that persons with means of a certain amount shall be helped out by means of an old age pension of some size until their estimated income shall be 20/- a week. The Government's attitude in the matter is that it is prepared to help out, by means of old age pensions, persons who have a certain amount of means up to such a point that their estimated income shall be 16/- a week. The main case that ought to have been made was that for every old age pensioner with a certain amount of means 16/- a week was too low a limit. No case, good, bad or indifferent has been made to show that it was unreasonable for the Government and the State to fix 16/- per week as a limit of income that would prevent a person getting the old age pension. It is proposed here that a person with an income of less than 6/- a week should receive 10/- old age pension, but any person receiving a smaller old age pension under the Minister for Finance's proposal will receive it to such an amount that his total income shall be 16/- a week.

Mr. MORRISSEY

A living wage!

General MULCAHY

We are dealing with social services and old age pensions and Deputies from Donegal have pointed out that the Donegal County Council has called upon every Deputy from Donegal to vote for Deputy Morrissey's Motion. We have to see our old age pensions in relation with our other social services. We have the position in Donegal that if the County itself by rates on the valuation had to pay all the old age pensions at present paid or that were paid in 1925 in Donegal out of the rates the rate in respect of those pensions in Donegal would amount to 11/6 in the £. As compared with that if there was no agricultural grant, no State grant towards dispensary doctors, towards the upkeep of institutions under Poor Law Schemes in Donegal and if Donegal had out of the rates to pay completely for all these institutions—I leave out the Mental Hospital—the rate for that would be 3/1 in the £. We have the responsibility for disposing of our national resources in a reasonable way to provide for our social services here; but Donegal Deputies are being asked, apparently, by the Donegal County Council, to accept a position in which you would have 11/6 as a rate in the £ on the valuation of Donegal for old age pensions and a rate of 3/1, or one-quarter of that amount, for all the other Poor Law reform schemes and institutions in the County.

We have to ask ourselves if that is a reasonable and a fair position. It has been suggested that the cutting down of the old age pensioners scale in 1924 was a slur on the Dáil. I think that it would be a slur on our intelligence as a whole if we agreed that the public moneys going to the old age pensioners ought to be four times the amount of the public moneys going to the upkeep of our public institutions, going to the assistance of the sick and disabled poor who are not old age pensioners.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Do I take it that the Minister is contending that it would be fair that the social services of the Free State should be equal to the social services in the north of Ireland or in Great Britain? That is all we are asking.

General MULCAHY

I will make a comparison between the social services here and in Great Britain if it suits the Deputy, because when it is suggested by Deputy Cassidy that hope of union with the six counties depends on the improvement of our social services, and as part of that that he wants to impose a serious burden on our finances in order to give a small improvement to old age pensioners, I would like to know how much thought Deputy Cassidy or the Donegal County Council have given to the equalising of our general social services as with, say, Great Britain's, and whether, if they were starting about equalising them, they would begin with the old age pensions side.

Mr. MORRISSEY

That is not answering my question.

General MULCAHY

I will answer the Deputy's question. Let us take for the year 1925 in the Saorstát the total expenditure of the boards of health, as shown in the Report of the Commission on the Relief of the Sick and Destitute Poor, and the headings under which the boards of health carry out expenditure. The first is maintenance, that is, in institutions—county homes, county hospitals, etc.; 2nd, maintenance of boarded-out children; 3rd, cost of other outdoor relief; 4th, expenses of district schools; 5th, maintenance of blind, deaf and dumb, and idiots in institutions and cost of relief in extern hospitals; 6th, salaries and rations of officers; 7th, cost of medicine and medical, etc. appliances in workhouses; 8th, expenses under the Medical Charities and Vaccination Acts; 9th, expenses under the Lunatic Asylums Act—that is not for the maintenance of lunatic asylums but for such certification of lunatics as is done by dispensary doctors; 10th, expenses under Births and Deaths Registration Acts; 11th, superannuation of officials, and 12th, payments in respect of borrowed moneys. Under these headings, headings which include the total expenditure of the boards of health, inclusive of such sums as are paid out of State funds, the total expenditure for the year ended 31st March, 1925, was £1,691,570. The total expenditure on old age pensions and blind pensions for the year ended December, 1925, was £2,558,530. That is, if we take the total expenditure of the county boards of health as a hundred per cent., the expenditure on old age pensions and blind pensions for the year 1925 was 151 per cent. of the expenditure under all those headings, including county homes, county hospitals, dispensary services, etc. In England and Wales for the year ended 31st March, 1925, the nearest approximate year to the last year for which I have figures, the expenditure kindred to the expenditure of the county boards of health here was £44,678,060, and the old age pensions expenditure, including, I take it, blind pensions, was £22,941,288, or 51.3 per cent. of what I will call the English board of health expenditure. Where we spend 151 per cent. on old age pensions, they spend 51.3 per cent., and in Scotland they spend 57.2 per cent.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Surely the Minister knows that you cannot make a comparison between the percentage of old age pensions in Ireland and in Great Britain? Surely the Minister will allow that the abnormal emigration from Ireland has something to do with the proportion?

General MULCAHY

I am doing that, and if the Deputy considers that there is an abnormal difference between the numbers of old people here and in different parts of England, I am sure statistics are available on the point, if he will go to the trouble of getting them. But as far as we can see, emigration from Scotland is as much complained of as emigration from Ireland is.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Is as much complained of?

General MULCAHY

Yes.

Mr. LEMASS

It is immigration we hear of mostly.

General MULCAHY

Well, we hear of emigration. If we are going to make a comparison between social conditions here and social conditions in England and Wales we must have some kind of formula, and if we cannot have that, at any rate we can take these facts and criticise them, because I submit that, looking at our responsibilities to the poor and to the sick and infirm, whether they are under seventy years or over seventy years, our responsibilities are to those who can qualify for old age pensions because they have incomes of less than 6/- a week. When we from our standpoint come to consider our responsibilities to all these classes, we have to take into consideration the question as to whether it is reasonable to pay four times as much money in old age pensions in Co. Donegal as in any other kind of relief, and our deep-seated conviction is that it is not reasonable. There is one county in Ireland in which the total amount of money paid in old age pensions is five times the amount of money spent on board of health services—that is, in County Mayo. In Leitrim the amount is over four times; in Donegal and Roscommon it is nearly four times; in Cavan and Sligo it is nearly three times; in Cork County and Borough, Galway, Kerry, Longford, Monaghan and Louth it is over twice the amount. These are figures that we have to take into consideration. When we hear talk of equalising services, if we do accept it that there ought to be a fairly reasonable proportion between these different services as between Great Britain and the Free State, if with that as a basis we set out to get equality in the matter of social services, and if we accept our present payments of old age pensions and blind pensions, without considering the increase that the Minister for Finance now proposes, we will have to add to our £1,691,570 on other services the sum of £3,425,490.

What Deputies from Donegal should face is whether, when they start to even-up as between the social services here and the social services in Great Britain, they are going to even up the old age pensions side first or whether they are to get that three and a half millions of additional money to put into poor law services, whether institutional medical treatment or home assistance. That is the problem for those Deputies, as well as for Deputies on the Government Benches, and it is what Ministers have to face. No sign has been given in the discussion, good, bad or indifferent, that anything is really thought of except the old age pensions cry, simply because the old age pensions cry is supposed to be a useful political cry and one that can be raised in a kind of ad misericordiam appeal, to try to tie up and entangle those people who are facing their real and other financial responsibilities, and endeavouring to make for every section of the people the best possible use of the resources that this country has.

Mr. ANTHONY

I want to say, by way of preface, that I am not going to speak about the Governor-General's salary nor to criticise the salaries of Ministers. That may ease the minds of some people. I desire to support the motion moved by Deputy Morrissey, and to reiterate the demand for the full restoration of the cut, and for the conditions that obtained prior to the Act of 1924. I know many cases of hardship in the City of Cork as a result of the operation of the cut in the pension, and the other conditions applying to it. I could cite many cases of men and women over the age of seventy who are suffering severely owing to the operation of the Act of 1924. Many of these people are in receipt of pensions of 7/- or 8/- weekly from the British Government. We have been informed, even by the Minister responsible for the amendment, that there has been a cut in their pension accordingly. In my view, at any rate, it is most unfair that this State should try to evade its responsibility in the matter of pensions at the expense of another country. Surely there should be some regulation introduced so that people who are in receipt of pensions owing to the death of their sons in the Great War should get the advantage of the old age pension in this State.

I would like to emphasise one point in connection with this matter. Nearly every Deputy has, I believe, given some undertaking to the old age pensioners in his constituency. I would ask that this should be a free vote of the Whole House, that the Whips should be called off, and that it should not be taken as a vote of confidence or as a vote of no confidence in the Government. This House and the Government should be, at least, responsive to feeling in the country, and it is hardly fair that Ministers should ask the Cumann na nGaedheal Party to back them in a matter of this kind, owing to the fear that it would mean a vote of no confidence in the Government. I suggest that this matter should be made a non-Party matter. From the feelings that have been made vocal, it is quite evident that some of the Cumann na nGaedheal Deputies feel themselves in entire sympathy with the motion moved by Deputy Morrissey, and I would suggest that this matter, at any rate, should be left to a free vote of the Whole House.

Mr. LEMASS

The Minister for Local Government stated that Deputies on the Government Benches were endeavouring to face their real financial and other responsibilities in the right way, and that those who were supporting the motion introduced by Deputy Morrissey were ignoring Government responsibility in these matters. I would like to say that I believe if the Government showed one-half the cleverness they have shown in finding a means to bring political advantage to themselves out of an awkward situation in facing their real responsibilities we would have a unanimous vote in support of the motion which has given rise to this debate. Deputy Anthony has suggested that the matter should be left to a free vote of the House, that the Whips be taken off, and that the real opinion of Deputies be allowed expression on the merits of the motion. There is, I think, very little likelihood that the Government will agree to that proposition. They know as well as everyone else in this House, and as well as everyone in the country, that there are many Deputies in the ranks of Cumann na nGaedheal who would, if they were given a free choice, vote for Deputy Morrissey's motion in preference to the amendment, but they will answer the call of the Party Whip and will drown their own consciences. They will ignore the interests of their constituents and vote for the Ministerial amendment in preference to the motion, just because it means political advantage to themselves to do so, in so far as it will enable them to retain their connection with an important political party. The Government amendment is very cleverly worded; it is worded in a manner that will give the impression throughout the country that the shilling is being restored to the old age pensioners. Already we have the Press of the country getting out this placard: "Joyful news for old age pensioners." Let us see exactly what it is proposed to do. Prior to 1924 the purpose of the Old Age Pensions Acts was to ensure that every person over seventy would have at least an income amounting to about 20/- per week. If the personal revenue was 10/- or under, that person got 10/-; if it was 15/-, he got 5/-.

The purpose was to keep him with £1 a week as his means of livelihood. By the 1924 Act that standard of livelihood was reduced to 16/- a week. There is nothing in the Minister's proposal here to-day to increase that standard. A certain class of people who were not getting 16/- a week will get it as a result of the Minister's amendment, if it is passed; and, in so far as that will produce some amelioration in the condition of these people it is to the good. But I would say it is not going far enough. It is not going as far as the State should go and as the State could go to help these people to exist in some tolerable standard of comfort in their old age. Deputy Morrissey, in his speech, made a very strong appeal that must undoubtedly have found an echo in the hearts and minds of most of the Deputies on the Government Benches. It should not be said in the interests of national honour that an Irish Government will be less generous to the aged poor than a foreign Government has been. To think that one of the first acts of a legislative assembly in which there are only representatives of the Irish people should be to reduce social services—to effect economies on social services—is something of which all Irishmen can justly be ashamed. If there is any change of feeling in this House, any desire to work in the interests of the Irish people solely, the opportunity which the introduction of this motion gives is there to effect a rectification of the wrong that was done in 1924, and that opportunity should be availed of.

The point that has been made here in reference to the equalising of the social services in the Twenty-six Counties with the social services in the Six Counties area is, I think, one of considerable importance. After all, it is the declared policy of the Government for dealing with the problem of Partition to make conditions in the Twenty-six County area so attractive that the Orangeman, the Ulsterman, in the Six County area will be dying to come in here. But there is no inducement whatever to the working classes in the Six County area to change their attitude towards Partition unless there is at least equal treatment for them here with that which they are receiving in the Six County area. And even if the cost of effecting that equalisation of treatment is a little in excess of what the nation could afford to bear, we should be prepared to shoulder that cost in order to smoothe the path towards the solution of the Partition problem. The Minister for Finance has insinuated that whatever improvement has occurred in the economic conditions of the country has been the result of that cut in the old age pensions, and that the restoration of the conditions existing prior to 1924 would seriously impair the economic recovery of the nation.

I do not believe that he believes that himself. There would be £350,000 needed to effect the full restoration of the 1924 conditions. That £350,000 can be secured without putting on one single penny of extra taxation. The Minister made a number of suggestions as to how the additional money could be procured. His suggestions were the increasing of one or another of the particular taxes which are imposed at the moment. If he had devoted his time and his attention to deciding not how taxation can be increased but how expenditure could be decreased, I think he would have got much more value for it. There is undoubtedly room for economy. If the Committee of which Deputy Heffernan is the Chairman does exist or operate in any way and if it is in earnest about its job I have no doubt whatever that it will be able to put proposals before the Government, the effects of which would be the saving of a very much larger sum than £350,000. If the Government decided even now to cease paying to England moneys that are not due to England, moneys amounting to £5,000,000 a year, then there would be adequate funds available to enable those social services to be provided, and the money would be put to better value and these services would be put on a proper level. The Minister for Local Government has expressed his doubt whether the mental condition of the people is such that there is a general demand for an increase in the old age pensions. It has been mentioned here that one County Council has been calling upon the Deputies for that County to stand for the restoration of the 1924 conditions. A very large number of County Councils have done the same thing. Does the Minister for Local Government and Public Health seriously contend that the members of this County Council are not aware of the mentality existing amongst the people whom they represent? If the Government thinks that there is not a majority in the country prepared to support the restoration of the 1924 conditions then why not leave it to the free vote of the House? In that case if the Deputies here are representative of the people there will be a majority here freely given against Deputy Morrissey's motion. The Government, I think, will not leave it to a free vote of the House because they know it is only by machining their majority that they will be able to carry their amendment. The Minister for Local Government apparently put himself to a considerable amount of trouble. He prepared certain figures which he has been reading to us for the last half hour. He told us, for example, that if the pensions which would be paid as a result of the passing of Deputy Morrissey's motion, were collected and paid out of the local rates in County Donegal, that those rates would have to be increased by 11s. 3d. in the £. What has that got to do with it?

Mr. MORRISSEY

Nothing whatever.

Mr. LEMASS

If the cost of maintaining the troops that are stationed in the Finner Camp were collected out of the County Donegal rates, what would the increase be? If the cost of maintaining the Gárda Síochána now stationed in the different stations in Co. Donegal were collected out of the local rates, what would the cost be? These are national services and have to be met by the State and not by the county rates. The Minister also quoted a number of figures to show that the relationship between the amount spent on old age pensions in Ireland to the amount spent on the other social services was higher than in England. What does that prove? He knows right well it proves nothing; he knows that these figures are absolutely meaningless unless they are brought into relationship with the number of people who are in receipt of old age pensions on the one hand, and who are in receipt of Poor Law relief on the other hand. These figures could be quoted just as convincingly, much more convincingly even to prove that instead of this State here paying too much for old age pensions, that it is paying too little for other social services. The case put forward by the Government has, I think, been very poor. They are relying not upon the strength of their arguments, they are not relying on the strength of their case, but they are relying on the possibility of a general misunderstanding that has been created as to the effect of their amendment. They are hoping to deceive the people into the belief that they are doing something that they are not doing, and if they have not already succeeded in roping in most of the Independents—and I think they have——

Are you sure?

Mr. BOLAND

Rope them up. Time will tell. We have one of them at least.

Mr. LEMASS

I think they have roped in the Independents. If it were not for that, they would undoubtedly be defeated in their amendment. I have no doubt whatever that if pressure had not been exercised upon the independent Deputies and upon the Deputies who sit on the Government Benches to bring them in to vote for this amendment, the Government would not be able to muster a majority in this House for the amendment. If they have any doubts on the matter, I challenge them now to leave this to a free vote of the House.

That is an awfully kind suggestion the Deputy makes. We often hear challenges to leave matters to a free vote of the House, and it would appear as if nobody had consciences but the Deputies on the other side.

Mr. LEMASS

Apparently not.

I never heard any Deputies over there express any scruples about their consciences, and to let people know that they have them they say: "Leave it to a free vote of the House." We do not invite Deputies opposite to be honest. We know—

Mr. MORRISSEY

They are.

We know it puts sufficient strain upon them without inviting them to do it. The position with regard to this matter has been delightfully evasive, if I might say so.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Hear, hear!

I heard the whole of Deputy Morrissey's story, and I thought I was passing through the County Tipperary, listening to him at the cross-roads addressing a number of people and howling at the Government for having reduced the old age pensions.

Mr. MORRISSEY

You flew past at forty miles an hour the last time.

I heard the Deputy all the same. I could have told from the shape of the Deputy's mouth what he was saying. I admit the Deputy had something in his favour on that occasion in June, but in September he appears to have lost the ground he had gained previously. In regard to this particular motion, from the speeches I have listened to from the benches opposite I have come to the conclusion that the Deputies there have learned what are national services in this country—they have learned it from the British Government. It was the British Government that apparently made this a national service, and it has been wholeheartedly accepted by all the Deputies on the very green benches over there that this is a great national service and it must be maintained as a national service. And the father of it is their old friend, John Bull. John is decorating the colours which the Deputies opposite must carry.

Mr. KILLILEA

Your sparring-partner.

And they are carrying it well and saying "They are our colours." This is a national service, we are told, and this national service must be paid for by somebody else. That is the burden of the case that is made. They will not put on taxation to meet it; they say there is no necessity for taxation. The latest suggestion is to stop the five millions that go to England. Let us stop it. Supposing we decided to do so and got posted in every Chancellery in Europe and America for evading our obligations.

Mr. LEMASS

There is no obligation.

These are obligations solemnly undertaken.

Mr. G. BOLAND

By one man.

As far as the amount of £1,870,000 is concerned, it was even in Document No. 2. That figure was mentioned to pay such members of the ex-Royal Irish Constabulary and such persons as would retire from the Civil Service. That was in Document No. 2. Is that document repudiated? Then we have the three millions involved in Land Commission Annuities. That is not revenue, never was revenue and could not be revenue. It is not paid to England; it is paid to bond holders. Now, in regard to Document No. 2, I did not hear the same number of ejaculations about it being repudiated.

Mr. MOORE

There is a counterclaim in Document No. 2, I think.

That is a new story.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Keep to the subject of the old age pensions and do not mind Document No. 2.

All this satisfies me that it is not the genesis of the motion, it is not the essence of the motion, we are concerned with, but politics. That is what we are to deal with. Much the same sort of story could be told about the mover of the motion. It is not business but politics we want.

Mr. LEMASS

What is politics?

This, then, is a political issue and, having failed in September last to convince the people of the country——

Mr. MORRISSEY

As you did.

——that these two Parties should be elected as a Government, now we are told that we should leave aside politics, and the statement is made: "Give us a fair vote." It certainly taxed my patience to listen to a considerable amount of the talk this evening and, however much I might have been tempted to interrupt, I think I showed I had been very well brought up indeed. I hope I will get the same sort of example from the other side.

Mr. S. JORDAN

I would like to point out to the President that a few moments ago he said he did not get all the ejaculations he wanted in regard to Document No. 2. He expressed surprise. He asked for it there.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I would like to remind Deputies that they get nothing out of the President by interrupting him, and if they allow him to proceed it would be much better.

Mr. KILLILEA

But the President was speaking out of order. He has gone back to Document No. 2.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

The President will not be allowed to speak out of order any more than any other Deputy.

Mr. KILLILEA

But he spoke about Document No. 2.

If I am allowed to speak without interruption, even the Deputy will not have cause for complaint. This is what is called a national service. I suppose we will all admit that. Comparisons have been drawn between this country and Great Britain. We are invited to provide the same social services as are provided in Great Britain.

Mr. MORRISSEY

As were provided here.

As were provided here? If we are going to take that as a basis, obviously we ought to consider whether or not we can do it. If I have to accept Deputy Morrissey's opinion as to the standard of wealth in this country, as to the position of the workers in this country, I would say unhesitatingly it could not be done. The Deputy stated here, towards the close of the last session, that the standard of livelihood of the workers of this country was not what it was, that it had deteriorated in recent years. The Deputy now stands here and says we must maintain on a parity with one of the richest countries in the world the same measure of social service—the same expenditure upon social service as is maintained there. I will direct Deputy Morrissey's attention to one or two vital facts. The revenue of England is about eight hundred million pounds. The cost of old age pensions in Great Britain is approximately twenty-eight millions. I will make the Deputy a present of an odd million one way or the other.

Mr. FLINN

We want only £350,000.

Deputy Flinn will have ample opportunity for dealing with the figures subsequently if he can restrain his ardour until he gets the opportunity. He can address himself to the social services as much as he pleases. Old age pensions in England and Wales come to £22,941,286; in Scotland, £2,858,367. I am throwing in an odd few hundred thousands. Altogether the amount would be twenty-eight millions out of eight hundred millions, and the proportion is, roughly, one in thirty. Now, look at the Irish figures. The cost of old age pensions in Ireland is approximately two and a half millions out of approximately twenty-three millions. It comes to one-ninth. Out of every £9 we collect there is £1 going to the old age pensioner. In England, out of every £30 collected, £1. We are not as rich as they are.

Mr. LEMASS

Will the President quote the comparative figures showing the number of population over 70 years of age in both countries?

It is not necessary. The proportion here is very much higher. It strengthens my case. If the Deputy wishes to know particulars it would mean that out of every 29 persons in the area of our jurisdiction one is an old age pensioner, and the other 28 contribute towards the maintenance of that person. I put it as an ordinary proposition. The burden is very much heavier on us and we have honestly to consider whether we are not over-taxing the resources and abilities of the State by putting an undue strain on the taxpayer. It really comes to that. One-ninth of our total revenue goes to that purpose. In England only one-thirtieth goes to it. Deputy Morrissey can say, and say rightly, that it was done when the British were here. Certainly it was, and the strange thing is that not only was it done but there was a profit out of the transaction. The British Government in the last few years of its administration here was pocketing a sum considerably over and above the expenditure.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I am glad to hear the President admit that.

We always admitted it.

Mr. MORRISSEY

No. In the London pact you did not admit it.

The Deputy is probably mixing up two things. For a couple of years pre-war there was a debit balance. The British Government ran this country at a loss. I think it was almost since the Old Age Pension Act was passed that they threw over the balance. During the war, and I think up to April, 1921, there was a very considerable profit, but I do not understand the senseless interjection. I did not interrupt the Deputy, and if the Deputy wants a business-like consideration of this problem why does he object to it? Why does he throw out these senseless interjections?

Mr. MORRISSEY

I desire to point out that even if my remarks seemed to be senseless to the President they were not intended to put him off his speech.

Will the Deputy say why he interjected?

Mr. MORRISSEY

I have as much right to interject as the President. He looks for interjections, and when the President deals in that flippant manner with what is to us an important matter he will get interjections.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

Deputy Morrissey has a right to reply, and he can reserve himself until then.

I submit that I was not flippant. I was dealing with the question very sensibly. I cited a comparison between the two countries, and stated that during a certain period in this country the British Government made money out of it. The Deputy interjects a senseless remark, and when I ask the meaning of it, as I desire to give him information and to deal with the matter in a sensible way, I am told that that is flippant.

Mr. MORRISSEY

My interjection was to the effect that it was the first time I heard the President say that the British made money out of this country. The President may consider that senseless, but there are other Deputies who may consider it sensible.

The Deputy must not have been listening. I cannot imagine that I would have deprived the Deputy of such information as that. Certainly it was not intentional. I would have given the Deputy much more information.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I cannot see why it riles the President.

I cannot see the sense of it. I was dealing with two points. First, in connection with social services in England, which is a rich country. I was dealing with the point that Deputy Morrissey said in the last Session that people in this country were not as well off as they were. I am taking him at his own valuation, and I expect that he will be prepared to vote extra taxation, if extra taxation is required, in order to meet the extra expenses arising out of his motion.

Mr. MORRISSEY

Certainly I will, and defend it in the country. Might I correct the President and point out that I have no recollection of ever saying that the people of this country were worse off. I said that certain sections of the people were worse off.

That is what I understood, that so far as the workers were concerned their standard of living was lower than it had been. I am going to examine what might be inferred from the Deputy's statement in regard to the wealth of this country as compared with Great Britain. I find that the biggest item in Great Britain, namely, income tax, is responsible for almost half the revenue. Examining the same item in this country, I find that it would not be more than 25 per cent. of the revenue, and this year it probably would be 20 per cent. of the revenue. That is taken in quite a number of cases in calculating the wealth of different countries as a fair measure to indicate whether or not there is wealth. Social services have been mentioned. Other social services have been added since the British administration was withdrawn from here. The agricultural grant has been doubled, and when we examine the cost of old age pensions, I find that we could pay the whole of the agricultural rates of this country and have £300,000 over if the old age pensions services were devoted to that purpose. We have, of course, two particular schools of thought in connection with this matter. One subscribes to the idea that it is prepared to vote for taxation in order to meet the cost of the motion if it were passed. I have not heard from the other protagonists of the motion.

Deputy EVERETT

Not if it is put on tea and sugar.

There is a reservation there. We know where we are now. I have not heard from Deputies opposite whether they would be prepared to meet the necessary taxation if it were required.

A DEPUTY

It is not required.

Mr. BOLAND

Try a few reductions first.

That is the point I am at. So far as Deputies opposite are concerned, they say: "It will not be necessary to vote taxation, consequently we will not do it." The sum and substance of the matter is in that last sentence: "We will not do it." The excuse is that it is not necessary.

Mr. KILLILEA

Provided you do not take more trips to America.

That is a lame excuse and is an observation that does not reflect much credit on the Deputy. It is not one for which, if I were examining him on a selection board, I would give him a mark; quite the opposite. This service was reduced in 1924, and we were questioned to know what was the reason of it. I understand that the reason was given then. Costs had risen. The costs which arose out of the civil war of 1922 went up to £22,000,000, and, at 5 percent., that meant an imposition of £1,100,000 per annum.

Mr. MacENTEE

Did the Minister for Agriculture state on a platform in Galway that his party began the civil war which involved the country in this expenditure of £22,000,000?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

We are not discussing the civil war, and we are not going back to it.

Mr. BOLAND

We had the petrol tins referred to on Friday, and now we have the civil war, but we will not be allowed to discuss it.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I am not going to allow anybody to discuss it.

Mr. BOLAND

We are quite prepared to debate it.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

The Chair must be listened to. We are not going to discuss the origin of the civil war, who started it or who terminated it. We are going to discuss the matter that is before us.

Mr. FLINN

On a point of order, will we be allowed to discuss Document No. 2?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

No.

Mr. FLINN

We will not be allowed to discuss it, but the President was, and that is a damn shame.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

The Deputy will have to moderate his language. There has been no discussion of the merits or demerits of any particular document. A few passing references have been made to a particular document. If the Deputy wants a discussion on the document he will have to choose another way to do it. He cannot discuss Document No. 2, or any other document not relevant to the matter before the Chair.

Professor O'SULLIVAN

On a point of order, I understood that the Deputy described the conduct of the Chair in allowing a certain thing as "a damn shame." Am I to understand you are asking him to withdraw that remark?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

If the Deputy referred to my ruling as "a damn shame" I must certainly ask him to withdraw.

Mr. FLINN

He certainly did not. He has the greatest possible respect for the present occupant of the Chair.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I cannot allow that. The Chair must be respected in every respect, not in respect of its occupant, but in respect of the position it holds in the House. The Chair is above Party. While the Chair is occupied it must be respected as the Chair. If Deputy Flinn says he has great respect for the present occupant of the Chair I cannot allow that remark to pass, and it must be withdrawn. He must respect whoever is the occupant of the Chair.

Mr. BOLAND

Even though the other occupant of the Chair reflected on the present occupant?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

Deputy Flinn must withdraw his remark which, by insinuation, reflected on the other occupant of the Chair, who is the Deputy primarily responsible for the conduct of this Dáil, and whose impartiality in the Chair has been endorsed by practically every Deputy in the Dáil. If the Deputy wants to make it appear by insinuation that he has not conducted the business of this House in a proper fashion I must ask him to withdraw.

Mr. FLINN

I want to speak now with absolute respect for the Chair as the Chair. You used the expression that "If the Deputy objected to my ruling." You used the word "my," and it was in relation to that, in answer to your appeal in the personal pronoun, I used the expression I did. It was the only expression, as far as I know, I could possibly have used under the circumstances. I have no insinuation of any sort or kind to make in connection with the Chair, and there was no insinuation.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

The Deputy distinctly said "the present occupant of the Chair." There is an insinuation in that which I cannot accept. The Chair must be respected, and the remark with reference to the Chair must be withdrawn.

Mr. FLINN

You desire me to say I respect the Chair?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I desire the Deputy to understand clearly that the Dáil, as a national Assembly, should be afforded a certain amount of respect by every Deputy. When this Dáil chose a certain set of regulations to govern its proceedings, they should respect those regulations, and when certain Deputies are selected and put into the Chair, they should be shown a certain amount of respect for the position they occupy. I refer to the position of the Deputy referred to— one who has been honoured by the Dáil by election to this Chair. The Deputy said he has the greatest respect for "the present occupant of the Chair." I am not accepting that, as it clearly carries a reflection on somebody. I must ask the Deputy to withdraw the remark in toto.

Mr. FLINN

To withdraw a remark I have made?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

Yes.

Mr. FLINN

I cannot. I do not know what remark it is. I said I respected "the present occupant of the Chair." Do you desire me to withdraw that remark? I am trying hard to put this matter right. If you want it in another form I will give it.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

I want the Deputy to withdraw the remark entirely.

Mr. FLINN

I withdraw entirely. Whatever that means I do not know.

Mr. DESMOND FITZGERALD

The purport of the Deputy's words was that the President had been allowed to discuss Document No. 2, and that you would not allow the other Party to discuss it, and he said that was "a damn shame." Will you give him the opportunity of shuffling out of that?

Mr. CORRY

Could we get a translation of that?

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

It is the business of the Dáil to see that no Deputy is allowed to disrespect the Dáil. If the Deputy still insists that he will not withdraw the remark that the ruling I gave was "a damn shame" I must take other measures to deal with him. Does he withdraw the remark that my ruling was "a damn shame"?

Mr. FLINN

Unhesitatingly.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

That closes the matter.

What I was saying was by no means provocative. The sums I mentioned, and the cost in respect of them, are on the records of this House. These sums have been voted by the House and have been found by the Government. The House empowered the Government to find these sums. Five per cent. on £22,000,000 amounts to £1,100,000 per annum for all time.

A DEPUTY

Including moneys to the firing squad.

I heard only one or two words of what the Deputy said. I do not think on sober reflection the Deputy would wish to utter some of the words. I think it ought to be left there.

Mr. LEMASS

Get back to the old age pensions.

We were asked what was the reason for the reduction in the old age pensions and I mentioned what sums had to be met, and which had not to be met here in other years. That £1,100,000 was met in three ways, or three different services had to contribute towards meeting it. One was the old age pensions.

A DEPUTY

Starting with the poor.

That was not the first.

The DEPUTY

It was.

Excuse me; I was here and the Deputy was not. There was a reduction in the teachers' salaries, a reduction in the pay of the Gárda Síochána, and a reduction in the old age pensions, which was made after the other two, which disproves the historical reference of the Deputy who cannot control himself. One required legislative sanction and has got it. When we speak of social services in respect of these big contributions which have to be made to meet that burden, that is compared now with the salaries paid and the cost of police in Northern Ireland, our costs here are much lower than there, and lower than they are in England. Deputy O'Connell can correct me if I am wrong in stating that the salaries paid teachers in this country are slightly lower than they are in England. If not—if they are level—then, at least it was a sound economic proposition. I find it practically impossible to draw the Deputy on that point. He both shakes and nods his head.

Mr. O'CONNELL

Do you want an interruption?

Mr. KILLANE

Is the President in order in trying to crack jokes with another Deputy?

I can proceed now I suppose? That is the whole story. A question was asked by Deputy Morrissey as to why this was done. If Deputy Morrissey did not put the question—my recollection is that he did— then other Deputies did, and that is my answer: for one purpose, to balance the Budget. The Budget has been balanced. By reason of these economies we were enabled, in 1923, to borrow £10,000,000 at a rate much lower than any other European country, with the exception of Great Britain, could borrow. One of the reasons why we were able to do that was that we were going to balance the accounts of the State.

Mr. LEMASS

But the economies were not effected until 1924?

Steps had been taken as regards the three items in question, and undertakings had been given. Now, we are making Deputies on the Fianna Fáil Benches, and on other Benches in the House, a present of all the political advantage that they can get out of this. We, at any rate, have done many unpopular things. I do not suggest if there is a change of Government, and a violent change of Government, that there will be such anxiety on the part of our successors to do unpopular things. But, we did them for a good purpose; a sound policy had been established and the credit of the nation is good. We were not absolutely committed for all time to the incidence of taxation and to the social services that were supplied here by the British Government—not by any means. We have extended some services and we have increased expenditure under a great many heads. We have lowered expenditure under other heads, and what we did during the last three years was, to the best of our knowledge and belief, and in our conscience, the right thing to do with regard to the old age pensioners. We secured, at any rate, that, whatever the amount was, they got it. If we had not adopted a sound policy it is more than possible that, while perhaps it would have been an easy job to pay the full sum which we inherited from the British Government, we would not have been able to continue paying it for long. Now that there has been a slight improvement, the Minister for Finance has indicated that he is prepared to go a certain distance. This Party is not going, though honest people, I suppose, will vote for the motion, to buy popularity at a cost that the State cannot bear, and that is our answer to all the speeches that have been made.

Mr. MORRISSEY

And that is the reason why you reduced the income tax by 2/- in the pound?

It was reduced for the purpose of improving the business of the country, and it is going to do that.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I thought so.

Mr. CORRY

You did not reduce your own salary.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE took the Chair.

Mr. DALY

As one who opposed the Amending Pensions Bill of 1924, and secured for the old age pensioners who were eighty years of age at that time that they at least should not get the cut of 1/- a week in their pensions, I rise to support the Government on this occasion. I assume Deputy Lemass, who, a few moments ago, charged members of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party with having to follow their leaders, that we are members of a free Party and are not restrained by any orders. I can say that for myself, and I know that I am speaking for the remainder of my friends of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party.

Mr. KILLILEA

You are all the one now.

Mr. DALY

We are all the one and we are not ashamed of it. We are all animated by the one principle. You must be beaten over there when you cannot conduct yourselves. I, for one, am proud to come along and vote for the restoration of the shilling to the aged blind and the aged poor. All of us gave an undertaking on election platforms that we would do our best to get back the shilling for the old age pensioners. I can assure Deputy Morrissey that we did not wait for his motion, if that is any news to him, to start getting back the shilling.

Mr. MORRISSEY

I believe that.

Mr. DALY

Hear, hear. Deputy Morrissey said this evening that he was very anxious about my health. He said that I got a severe shock, or would get one, for announcing on last Sunday that the poor people in my district were about to get back the shilling. I did make that announcement, because I was sure of it. At these election meetings we heard a lot of people, farmers and others, saying that they would like if the pensioners got back the shilling. We are here as the obedient servants of these people, and we propose to give back the shilling to the pensioners. It is the people who will have to pay it. Surely Deputies do not think that the Minister for Finance can get the money by merely flogging the carpets over in his office. He will get no money there.

A DEPUTY

Let them pay.

Mr. DALY

Let whom pay?

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

Deputy Daly must be allowed to proceed with his speech.

Mr. DALY

I am endeavouring to tell Deputies opposite how they will pay—that taxes will be put on something. We are promised taxation, and we are told that we will be compelled to pay taxes on articles coming into the country. Perhaps it would not bear as heavily at all on taxpayers as people think. I support this amendment because I think the poor people on the mountain sides, as they were described a few moments ago, who were to a great extent the producers of the country for years, should be entitled to their pensions. The Minister for Finance, I think, made liberal provision for them when he said that anybody in receipt of 6/- a week would be entitled to 10/-. I am to draw the inference from that that a man whose income is 7/- will be entitled to 9/- pension, and the man whose income is 8/- will be entitled to 8/- pension. For that reason I shall have great pleasure, despite the taunts that are thrown against us, that we must vote as we are directed, in supporting the amendment. Some Deputies were grumbling some time ago about regulations. I do not know anything about regulations. I was my own regulator until the other day. I am proud to be able to say that when I go back to the people of East Cork I will do as I did last Sunday— tell them that the present Government have done their best to do justice to all parties, and especially to the aged and deserving poor and the blind who are entitled to the 9/-.

Captain REDMOND

The gist of the Government's case against this motion seems to be that it would entail further increased taxation. I do not know whether Deputies recollect, but on the occasion of the last Budget the Minister for Finance by a certain process managed to secure what he termed to be a surplus of a sum in the region of £500,000. In the course of his Budget statement he asked the question "What shall we do with this surplus?" He proceeded then to use that surplus to reduce the income tax by a shilling in the £. I do not know what is in the Minister's mind—we shall know it in the course of the next few weeks I presume—in regard to his having anything in the nature of a surplus when he introduces his Budget, but the means whereby he arrived at what he described to be a surplus on the occasion of his last Budget was not by effecting economies, was not by an increased revenue derived from new taxes, but it was by a method which I had suggested a year previously, which he had then discarded and which he had recourse to last year. Up to last year the Minister laid it down that the normal recurrent expenditure upon the Army should be a sum of £2,000,000. Last year he came to the conclusion—a rather late one it is true but still I think a very wise one —that the normal recurrent expenditure on the Army should not be more than £1,500,000, and it was because he funded £500,000 of the £2,000,000 to be expended upon the Army that he was able to reduce the income tax by one shilling in the £.

It has been stated by Ministers in the course of the debate—and by the way I do not know if any member on the Government benches has spoken but Ministers—perhaps there was one but certainly not more—that to find this £350,000 we must have an increase of taxation. I say they have not proved their case at all in that respect. What is there to prevent the Minister from having recourse to the same method in regard to the old age pensions this year which he had recourse to in regard to the reduction in income tax last year? One million pounds to my mind would be quite sufficient as the normal recurrent expenditure for the upkeep of the Army and if he were to fund £500,000 this year for the old age pensions as he did last year for the reduction of income tax there would be no question whatever about increased taxation. Apart altogether from that there could be some attempt made for something in the nature of economy on other services. It is generally recognised that if it were possible the position of affairs in regard to old age pensioners should be brought to what it was in pre-war times. The sum involved, according to the Minister's own figures and those of Deputy Morrissey, which he accepted, amount to £350,000. Is the Minister going to have any surplus in his coming Budget? If he has, should he not devote some of that surplus to this most pressing, urgent, and desirable object? If he has not a surplus I suggest to him that there is every reason in favour of his adopting the same method of finding this money for the relief of old age pensioners as he adopted for the reduction of income tax.

A comparison has been attempted to be made between Great Britain and Ireland in respect of old age pensions. Many a time in years gone by I heard this same question debated in another place and it was generally admitted— it could not be denied, unfortunate as it is—that in this country we have a larger proportion of the very old as well as of the very young among our population than they have in Great Britain. That is largely due, of course, to emigration. That being so I say that it is impossible to institute a comparison in this respect between the two countries. The President when quoting the amount expended on old age pensions in Great Britain pointed out that in Scotland, which is a country about the same size, but probably larger in population now than the whole of Ireland, the amount expended on old age pensions was £2,800,000, whereas according to his own figures the amount expended here was £2,500,000. It has been said that there is a great drain of emigration from Scotland, but the complaint in Scotland is, not that there is great emigration only, but that there is immigration of certain people. If old age pensions cost £2,800,000 in Scotland, I must say, having regard to the conditions here, due to emigration, that I do not think that the £2,500,000 expended in the Free State is in any way a very large sum.

We have also heard from Deputy Morrissey and others the position of those who served in the British Army and who are now entitled to old age pensions. As in other respects, they are nobody's child. First of all the British Government tried to get at them by reducing their pensions when they got a certain sum from the Free State by way of old age pension, and then the Free State Government came along and said. "We do not see why we should not get our whack," and they proceeded to reduce the old age pension, if they found that what they were getting from the British Government reached certain dimensions. The position of these people in particular requires very serious consideration at the hands of the Government. The main issue before the House is, whether we should continue to deprive a large class of people of benefits which have almost gone beyond the realm of ex gratia benefits and almost, if not entirely, reached the position of rights. These people had certain benefits prior to the establishment of the Free State, and one of our first acts here was to deprive them, not of the paltry amount of one shilling, as most people were led to believe at the time and some people even think now, but in many cases of a much larger sum.

The amendment of the Minister on its face looks very plausible. Here again we have a conflict of statements. In the first place, Deputy Morrissey says that if the amendment is carried it will not benefit more than 50 per cent. of the pensioners. Then we have the Vice-President stating that if it is carried it will benefit a majority of the old age pensioners. It is very difficult for an ordinary Deputy to reconcile those two views. But there is one thing certain, it will not benefit all the old age pensioners, and I think we should be lacking in our duty now, when the Minister for Finance claims that we have turned the corner, if we did not immediately seek to restore to those people what we, perhaps, in a rather thoughtless manner, took away from them at the commencement of the life of this State. I shall certainly support the motion. I do not believe that it will entail extra taxation. I certainly believe that a sum of £350,000 could be met at least by the way I have suggested—by funding a portion of the amount expended on the Army. If not that way, it could be met in directions other than that so sarcastically suggested by the Minister namely, the placing of extra taxation on the necessities of the people.

Mr. CORRY

I rise to support the motion. Looking at this amendment, I must say that I never saw a more contemptible camouflage than that amendment is. We have had some experience of the manner in which this Act is being administered. The proposal made in this amendment is that no person is entitled to 10/- whose yearly means exceeds £15 12s. 6d. We had the Minister for Local Government telling us the amount spent on pensions in different counties. I wonder how much is spent in the administration—how much is spent on the sneak that travels around to all those unfortunate old blind people to find out whether they had half a herring for breakfast or not. In my constituency, and I think all over the Free State, we have a large number of small farmers who made marriage arrangements with their families, and in order that they might not be thrown out made an arrangement that they should get their keep. Take one of these ordinary small farmers with a valuation of £15 or £20 who, as things stand at present, with the depression in agriculture, is absolutely unable to keep himself and wife and children from starving, and who has in addition an aged father or mother over 70 years. That aged father or mother cannot get a pension because his or her keep in the house would amount to more than £15 per year. I suppose the Minister for Local Government will tell us that either of them would not eat £15 worth.

We had any amount of wondering as to where the money would come from. I have here a Budget of other pensions amounting to £265,000 paid to able-bodied persons who are kept in the position that no other individual can get a position while one of them wants it. Two hundred and sixty-five thousand pounds, it states here, are paid in Army pensions to able-bodied persons. I have looked into the cases of some of the individuals on this list, and I know that they are healthier than any person listening to me—even than Deputy John Daly. The Minister for Finance stated that dire financial necessity compelled him to take a shilling from the old age pensioners. The dire financial necessity that allowed £28,000 per year for a representative of England's king! The dire necessity that pays £28,000 per year to this empty front line trench opposite me! Despite all that, we see advertisements appearing every day for public offices with salaries of £600 or £800 per year and £200 or £300 per year cost-of-living bonus added. The old age pensioner, who has £15 per year to live upon, is not entitled to 10/- per week pension, but the official who gets into a position at £1,000 or £1,200 per year is entitled to £200 or £300 cost-of-living bonus. Surely there is something nonsensical in the whole thing. I have in mind one pension that was granted by the Cork County Council of £800 per annum a short time ago, which was sent up to the Local Government Department, and they sent down an order that the gentleman concerned should get something like £890. Still we are told that no old person, who has spent his lifetime drudging, and toiling and slaving in order to pay this cost-of-living bonus and salaries of £1,000 to £2,500, is entitled to 10/- per week old age pension if he has anything over £15 odd per year to live on. I was surprised at statements made by my colleague, Deputy John Daly, the friend of the poor. I was amazed at his statement, especially after I had read his speech on Sunday last. I was sure that despite the chains tied about Deputy Daly's legs at the last election he was going to break the chains.

Mr. DALY

I object to that. There was no chain on my leg. There never was any necessity to put a chain on my leg. I always had a free leg, and have still.

Mr. COONEY

Prove that in the Division Lobby.

Mr. CORRY

When we come to consider the fact that no matter how we speak here, no matter what case we put forward, for or against a motion, the Government Whips are put on, and the poor fellows on the Government Benches are whipped into the Lobby of the Party to which they have pledged their allegiance, we ask ourselves is there any use in putting forward a case at all? It seems to me there is not. We have, at the present day, from £10,000 to £14,000 a year paid in this country to spies and informers for secret service, by a Government which cannot afford to give a shilling a week rise to the old age pensioners. We have a large body of C.I.D. men about whose actions half the Question Paper is taken up almost every day, touring about the country. Is it any wonder that the old age pensioner, dragged from his bed, hearing those gentlemen battering at his door to get in, should say: "I wish we had the English back"? I wonder what case any Minister can put up why an old man past the years of earning his own livelihood, and getting £15 a year, is not to be entitled to £26 more? Is there any old man who can live in any degree of comfort, even on the bare necessaries of life, on anything less than £40 or £50 a year?

Unfortunately from the first day that this Government came into office, their idea was not to cut down expenditure as it should be cut down, by cutting the over-paid officials at the top of the list, beginning with the gentleman with £28,000 a year, then coming down along their own front line bench and giving a good example to the country, and then coming on to the overpaid officials along the whole line. No: they started at the bottom. I have seen other parties, in different places, start at the bottom, and I saw what happened. This is miserable cheeseparing. The only difference put forward is a sum of £300,000 as the difference between the motion and the amendment. Why nearly that £300,000 a year is paid for polish for the Free State soldiers' gaiters. £300,000 a year is paid for the petrol for joy-rides round the country for those gentlemen. I could show the Government any amount of ways for saving this £300,000 a year if there is an inclination to save it. Deputy Daly himself admits that all those old age pensioners are deserving. If they are deserving, why not give them the full pension? Surely to goodness the poor unfortunate old man who finds at present that he is unable to live is not to be compelled to go to the poorhouse? I heard the Minister for Local Government say, in reference to the case put forward by Deputy Cassidy, why did not the person go to the Board of Assistance. There is always the inclination and desire on the part of the Departments and Ministers to shift the burden on to the rates, as distinct from the taxes. The idea of leaving a poor man three months without his pension waiting until a doctor from Dublin, with £600 a year, should come down to see how many years he might live, or whether it is worth while stopping the pension altogether, is scandalous. I heard the Minister for Local Government a while ago alluding to the enormous amount paid under these pensions. I wonder whether he had any idea, at the back of his mind, how these old age pensioners could be killed off to relieve the State, which they were costing such an enormous amount of money.

I, at any rate, would appeal to my colleagues, the other Deputies for East Cork, who have repeatedly and definitely made statements during the past twelve months that they were going to hand back the old age pensions, to come forward now and keep their word, no matter what pressure may be brought to bear on them by Party Whips.

Mr. T. SHEEHY (Cork, West)

I am astonished to hear from time to time the criticisms and the sneers that are levelled at these benches from the opposite side of the House. I may state that we are elected freely by the ballot to support the Government because the citizens of the Saorstát believe that we are for stability, for good government and for progress. I congratulate the Minister for Finance on holding to his word. I had not the honour to be a member of the Dáil in 1924, but I realise as an honest man that the Government of that day would not have taken the extreme step of cutting off the shilling from the old age pensioners unless they were driven financially into a corner, and the whole Saorstát is aware of the cause of their embarrassment at that time. I do not want to open old sores. There is not a single Deputy who is listening to me but is aware of the position—the financially desperate position—that the Government was in four years ago. And how are we to-day at their hands? Thank God, we are progressing, and the Minister for Finance is in a position to keep his word, almost in its entirity, to the old age pensioners. He said in Monaghan at the June election that if there was a ray of hope financially for the Saorstát he would come along and restore the shilling. Last July we had another election, and he was returned in triumph, as was the Deputy who has now the honour of addressing the Dáil. I said on that occasion that I felt, from what I knew of the Minister for Finance and the Government as a whole, that the old age pensioners would not be forgotten, and that when the opportune time arrived the Government would do their duty to them once more. Although they have not gone the whole way on this occasion they are giving back the 10/- to 60 per cent. of the pensioners. I am in close contact with the old age pensioners of the wilds of Carbery, because I have been a member of a Pensions Committee since the Act was passed seventeen years ago, and I am not afraid to go back to them and tell them that the Government went so far, and that, please God, in a short time, before I leave the Dáil, every single soul of them will get the entire shilling.

Mr. CLERY

Since so much advance has been made, according to the last speaker, there seems to be very little to be said in opposition to the amendment, but I think if this debate only brings to the minds of Ministers the terrible plight of the old people who are entitled to pensions but who are refused them, it will reap some good. The Minister's amendment, as far as I can see, has only been brought in in a moment of panic. We know very well that if the Minister for Finance could imagine for a moment that he could rally the Deputies on his Benches by going out whole-hog in opposition to Deputy Morrissey's motion, he would do so. But since he had to make some pretence to fool the Deputies on his own Benches, he did the best he could, and, I am afraid, from what we have heard from Deputy Daly and the last speaker, and from the silence on the part of other Deputies on those Benches, he has this time fooled them in a very successful manner.

Knowing conditions in the West of Ireland, I can say that the amendment will not, to any extent worth talking about, remedy the position there. The income that he says people should not have in order to be entitled to a pension of 1/- a week is an income which perhaps a man with two acres of land would not have, and the position in the West to-day is that you have people who are really entitled to 9/- under the present system getting only 4/-, because of the tricky manner in which the Department, through its pension officers, is turning down the decisions of the Pension Committees. I do not see that the amendment will remedy that in any way. The amendment will make very little change in the West of Ireland. It is only a pretence that the Minister is going by half-way measures to meet the case. The Minister's defence of his amendment reminded me of a Lenten sermon as much as anything I heard from a layman for a long time. He tried to make the old age pensioners swallow it that they would be better off by getting 5/- than they would by getting 10/-. That was his whole argument. He and the Minister for Local Government put up the argument that they could not really, if they wanted to, restore the old age pension in full because of economic reasons; that the whole economic fabric of the State as it is at present would be smashed if they gave back to these old people the money that has been tricked out of their pockets. I wonder if they had such great concern for economy when they sent President Cosgrave away on his grand Imperial tour to America and Canada. I wonder, when discussing the expenses to the State of that grand tour, of their armoured trains and all that, if they had as great care for economy in the public service as they have to-day, and I wonder, when they were making their grand addresses to the people of America, telling them how prosperous we were in Ireland, if they told them also that they could not afford to give back to the old people and the blind the mean shilling that was robbed from them a few years ago. They only talked of how prosperous we were. Again recently, when we had this new hushed-up installation in the Viceregal Lodge —the brother of John—I wonder if at the enthronement they had such care for economy in the State as they have shown here to-day when they refuse to give back to the old people the shilling that was robbed from them.

When they decided on that sheaf of pensions that Deputy Corry spoke of, did they show great care for economy in giving pensions of from £100 to £350 to several Deputies on the opposite benches, in addition to their salaries, for work, of course, done for Ireland, and in giving to thousands of young, able-bodied men all over Ireland salaries of from £100 to £350 simply because they were hangers-on of the Government? I see by these lists that in Mayo something like £3,000 is being given to men who distinguished themselves as gun-thugs in the Civil War, distinguished themselves at that alone and only then, and in County Galway I am informed that there is something like £5,000 being spent in the same manner.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

The Deputy should keep to the amendment.

Mr. CLERY

I am just mentioning some cases where economies could be practised, if the same consideration were given to them as Ministers pretend to give to the question of old age pensions. Their whole argument is that the money cannot be got, but you will find that whenever an argument is put up by the well-to-do section of the State, there is very little talk of where the money is to come from then. I believe that if, as before, England invited these gentlemen over and asked from this State a quarter of a million pounds as a contribution towards the naval defence of this Dominion of the British Empire, there would be no talk as to where the money was to come from. But this is dealing with the old people. These gentlemen feel that they are now in the saddle and are going to remain there. They feel that they have all the elements of the State that count —the moneyed elements—behind them, and that they can dictate terms to the common people at will.

I will ask the Deputies from Connaught, and particularly those from Mayo, not to be tied down by the Party Whips when the vote is taken. There is Deputy Nally opposite, who has always urged that the Government should give back to the old age pensioners the shilling that was taken away from them. He, at least, has enough of political intelligence, if none other, to realise that it is all tomfoolery on the part of Ministers to fool him and people like him into voting for this amendment. I trust that these Deputies, when voting, will consider, not Party instructions, and not the tactics or the opinions of the Unionist section of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, but the welfare of the people only, that they will vote for Deputy Morrissey's motion as the only just and honest course.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

Perhaps the Deputy would not like it to go on record about a colleague of his in the representation of Mayo that he has political intelligence if no other. I think the Deputy should withdraw that, even from the point of view of County Mayo, before it goes on the records.

Mr. CLERY

I would not mind having it on the records really, but if the Ceann Comhairle thinks it wrong, I withdraw it. Perhaps he knows the Deputy better than I do.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

I do not know either of the Deputies at all as a matter of fact, but I am interested in preserving for Deputies some of the ordinary amenities of life. On that ground, I take it that the Deputy has withdrawn?

Mr. CLERY

Yes.

Mr. CAREY

I would remind the House that if some of the Deputies who were shedding crocodile tears this evening about the reduction of the old age pensions in 1924 had only done then what they have been doing for the last five or six months it would have been easy to increase the old age pensions instead of having had to reduce them. If we are to tackle seriously the question of the old age pension in a commonsense, business way, there are two or three ways of doing it. Under present circumstances, and after listening to the explanation of the Minister for Finance, I think that an increase of 1/- to 60 per cent. of the old age pensioners is sufficient for the time being. After all, it is only really the very poor who are receiving 9/- weekly at present, and it is on behalf of those people that we have from time to time spoken in favour of giving back the shilling. It is utterly impossible to classify all old age pensioners on the same lines. There are different classes of old age pensioners. You have the very small farmer with 10 or 20 acres. I have known farmers with 100 acres drawing pensions of 5/- or 6/- who were living with their sons and daughters, having the run of the house and certain perquisites. That is not the class for whom the pension was inaugurated; it was for the poor people. I would encourage giving the pension to those who, after a life of toil, during which they tried to make a living through the world, when they reach seventy would need a pension to carry them on to the end of their days. That was the idea when the old age pensions were introduced by the British Government. One Deputy on the Fianna Fáil Benches stated that Deputy Daly and I were chained to Cumann na nGaedheal. Our legs were never chained as far as the Government were concerned. We were always with them, but now some Deputies criticise us for taking the part of the Government in carrying out the destinies of the nation. Some time previous to 1916, when we were all in the Irish-Ireland movement, these people would have been fully satisfied with the great and the good Home Rule Bill we were getting in 1914.

The Minister for Finance has told us that 60 per cent. of the old age pensioners will get the increase. These are the people I am interested in, and it satisfies me for the time being that these people are to get the increase immediately, because they are the poorest of the poor. We have heard several suggestions and criticisms as to a reduction in the cost of different departments of the State which would make up for any extra expenditure. In reply to Deputy Corry, who mentioned the army pensioners, I would say that no Deputy would be here this evening but for the work they did in trying to bring the people back to common sense——

Mr. COONEY

Right into the Empire.

Mr. CAREY

——If we are in earnest about tackling this question it must be done by way of social reform, and that must come through the report of the Poor Law Commission. We have National Health Insurance with contributions from employer and employed, and by means of a small Bill that scheme could be easily converted so that this country could give old age pensions to insured members when they reach 65, and when they attain the age of 70 they could be thrown over on the State to get an old age pension of 10/-. I am fully satisfied with the explanation of the Minister for Finance when he said that it was really the deserving poor who will receive the benefit of the increase indicated in his amendment.

Mr. DAVIN

Deputies who may be anxious to give fair consideration to the Minister's statement should disregard altogether what has been said on his behalf by Deputy Daly and other Deputies on the back bench of the Government Party. If Deputies want to consider the attitude of the Minister and judge him by his previous statements. I would ask them to go back to the statement he made on the Budget on April 22nd, 1925. He is reported in the official debates as stating:—

We have not proposed to apply any part of the gross surplus towards supplementing the Old Age Pension Vote because we feel that the situation does not permit of any increase in recurrent expenditure; that in fact, existing expenditure can continue to be borne only if conditions improve. Substantial reduction in taxation is consequently necessary above all else. But if the situation is found to have improved at the end of the year— that is, the end of the financial year, 1925—we believe some revision of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1924, will have to be given precedence of any further reduction of taxation, however much required. Meantime, the tea and sugar reductions will be of some benefit to the old age pensioners.

That was the statement made in this House by the Minister in justification for the Budget of 1925. I will quote Deputy Alfred Byrne later on about this matter. In the 1926-27 Budget we find that the Minister failed to fulfil the promises that he made in his previous Budget statement, notwithstanding the fact that alterations were made in the 1926-27 Budget for giving relief in super tax of £115,000 and also relief in the Corporation Profits Tax of £85,000, making a total reduction of £200,000 in all. Subsequently in the 1927-28 Budget the Minister comes along and, instead of honouring the promises which he made in 1925, he reduces the income tax by one shilling in the £ to the tune of £550,000. Now let Deputy Carey and Deputy Daly and anybody else who likes judge the Minister upon the promises he made in 1925 and how he fulfilled these promises and how far he has failed to give effect to those promises. He talked to-day about £500,000 which he says Deputy Morrissey's motion will cost if given effect to, and he brushes aside the reduction in the income tax— a reduction to the people who spend in foreign countries money saved in income tax. He brushes that aside as if it never happened. He tries to hoodwink the old age pensioners and the taxpayers in general—for that is what he is doing, trying to hoodwink them—by stating that the old age pensions could not be restored to the basis of the pensions which were payable to people previous to the 1924 Act except we had a tax of 6d. per lb. additional on tea or three-farthings on a pound of sugar. I think the Minister and his supporters, Deputy Daly and others, will find it very difficult, in view of the statement made by the Minister, to justify him now. Deputy Daly will find it very hard to persuade the poor people in the South of Ireland——

Mr. DALY

You don't know the people of the South of Ireland at all, man.

Mr. DAVIN

If I know anything, or if I can understand the Minister's statement to-day, there is now no hope whatever that there is going to be a reduction in the duty on beer and spirits. I do not know how Deputy Daly will stand that when he goes back again to his part of the country. He will fall. He is wounded already. The Minister stated, when reducing the old age pensions in 1925, the Government were influenced in their action in that matter by their belief that they were helping to put this State on the road to economic recovery. There has been a good deal of talk here to-night, and there is too much attention paid in the country to the reduction of one shilling in the old age pension. A lot of people in the country who have no friends who are eligible for the old age pensions and who know nothing and care very little about the regulations which make it possible for pensions to be paid, are of opinion that we are only concerned with the restoration of one shilling. I know cases where people are absolutely destitute and where they secure shelter in the holding of their brother, who may have a small farm with a certain valuation, and I know that, simply and solely because the brother has a holding of a certain valuation and takes in a destitute relative, that relative is thereby precluded from securing a pension of any kind. The regulations were in many other respects altered in a drastic way as a result of the amending Act of 1924.

Mr. BLYTHE

I think the Deputy is unintentionally giving a wrong impression to the House. So far as the question of maintenance by a relative or anybody else is concerned, the 1924 Act did not in the slightest degree alter the previous position.

Mr. DAVIN

I am only speaking from experience. I have here a file of papers in connection with the old age pensions claims. I would not trouble the House to go through many of the cases that I have brought under the notice of the Department dealing with old age pensions.

Mr. BLYTHE

I was making one point. The Deputy seems to be stating, by implication, that, in so far as this matter is concerned, it has been altered by the 1924 Act. I want to correct that impression that it had not been altered by the 1924 Act.

Mr. MORRISSEY

The limit of means was.

Mr. BLYTHE

That is not the question. It is the case of the maintenance of the applicant by a relative of any kind.

Mr. DAVIN

I thought that the Minister, in making a statement in the House this evening in reply to Deputy Morrissey, deliberately ignored the promises that he made in 1924 in regard to the question of old age pensions, and I think the Minister has not justified the attitude that he took up in 1924 on that particular matter. I would ask the back bench members of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, when they, or some of them, like Deputy Sheehy included, thanked the Minister for having kept his word almost in its entirely, to go back to the Minister's statement which he made in the House in 1925, and ask whether that statement has been kept, and whether it is in accordance with the terms of his speech here to-night.

Mr. STEPHEN JORDAN

From the speeches delivered in this debate, particularly on the opposite benches, I have come to the conclusion that any remarks of mine will be only as a voice crying in the wilderness. However, I propose to say a few words on the motion moved by Deputy Morrissey. In doing so, I would like to say that some of the statements made by very important people in this House seem to be more or less contradictory. The Minister for Finance, when speaking, stated that there was no possible chance of getting any money for this shilling that is to be refunded except out of increased taxation. He estimated that it would take £500,000 to meet this shilling in the old age pension. He then stated that about sixty per cent. of the most deserving cases of the pensioners would be met by this amendment. Where is the money to come from, I would like to know, to meet this sixty per cent.? If he speaks truthfully that increased taxation must be got to meet the sixty per cent., I do not think it would do him a lot of harm if he went further and took the forty per cent. as well and so satisfied Deputy Sheehy and Deputy Daly and go the whole hog and make it one hundred. He stated that the Government could not face additional taxation. I presume that when the Minister made that statement he was speaking for the Government. It might be an extraordinary thing to say, but if they have not the pluck to face it there is a Party in the House that has, and if that Party gets the reins of office they will face it and they will get the money. They will not get it by increased taxation. There are plenty of ways to get it, and, even if increased taxation has to be resorted to, they have the pluck to do that. There is no necessity at all—and this comes from an humble back-bencher— for increased taxation. It is only by accident that I am in the front benches, and I do not consider myself a front bencher; this is Belton's side of the House. Money can be got, and it was made very plain how money could be got. When Deputy Redmond was speaking, he stated that the Army expenditure could be reduced, and any sane man will admit it could be, and the sooner it is reduced the better. A big percentage of the money spent upon it was wasted money for this country.

General MULCAHY

Hear, hear!

Mr. JORDAN

Not in the same light as you see it, though. If there was a reduction or an abolition of Army pensions a big saving could be effected. You had plenty of references to them by the speakers who preceded me.

I know people in County Galway who are drawing pensions, and I do not know what they got them for. I know people in portions of Mayo and portions of Clare—places in both counties that I had a little to do with—and these people are drawing pensions, and I know the services they rendered. If these pensions were taken off these people you need not increase taxes to give the additional amount to the poor people of Ireland who have lived to see the day, as some of them have said, when we have our own Government. Somebody said in regard to that: "It is an old saying that your own are always the worst." It did not take them long to find it out, because in that Budget they took a shilling off the old age pensions, and the next Budget took a shilling off the income tax. They took a shilling off the income tax which was imposed on people who had so much money that they were contributing it to the State. If the Army pensions and the Secret Service moneys that are lashed around Ireland were cut off it would effect a queer saving.

A lot of sarcastic remarks were passed during the debate, and this is going on for a long time in the House. Some people are more or less impostors. The first few days after we came in we were being taught the decorum of the House. If we did not do anything in accordance with the rules and regulations we were most respectfully informed of our mistakes. The experienced people said they were delighted to see us here, and whenever any crotchety question came up the Ministers were hopping up and down saying that there was nobody more delighted than they to see us here. We had a Deputy standing up here a few minutes ago who prefaced his speech by saying that if the Fianna Fáil Party came into the Dáil in 1924, and did as much as they have done for the last five months, things would not be as they are. These people cannot have both ends of the stick, and if they are delighted to see us here they should at least respect our opinions and not be sarcastic about them.

I am in full accord with Deputy Morrissey's motion. I believe if the Army pensions were reduced and the Secret Service money was not being lavished as it is, with savings effected in other ways, the extra money could easily be met. These old people are certainly entitled to it. They had it from worse masters than you, although you are bad enough. The least you ought to do is to give it back to them. If they do not get it, it will not be through any fault of the Deputies on these benches.

Reference was made to political capital being made out of this. I may be pulled up. If I am, I will be satisfied; if I get as far as other people got, it will do me good. Reference was made to the 5 per cent. interest on £22,000,000. I will not say what the £22,000,000 was for, but I am sure you can guess. The interest on it, anyhow, was something like £1,500,000. It was the President made reference to it. I say here that we have nothing to do with the one and a half millions, and we are not responsible for it. Even if we were inclined to claim responsibility for the extra cost, the Minister for Lands and Agriculture made it quite clear that Fianna Fáil had nothing to do with it —that is down where I come from. I am keeping as much as I can to the motion without being pulled up. I have got just as far as the President got, and it is an honour, indeed, to say that I have got that far.

I am in full accord with the motion proposed by Deputy Morrissey, and if savings are effected in the way pointed out by Deputy Redmond, and by Deputies on these Benches, and on the Labour Benches, the extra money could be got quite easily. At least sixty per cent. must be got from some place, according to the Minister. The Minister says his amendment covers it. It will be very easy to get the other forty per cent. These people deserve the return of the shilling. It is not altogether a question of returning one shilling. I know cases in the West of Ireland where three, four and five shillings were taken off. The small amount of means embodied in the amendment is also a great drawback. As far as I am concerned, Whip or no Whip, I will support the motion. I appeal to Deputies who come from Galway—I appeal strongly to them—to be consistent in this motion and to do, when the division comes on, what they said to the people of Galway in June and September they would do.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

In rising to support the amendment moved by the Minister for Finance, I think the first thing that I should say is that there is not a single member on those Benches here who is not exceedingly anxious to provide to the fullest possible extent for the aged and infirm of this State. I may also tell the House that before the motion by Deputy Morrissey was tabled, we, members of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, exercised the greatest possible pressure upon the Minister to move as far in the matter as he has moved to-night. We had long and deep discussions upon the possibility of restoring in full, as the motion has demanded, all the pensions as they were in 1924, but the Minister proved to us finally and conclusively that that was a strain which the State was quite unable to bear. I think that the greatest possible proof of the solicitude of the Government Party for the aged and infirm in this country is shown in the Pensions Bill.

In considering matters of this sort we have to consider what are the resources of the State. At present we are paying to old age pensioners annually the huge sum of £2,267,000, and the President in dealing with that figure placed it at one-ninth of the income of the State. I suggest that he might have gone further and placed it at one-seventh of our annual income. The President conclusively showed that so far as the resources of the country are concerned we are actually paying more to the aged and infirm in proportion to our resources than wealthy countries like England. In considering matters of this kind I think it is the duty of every Party to ask itself how far we can afford to increase these pensions. Deputies of the Opposition Party and Labour Deputies are perfectly free agents on any question that comes up for discussion here, but members of the Government Party have greater responsibilities.

Mr. DAVIN

Obligations.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

If the word "obligations" suits the Deputy better I shall use it. Their first obligation is to the nation as a whole. That is their primary duty. Their second obligation comes in the motion before the House in regard to old age pensions. It must be remembered that, in addition to what has been done by this increase of £152,000 to the existing Old Age Pensions Bill of over £2,000,000, that the old age pensioners have been given a free breakfast table, as the duty has been taken off tea and practically off sugar, so that a pension of 9/- a week to-day is easily equivalent to a pension of 10/- a week a few years ago. It is the duty of the Government to look after each class and section of the country, and in performing that duty to see that they do not give more to one section than it is honestly entitled to. It must also be remembered that taxation has been reduced from £11 3s. per head to £7 15s., and furthermore— I think it is almost unnecessary to refer to it—there has been a reduction of 2/- in the £ income tax, and the Government have been pilloried for that. I was surprised to hear the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee deal with this motion in the way he did, as there is no Deputy who knows better how closely the accounts of the nations are watched and pared down to the finest level than Deputy Davin.

Mr. DAVIN

What have the Deputy's remarks to do with the motion before the House?

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

That may transpire.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

I will take upon myself the duty of replying to that question. My remarks are directed to show that the nation can only pay old age pensioners in accordance with the resources of the State, and that we of the Government Party are paying them the fullest possible sum that lies within the ambit of those resources.

A DEPUTY

The taxpayers are paying.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

We do not suggest that they are not. That is obvious to every man of common intelligence, but we suggest that the Government have to make provision for other people besides old age pensioners.

A DEPUTY

For salaries.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

We suggest that relief in the shape of taxation has to be given when other matters come before the Government for consideration. When we reduced the income tax to two shillings, did Deputy Davin's Party say that it did no good in increasing employment?

Mr. DAVIN

Nothing.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

Did it do anything to increase the prosperity of the country?

Mr. DAVIN

No.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

I challenge Deputy Morrissy to deny that were it not for the wise measures of finance adopted by the Government the possibility would have been that instead of increasing the pensions now, they would have to be considerably curtailed. We have given in relief of the agricultural rates a sum of £1,200,000. Has that done anything to restore the prosperity of the country and enable the Minister for Finance to increase the old age pensions by an addition of £152,000? Has that done nothing to relieve unemployment, which needs to be relieved almost as seriously as the old age pensioners? Have we done nothing by way of the Shannon scheme to reduce unemployment?

Mr. BRISCOE

I would like to know whether Deputy Byrne is paying a tribute to the Minister for Finance or is debating the Deputy's motion?

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

The Deputy is speaking as closely to the motion as the average Deputy, if not more closely.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

I thank you, A Chinn Comhairle. I expected that your ruling would be exactly what it has been.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

After that graceful tribute to the Chair, I think the Deputy might now move the adjournment.

Mr. J.J. BYRNE

Very well, I move the adjournment of the debate.

AN CEANN COMHAIRLE

Will the President say when the debate is to be resumed?

We are willing to take it to-morrow after Questions, but I think it would be reasonable to expect that the debate would be finished at 5 o'clock. I would be seriously tempted to move that the question be put if it had not concluded by that hour.

Mr. MORRISSEY

If the President is willing to accept the motion it can be finished now.

We will take a division on it now if the Deputy wishes. Does the Deputy wish that?

Mr. MORRISSEY

No. I wish to put a few more senseless questions to the President before the debate is concluded.

AN LEAS-CHEANN COMHAIRLE

took the Chair.

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