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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 8 Jul 1931

Vol. 39 No. 13

Public Business. - Electricity (Supply) (Amendment) Bill, 1931—Second Stage.

I move this Bill with a great deal less pleasure and much less satisfaction than I have ever moved any Bill in this House before. There are three things in it. In Section 6, sub-section (2) a sum of two million pounds is mentioned. I am asking for leave to have ready for advance to the Board two million pounds. In Section 4 a sum of two thousand pounds is mentioned. I am asking that the Board may be directed to pay that two thousand pounds in the manner stated. In Section 3, sub-section (1), the phrase occurs in relation to the sums of money previously mentioned, that there shall be advanced "as and when requested so to do by the Board all such sums as the Minister for Industry and Commerce shall from time to time certify to be reasonably and properly required by the Board." Those are the three main things in the Bill. With regard to the sum of two million pounds I wish to have it at my disposal for the Board's purposes. Instead of that sum being handed over as in the previous Acts in certain half-yearly sums on a demand made by the Electricity Supply Board, I propose that it shall now be handed over as the Minister for Industry and Commerce shall from time to time certify to be reasonably and properly required by the Board.

In addition to these three things which are in the Bill, there are two other matters which are somewhere in the shadow of the Bill. One is the question of why the Executive Council accepted certain resignations of the members of the old Electricity Supply Board and secondly, what is the position of the present part time members or, as they are generally called, the business representatives who are associated with the Board in a part-time way. All these five things are somewhat tied up with the past history of the Electricity Supply Board and of the Shannon scheme, and I propose to give that history so as to secure the perspective in which these matters should be discussed.

There have been put to this House two main Bills dealing with the Shannon, one in 1925, the Shannon Electricity Act, which was amended in 1929, in its financial provisions, and secondly the Electricity (Supply) Act of 1927, which was amended in 1929 in certain small respects, and amended further in 1930. As far as the first of these Bills is concerned, it has very little if anything whatever to do with this general measure, but I refer to it to get the scheme properly set out. In the first Bill, the Shannon Electricity Act, the sum of £5,200,000, afterwards raised by the 1929 amending Bill to an effective sum of £5,700,000 was given for the construction of what was described and defined in that measure as the Shannon Works.

In addition there was a certain sum of money, which in the 1929 Act became £156,000, set aside to meet deficiencies and interest in the non-productive years. There were therefore the sums of £5,700,000 if we take the second Act plus this sum of £156,000, and for that there had to be constructed the whole Shannon Works as described in general in the Siemens Schuckert plan of many years ago. The sum of money I mentioned, £156,000, was supposed to be the sum which, with the revenue derived from the sale of current sold in bulk, would remunerate all the expenditure necessary in connection with these works and their construction, provide the interest payments, repayment of principal, depreciation, renewals, repairs, management and so on. Some of these things were not to be brought into account in the non-productive years, but it was estimated that if the maximum current that, in a dry year, would be produced for sale at the outskirts of towns and villages, namely, 134 or 138 million units, could be sold at a figure established by the experts, a sum of money, roughly £500,000, would be secured, and that would be sufficient to pay all I have spoken of, the interest, sinking fund, renewals and repairs, management and operation and other expenses of that kind. That was the first system, the Shannon system properly so-called.

I stated when the 1929 Act was under consideration that the sales figure of .84 of a penny mentioned by the experts, in their report, and taken as the basis of the calculation in the 1925 Act, had obviously suffered an enlargement and would now have to be raised to .9 of a penny. The position then was stated to be that if a sale of 138,000,000 units could be secured at .9 of a penny, we would have secured the all important sum of £500,000, which would meet all the Shannon construction expenses, interest on advances, repayment of capital and so on. That was the Shannon Bill proper. There was an Electricity Supply Act which dealt with distribution as apart from generation and long distance transmission. I want to go in more detail into the provisions of that Act. Under that Act a sum of money was voted—two and a half million pounds. It was voted to the Board to enable them to carry out all the purposes that were stated in the 1927 Act. It was the sum that was estimated to be the proper sum to enable them to carry out all the obligations imposed on them under the 1927 Act. They were to carry out all distribution, where it meant new net works to build new net works, and where there were old works to take them over, and if they were privately owned to take them over at a fair valuation, which in default of agreement was to be decided by an arbitrator, and to reconstruct such old net works as had to be reconstructed. It enabled them, or it was supposed to enable them, to have money free for house wiring, for the purchase of appliances for sale, for the provision of show-rooms, to engage in manufacture and to meet their own management and office expenses—that and the revenue they would derive as they went along.

The sum of money, as I say, was £2,500,000. Based on that sum, the scheme of the 1927 Act was this: A board was set up, a board which was declared to be independent from day to day inquisition either in Parliament or elsewhere. The consideration—and I stated that several times during the course of the debate on the 1927 Act— for this great freedom which the board was to be given was that there should be the fullest publicity possible of all their activities and, in particular, that there should be special publicity with regard to their accounts. The Dáil decided that there were certain accounts which must be produced. They detailed those. They said: These must be brought forward with regard to the Board's activities in a certain year. They said further that there might be produced such other statistics and returns as the Minister for Industry and Commerce thought fit, under a certain section, to demand. There was independence balanced by publicity and particularly by publicity on the financial side.

The Board was to have a maximum term of appointment of five years. In the clause establishing them, there was a sub-section to say that the members of the Board were subject to removal at any time by the Executive Council if in their opinion the effective and economic performance of the functions of the Board rendered dismissal necessary. Again, counter to that, was the fact that, if a dismissal took place, a statement of that fact and the reason for it had to be put before both Houses of the Oireachtas.

There are several sections which dealt with the accounts. Section 7 is the main section dealing with these. Section 32 is the section to which I have referred already, the section which ordained that an annual report must be made, and which also gives the Minister power to demand certain statistical and other returns as he may require them, and to publish these if he thinks fit to demand them. The Board were given £2,500,000, but they were not given any borrowing powers. They were limited to the sum of money set down, that is, £2,500,000 and this was to be advanced in certain instalments—or at least not more than a certain amount of it would be claimed in half yearly instalments. The interest was to be paid on each advance as made, but repayments of advances, that is to say, sinking fund arrangements, were not to begin until after the appointed day. The appointed day was to be the end of the year 1932, or such later day as might under stated conditions be determined. The Act looked to an appointed day, unless otherwise determined, of the 1st January, 1933. Interest on anything given to the Board had to be paid running from the date upon which each particular advance was made. Repayments of capital were not to start until after the first of the new year, 1933. Similar conditions held with regard to the Shannon Works, and the moneys involved in them as and when they were handed over to the Board. As each piece of the Shannon Works, representing a certain capital sum, came into the hands of the Board interest began to run on from that date. Repayment did not start till after the appointed day.

The Board was given a direction as to its operations under the Act—rather it was given an order as to its operations on the finance side. Section 21 detailed the system of charges that were to be made.

The first sub-section laid down that the charges must be such before the appointed day as would conduce after the appointed day to certain conditions being met. These are detailed in sub-section (2) of Section 21. That sub-section provides that charges for electricity, goods or services, should be

"fixed at such rates and at such scales that the revenue derived in any year by the Board from such sales and services together with its revenue (if any) in such year from other sources will be sufficient, and only sufficient (as nearly as may be) to pay all salaries, working expenses, and other outgoings of the Board properly chargeable to income in that year (including the payments falling to be made in such year by the Board to the Minister for Finance in respect of interest and sinking fund, payments on advances out of the Central Fund), and such sums as the Board may think proper to set aside in that year for reserve fund, extensions, renewals, depreciation, loans, and other like purposes."

Later sections gave power to the Board to acquire existing undertakings. Section 39 details the process and the results of acquisition of authorised undertakings. Authorised undertakings were distinguished into two types, authorised municipal undertakings and authorised private undertakings. As far as an authorised private undertaking was concerned the Board might make a vesting order, and after certain formalities that are detailed had been attended to, a fair value was determined, fixed by a certain process, if not by agreement. On becoming possessed of such property under the order the Board had to set aside the determined sum. In regard to municipal undertakings the Board had power to take these over. There did not vest in the Board the liabilities of the previous undertaking, but the Board under Section 39 of the Act was bound to indemnify and keep indemnified the undertakers against all undischarged liabilities, borrowings, etc., previously made for the purposes of the undertaking.

That is, more or less, the scheme of the 1927 Act. I would like to summarise it. There was to be set up a Board, independent but subject to removal. The Board was bound to publicity, especially in regard to its finances. It was bound to the production of certain specified accounts. It was bound further to produce, at the request of the Minister, certain statistical reports. These were to be published under certain circumstances. The Board was bound to take over all the undischarged liabilities of authorised municipal undertakings on condition of indemnification and was bound to set aside a sum of money equal to the fair assessed value of privately-owned authorised undertakings. The Board was bound up by the limitation of the sum of two and a half million pounds given to it. It had no borrowing powers given to it, and therefore it had no borrowing powers under the law. It was given an instruction that its charges must be such as to conduce to meet all the things I have detailed: salaries, working expenses, interest, sinking fund, reserves, extensions, renewals, depreciation and so forth. It was clear from that, I think, that the indication that Parliament gave to the Board was that it must run the scheme on the basis of supplying people at cost, but at a cost which had to include all the items that are specified in the particular section to which I have referred. The costs were certainly to include these items after the appointed day and before the appointed day the charges must be such as to conduce to these expenses being met afterwards.

There may be inquiry made as to how this sum of two and a half million pounds was arrived at. There were many checks put on that sum when it was first considered. I mentioned on the Second Reading of the 1927 legislation that certain groups outside this country had shown a tendency to come in here with a view to securing the service of electricity in the country, and that one group in particular had advanced to the point of making very detailed calculations as to the amount of capital that would be required for purposes similar to those that were afterwards incorporated in the electricity supply legislation. I had that particular financial statement in my possession and discussed it with a person who afterwards became a member of the Board. I had from him memoranda prepared on various points which indicated that for all the purposes set out in the legislation the sum of two and a half million pounds should have been not merely sufficient, but amply sufficient, to meet all that the Board had to do. I had, in addition, material for a further test which was applied at that time. I had before me the capital accounts of a great many undertakings in many parts of the world, and from those it was clear that the ordinary disposal of capital was almost in equal one-thirds as between generation, transmission and distribution. As we had previously set out a very carefully considered and expertly advised scheme to provide £5,200,000 for generation and transmission, our next calculation was that the sum of two and a half million pounds should be taking it as a rough figure, a proper sum for the purpose set out in the 1925 Act. That was the legislation, and that was the sum of money. These were the directions that to my mind the Oireachtas gave to the Board to be appointed, with regard to this duty.

The Board was in due course appointed. I found myself at a very early stage in the Board's life faced with the question of what exactly was my responsibility for the Board, and if I had any responsibility at all how was it going to be exercised. There was the section in the Act, to which I have already referred, giving the Executive Council power to dismiss, in the interests of the effective and economic performance of the duties of the Board, any member or all the members of the Board. It seemed to me that where power to dismiss was given, in other words power to decide when the interests of the effective and economic performance of their functions by the Board demanded certain people's dismissal it was part of some Minister's duty and his right to satisfy himself as to the effective and economic performance of their duty by these people.

There was an accidental circumstance which happened at that time and which drew me into very close contact with the Board. The construction works were not complete. There were certain works which I was still carrying out and was clearly bound to carry out under the 1925 Act. I had contractors on the scene for the purpose of carrying out these works. It was represented to me that there were certain other works which the Board required and which could most effectively be carried out by my contractors with the plant that was on the spot at the time and under the expert supervision of my contractors and my own engineering staff. The Board put it to me that acting for the Board on an agency basis I should get my contractors to undertake specified work for the Electricity Supply Board. That led to a certain amount of investigation as to what these works were and to the type of control to which I was myself properly subjected on the construction of the works. Consequently I had to exercise a limited supervision over the works which the Electricity Supply Board requested my Department to have carried out for it.

In that way I was thrown into certain touch with the Electricity Supply Board, probably closer touch than I would have insisted on having if I was merely operating the section which gave me power to dismiss. But, let me repeat. Nevertheless, I hold that under the 1927 Act unless the power to dismiss was only an empty threat, then the people who might have to use that power in certain circumstances must have some right of investigating how the affairs of the Board were going.

At a very early stage in the Board's career, I sent letters to them stating that the construction works had got to a certain point, that the finances of the construction works to that point were amounting to a certain figure, pointing out that the final cost of electricity depended, not merely on the cost of generation and transmission, but the cost of distribution, and asking for an assurance that they were optimistic— no further than that—that they could, within the limits of the money granted by the Oireachtas, carry out all the work put upon them in such a way that at the experts' price sufficient units were likely to be sold as would recoup the money expended on the whole scheme and meet all necessary outgoings. I got very little satisfaction from the early letters. I did not expect a great deal of satisfaction then from letters written at the end of 1928, but in the course of correspondence that followed one fact clearly emerged, and that was that the Board felt that the sum of two and a half millions which they were entitled to demand from the Minister for Finance did not include any undischarged obligations that they took over from municipal undertakings. I had some conferences and wrote some letters on that point. In the conferences I pointed out that the undischarged liabilities were clearly in the sum which the foreign concern had decided to expend if it were allowed to electrify the country, and as that was the basis of our calculation, the undischarged liabilities were clearly intended to be within the sum put at the disposal of the Board. I argued that the undischarged liabilities, whatever they might be at the date of the vesting of the municipal undertakings in the Board, must be subtracted from the two and a half millions, and that the residue was what the Board might demand.

I got a statement from the Board at one time which showed a certain expenditure to that date and certain commitments beyond that date, and when I added the undischarged liabilities as estimated by me—for I had no precise knowledge of them—I found that the total sum had gone substantially higher than two and a half millions. A letter was again sent calling attention to what we felt was the intention of the Oireachtas with regard to this, but, nevertheless, asking if they could show us that this money could be remunerated. I stress this latter point as the main demand ordinarily made by us. In conversations or correspondence I had with members of the Board I frequently said or implied that once any stage of the Shannon had been completed in such a way that the accounts could show that it was financially sound, it would be an easy matter to get money for further development. I instanced the type of Bill that is brought frequently here with regard to the Telephone Capital Account and said there might be debates as to whether or not the telephone system was properly functioning but there was no hesitation in granting further moneys, because people knew where they were under that particular system.

My endeavour was to get some stage of the Shannon completed and its finances rounded off, showing the units being sold, the price at which they were being sold, the money that had to be remunerated, capital spent on it and all other charges met. As soon as that was shown it would be easy to provide further money for development. Although I raised the undischarged liabilities point at the very beginning, the moment I heard that undischarged liabilities were not regarded as being in the two and a half millions, nevertheless, I wrote to the Board asking it to show how this capital sum of two and a half millions, plus the surplus which I saw they had announced they were likely to require, was likely to be remunerated, the basis upon which the calculation that it would be remunerated rested. Again, I got no satisfaction on that point.

Eventually I took the opportunity offered by the introduction of a Bill in 1929. I had previously written to the Board to say that if the two and a half millions was not clearly to be read as including undischarged liabilities on acquired undertakings, then I would put that clearly into the Bill and go with it to the Dáil. I felt that that was the only thing that could be done. Deputies who were here at the time will have to search their memories for these debates, but I certainly was under the impression that I had left the House under the impression that the two and a half millions was the full capital sum the Board would have to remunerate, that it was inclusive of the undischarged liabilities, and that they certainly had not two and a half millions, in addition to the other sums. I argued to myself that that was clear and I used this argument to others to demonstrate to them our clear intention. What was the good of imposing finance restrictions, and not giving borrowing powers if the Board had this way of easing its financial position, that they could as controllers of authorised undertakers, and they had power to control, make these undertakers incur certain expenditure prior to being formally acquired, regard that fresh expenditure as an undischarged liability, and so free a larger amount of the two and a half millions for their own building expenses? Finally, arguments not having been much good, I brought in my 1929 Bill. I called the Board together and told them that I was going to insist on moving two amendments. One was a clause making it quite clear that the two and a half millions did include undischarged liabilities, and the other was that in Section 12 (1), which says: "the Minister for Finance shall advance" I was going to put in the word "may" instead of "shall" and by this change have a definite declaration in the Bill that until the construction period was over, as long as there was overlapping, and as long as I had certain contact with the Board's operations, I was clearly faced with responsibility. The Board met me under these circumstances and made an appeal to me not to put in the two amendments. They gave a written guarantee that they would scale down their expenditure so as to keep within the two and a half millions, minus the undischarged liability of the acquired undertakings. They made certain arrangements with regard to liaison, so as to keep a better flow of information between my Department and the Board, and on these two guarantees being given, I agreed not to bring in these amendments to the 1929 Act.

That meeting was held in the beginning of July, 1929, and the agreement was reduced to writing in August of that year. After that, operating on the new liaison arrangements, I asked again for certain information. The information I asked then and later can nearly all the time be summed up in the request put in letters during August or September, 1929, to this effect, that we wanted an assurance that the Board could, within the moneys given to them by the Oireachtas, carry out all the work put upon them, and that they could do that in such a way that the charges they would fix would remunerate all the capital put into it, and enable them to pay all the other expenses set out in the Act. Always we persisted in this, that we wanted a clear picture of their finances. Letters passed and certain information was given—certain very incomplete and unsatisfactory information was given. Finally, making a calculation from figures put before me in a letter in the early part of 1930, I issued a letter stating that in my opinion the Board had definitely gone beyond the sum of money which they had agreed was at their disposal. In the month of April, 1930, I had a letter from the Board proving—at least the letter began by saying that the purpose of the letter was to show that the Board had kept within the bounds of the two and a half million pounds, minus the undischarged liability. In the month of June, 1930, the Board made another approach to me, stating that they felt that they could not any longer keep within that limit unless they were to close down abruptly on certain schemes, and they felt that a sudden stoppage would cause wastage, and they asked that they should be relieved from any agreement they had given. I think somewhere about a month later they advanced to a further point, not so much that they could not any longer keep to their agreement, but that they had not kept to the agreement. Later I got a letter which announced to me that it was then clear that in December, 1929, the Board had passed the limits of the expenditure sanctioned—that at least in January, 1930, they had gone beyond the limits of the money that was allowed to them.

What is the date of that letter?

I think that also was a June letter. I shall get the date afterwards if it is material. I still persisted in my inquiries. The agreement was there and talk as to whether the agreement was kept or was broken was, while important, relatively a secondary matter. The main thing that had to be determined was in what state were the accounts of the Board; how was consumption going; what relation did consumption and charges bear to expenditure; how far were the Board's operations likely to remunerate all the capital that had been involved? In the autumn of 1930 under the section which gives me the right to demand certain things, Section 31, I demanded certain statistics and returns and demanded further that if I could not get these statistics and returns at once I would be told the precise date by which they would guarantee to let me have these things. I might say that I have not got these returns yet.

Section 31 the Minister says. Is it not Section 32?

Yes, Section 32 is the one under which the annual reports and returns may be demanded. I have not yet got the returns I then demanded. That is why I said at the beginning that I have less satisfaction in coming to the House with a proposal such as is before it now than I had with any proposal that I ever had to introduce, because I am without the financial information that I should have upon which to base a demand for more money for the Board. But this, at any rate, I can state as clearly revealed to me: that there was a sum of £2,500,000 voted by the Oireachtas; that the Board agreed that that sum should be regarded as including undischarged liabilities of acquired undertakings; that these amounts came to a sum of about £800,000 at the date of their vesting in the Board, and that, therefore, there should have been given to the Board under the agreement £2,500,000, minus £800,000; that the Board have in fact got more than that money; that they have in fact spent more than the amount of the advances actually made to them, and that they have in fact committed themselves to an expenditure of at least a quarter of a million beyond that again.

It became clear, apart from the agreement altogether, as this correspondence drifted on, that the whole accounts system of the Board must be very incomplete. Financial information could not be supplied as it was demanded, nor could it be supplied months later. In probing around for the reasons I found that the Board had been operating a particular policy. It is quite clear now that that policy was wrong. I do not know what judgment I would pass on that policy if I had been a member of the Board at a particular time and had been asked to decide upon the policy. But it is quite clear that the policy which the Board adopted right from the start was that they must get revenue speedily without having before them any statement of the expenditure necessary to get that revenue, and therefore not having taken into their consideration the actual money that they were expending at any time. They had not got these details, or if they had, they have withheld them from me for a period extending over a year. The Board were going on that policy apparently, whereas the policy laid down in the Act is clearly a different one. It is that they should make their charges in such a way before the appointed day as to conduce to certain things arising after the appointed day, and that was that they should meet, but only just meet, all the things set out in that particular section. Instead of that, the Board operated another policy. The result of that policy was, as I say, that they made capital commitments without previously considering what was going to be the remuneration of that money or how that money was going to be remunerated, if at all.

There is a further point. It appears in the course of the later stages of this long drawn-out correspondence that the Board felt that the first scheme, the partial development of the Shannon, had been exploited, that they had committed themselves to something beyond that; that they required the provision of money for certain extensions; that, in fact, they had done what I have said was not in the mind of the Oireachtas at all when the measure was being passed. They had gone on to a new scheme without giving the Minister concerned, the Executive Council or the Parliament an opportunity of deciding whether or not that new scheme should be gone on with. The Board declared that their policy, such as it was, and whatever I may imagine it to be, was in their minds the proper policy and they seemed to me to indicate in a very definite way that that policy being approved of by them was the policy which would be pursued in future. In these circumstances I was told that further money was required for certain extensions and certain stand-by arrangements. If I had granted the money requested in the circumstances I have detailed I would be granting it with the whole history of the Board revealed to me over a couple of years and on a more or less definite statement of policy of a type which was definitely to my mind not what the Oireachtas intended them to have. In these circumstances, when certain resignations were offered, I asked that they should be accepted and they were accepted. The position we find ourselves in at the moment is that if we count the undischarged liabilities in the sum of money which the Oireachtas put at the disposal of the Board, the Board have overspent by a sum of about £600,000 and they have committed themselves, I cannot say whether it is inextricably, but I am afraid it is, to the extent at least of another quarter of a million.

Does that include the money still to be called upon by the Board?

Perhaps the Deputy will listen to me. If we take the two and a half million pounds as including the undischarged liabilities, and if we subtract the sum of those from the two and a half million pounds, there ought to have been disbursements of a certain figure. There have, in fact, been disbursements of £300,000 in excess. When I tot up the excess and other things I find that the Board have overspent by £600,000 and committed themselves to an expenditure of about a quarter of a million more.

They already overspent to the extent of over £600,000 and had committed themselves to the extent of another £250,000.

I am speaking roughly because in my position I have no clear accounts. That is the position after I had given it a great deal of examination. That is the best way I can explain the position at present.

May I put this question? I am trying to get an accurate figure.

It is impossible at the moment. It cannot be got. The Deputy is on a fruitless quest.

I want to understand the Minister. Does it mean that the Board was committed roughly speaking to the expenditure of £3,350,000?

Yes, if that is the tot of what I have given the House.

That is what I wanted to make sure of.

Counting in the undischarged liabilities, yes. That is what I want to say at the moment on the question of resignation of certain members of the Board. As to the part-time members and our attitude to the part-time members, it is this: The Executive Council has re-appointed the three part-time representatives for a period of six months from a date in April last. We want that six months period or the portion of it now left in order to discuss with them from their inner knowledge of the Board what is the proper scheme to have of part-time representation or if part-time representation on such a Board is a proper system at all. Personally I am strongly in favour of having the business point of view represented upon the Board. I feel that a scheme can be worked in which part-time representatives of a business type can pull their weight on a Board, but there has to be made for the future some definite relationship which is not there at present as between their power on the Board and their strength to modify the affairs of the Board and the responsibility they will carry if and when the affairs of the Board go wrong. That has not been determined yet; and as I regard the whole plan of the Electricity Supply Board as not merely a good thing for electrical development but a very good experiment of a sociological type, I want to have it better argued out before I can come to a final scheme. The part-time members remain on for a limited tenure. But as far as I am concerned that is for the purpose of enabling me to get certain discussions with them on their inner knowledge of what has happened, and to relate all that to the future to see what should be their authority and equally their responsibility as things go right or wrong.

I ask in these circumstances with great hesitation for the sum of money set out in the Bill, that is the sum of two millions, some of which is required, of course, to meet what I call the over expenditure plus what I think are the inevitable commitments. In regard to the rest, I asked the Board, after certain resignations had been accepted, to make out for me as speedily as they could and as accurately as they could a statement of their requirements over a reasonable period. I pointed out to them when talking about the period that the scheme was more or less at a transition period now; that there might have to be a considerable amount of discussion and Parliamentary drafting of new legislation was required, and so I asked them to give me a statement that would cover and amply cover what they thought they would require over a reasonable period. I emphasised that there might be delays in getting before the Dáil again.

I ask that this sum of money should be put, not at the disposal of the Board, as heretofore, not subject to demand in certain half-yearly instalments from the Minister for Finance, to which the Minister must respond by giving the money, but I ask that it should be more or less put at my own disposal for the Board. I ask that this money shall be given out as the Minister for Industry and Commerce shall from time to time certify it to be reasonably and properly required. If I am asked does that mean that I have decided upon a complete change in the whole scheme of the Electricity Supply Act, I want to answer very definitely no! But I want to relate the change now suggested and the circumstances of the suggestion to circumstances in which that sum of two and a half million pounds was previously voted. Previously we had a good idea of the Board's duties though we might be conjecturing on certain points. We knew the field they had to cover, and we had two or three outside minds working on the same problem, and we saw what they had decided as the amount of capital they required to sink for the purpose of the Act if they got possession of the electrical supply of the country. Therefore we had some data on which to go when we decided that a sum of two and a half million was required for the purposes of the Board. At this time with regard to the future we have practically none. I cannot say that I am satisfied with regard to any of this money, but I want to say that I shall have to be satisfied before any of the money will go to the Board. This is the only plan I can think of at this moment. There must be money at somebody's disposal for the purposes of the Board. We cannot leave it as it was under the old Act, that the Board could demand it at will and it must be given, because we have no clear evidence of their programme and no basis on which to form our own judgment as to whether or not that programme is good and sufficient and likely to be a remunerative one. This puts a responsibility on me which I am very loath to take. I was very happy under the Act of 1927, because to a certain extent, though not completely, I had shed my responsibility for what the Board did. I think it would be fatal to the whole electrical development of the country if the Minister was to become so far associated with the Electricity Supply Board as, say, the representative of the Government is with the Post Office. I do not want that situation with regard to the Board. All I do want is that now, not having the material available for a decision as I had when the previous sum of two and a half million was voted, I shall be able to demand that material for certain blocks of this money as and when people come and demand it from me. As I do not want this responsibility, as, indeed, I want to shirk that responsibility, the House can take it from me that the moment I do get sufficient justification for a block sum I am coming again to the House to rechange to the old scheme, and that the Minister for Industry and Commerce, or the Minister for Finance will have no responsibility in the matter other than the responsibility the Ministers concerned have in the matter of the appointment of the Board, and I should add such other responsibility as arises from the fact that they are entitled to dismiss in certain circumstances, and, I argue from that, entitled to supervise to a certain limited extent for the purpose of ascertaining if and when dismissals should take place.

I am asking that the House should assent to Section 4: "As soon as may be after the passing of this Act, the Board shall pay to Thomas A. MacLaughlin, lately a member of the Board, a sum of two thousand pounds." I ask for the money for certain reasons, and mainly for this: Dr. MacLaughlin brought the Shannon scheme here, and brought it here at a time when the tendency in electrical development was in another way, in a way that if it had been allowed to proceed would have stopped national electrical development for centuries. He therefore did this country a great service by turning it to a scheme which meant a national instead of a local scheme, and a local scheme of such a type that it would, by absorbing the biggest number of available consumers have stopped for many a year all possibility of a national development of electricity. By reason of the fact that he was the author of the scheme, and by reason of the very great industry he showed in it, and the tremendous amount of energy and enthusiasm he put into its promotion, and the great amount of hard work he put into its development since its inception, I ask that we do now what an ordinary business firm would do.

He has followed a policy which I put to the House was wrong, but it was a policy which was honestly taken up. An ordinary commercial undertaking would allow a man in such a position who left their employment at least a year in which to look around for other work, and would finance him accordingly, and we want in this case to pay a sum of money which would be equal to a year's pay if he had remained on in the services of the Board.

Question proposed: That the Bill be read a Second Time.

It is very difficult for the members of the Dáil not possessing the inside information of the Minister to discuss the Bill that is before us on the statement we have just heard. For the majority of the members of the House and the general public the Press announcement of the acceptance of the resignation of Dr. MacLaughlin was the first intimation of any differences between the Minister or Executive Council and the Electricity Supply Board. Up to that time such statements as had been made by the Minister, both in this House and outside it, led us to believe that satisfactory progress was being made with the Shannon scheme in all directions and that no cause of friction of any sort existed. The Minister has now made a statement which would seem to show that differences and causes of friction existed between his Department and the Board from the beginning of 1929 onwards. We have heard the history of these differences for the first time. They reveal a situation which, I am sure, will cause considerable uneasiness in the minds of Deputies because they seem to show that the causes which have produced the necessity for this demand for £2,000,000 are of long standing and might have been eradicated if the Minister had taken action earlier.

The Minister dealt at length with the whole history of the Shannon scheme.

Deputies will remember that when the scheme was first brought to the House they were given to understand that its cost would be limited to the figure of £5,210,000 in respect of the generation and transmission sides. That figure was exceeded. The Minister came to the House in 1929 and got the amount which he was entitled to spend on generation and transmission increased by, approximately, £600,000. Even then, however, the Minister quite clearly gave the House to understand that the £2,500,000 provided for the Board plus the additional £156,000 secured in 1929 was adequate, and more than adequate, to meet all the expenditure likely to arise upon the distribution side. Deputies will even remember that as late as the middle of last year when the 1930 Act was under discussion here and an amendment was introduced by Deputy Fahy, which, if passed, would have had the effect of increasing that £2,500,000 by a half million pounds, the Minister vigorously opposed the amendment and stated definitely that there was no reason to believe that the two and a half millions voted in 1927 would prove inadequate to enable the Board to meet the duties and functions imposed on it by the Act of 1927. Now we are informed that long before the introduction of that 1930 Act the Minister had grave doubts as to whether the sum provided would be adequate and that before the 1929 Act was introduced here he had a conference with the Board on these matters, a conference which resulted in a certain agreement which was broken, according to the Minister, in December, 1929, or in January, 1930. Certainly it was broken long before the 1930 Act was introduced.

In the statement made by the President to the Deputies here when the first announcement of the dissensions between the Executive Council and the Board was made, the point that struck many members of this House, and many members of the general public, and which the Minister has not answered, is this: It was stated that the differences of opinion on major matters of policy had existed for a long period between the Executive Council and the Managing Director. The Minister has detailed the differences which existed between the Executive Council and the Board. The point to which I wish to refer is this: how did it come that the Managing Director had dealings with the Executive Council other than through the Board? Were not the whole Board responsible for the policy of the Board? Should not the resignation of the Managing Director have been accompanied by the resignation of the other members? The fact that only two members resigned and that the other members continued in office would seem to suggest that the Executive Council, or the Minister for Industry and Commerce, was having discussions on matters of policy with individual members of the Board and not with the Board as a whole. Such practices would seem to be very undesirable indeed.

There were no such practices.

If there were no such practices how did it come about that the Managing Director could announce that differences of policy had arisen between him and the Executive Council?

Ask him; I do not know. I am not responsible for the phrase he used.

But that was the announcement made, and it was on account of these differences of opinion that the Executive Council accepted the resignation of the Managing Director.

Not in the terms of that particular statement. I had all my dealings with the Chairman of the Board or whoever officially represented it.

And the whole Board was responsible for the policy adopted, for the inefficiency in relation to accounts which the Minister has referred to, and other matters which resulted ultimately in the resignation of the Managing Director?

All the full-time members of the old Board.

Were not the part-time members also responsible?

I have mentioned that as a reason why the part-time members are on a six months basis. There must be some proper relation in future of authority and responsibility.

The position is that the part-time members are held by the Minister to be equally blameworthy with the other members of the Board, but that the Minister has retained them in office for the purpose of discussing a further scheme.

But surely they were as much responsible as any other members of the Board?

If all the Board had resigned I would have accepted their resignations, but only two came in.

Including the Chairman.

The Minister certainly gave the impression that it was his opinion that the management of the Board had been so unsatisfactory that if these resignations had not been forthcoming he might have had to avail of the powers given to him in the Act to dismiss certain members of it.

I do not remember saying that or anything like it.

Am I to understand, therefore, that if the Managing Director or another member of the Board had not resigned this matter would not have arisen in this way at all?

It would be wrong to understand that.

It is very difficult——

It is, very.

—to understand what the Minister's position is. He has given us a detailed statement of his dealings with the Board which would seem to show that in his opinion the direction of the affairs of the Shannon scheme by that Board was most unsatisfactory. It had embarked upon a wrong policy. It had broken agreements made with him. It had been unsatisfactory in the manner in which it kept its accounts. It had failed to furnish information which it was obliged by statute to furnish. Despite all these facts, the Minister apparently is taking up the position that if members of the Board had not resigned he would have allowed them to continue in office.

I never said it.

The Minister would not have allowed them to continue in office?

I never said that either. I was pursuing enquiries when certain things happened. What these enquiries would have resulted in I do not know.

I am anxious to find out what the Minister's position is. As far as I can understand it now, he has been forced to come to the Dáil with this Bill, and to undertake the reorganisation of the Board, not because the affairs of the Board were going wrong, but because certain members resigned. Their resignation concentrated attention upon the mismanagement that existed, but if they had not resigned he would not have dismissed them, and this reorganisation could not have taken place.

I will explain myself.

The Board was established, as the Minister stated, an independent body, absolutely free from control by the Executive Council. This Dáil gave them certain statutory powers and charged them with the responsibility of running the Shannon scheme in such a manner that the revenue from the sale of electricity would meet all the charges specified in the Act, the payment of interest, the repayment of capital, maintenance of the works and charges of that kind. Despite the declared independence of the Board, behind which the Minister always sheltered when its activities were criticised in this House, it appears that quite early in 1927 the Minister was inclined to interfere with its activities. He found that a section of the Act gave him power to dismiss members in certain circumstances. He interpreted that section to mean that he was entitled at all times to be informed as to the activities of the Board and of its policy, so that he would be in a position to say whether or not the situation had arisen or was likely to arise which would necessitate the use of his powers of dismissal. It is, I think, and the Minister has admitted it, most desirable that a Board of this kind should be independent of political control, yet it appears to me that it was from the time that the Minister attempted to exercise that supervision over the affairs of the Board that friction arose, friction which has continued since. The Minister is now proposing, though deploring the fact, to destroy the independence of the Board, at any rate, for a period. The Board which is given this two million pounds on the condition that it could not secure it unless the Minister is satisfied as to the purpose for which it is being expended could not be described as an independent Board. In future the Board will be directly subject to the control of the Minister in all matters relating to policy and administration. Is not that so?

The fact that the Board will not be able to procure any part of that money until it has submitted its plans to the Minister and got the Minister's approval would indicate to any ordinary commonsense individual that it could not be described as independent. The Board may not have been independent heretofore. It certainly will not be independent if this Bill is passed. The future decisions upon its policy will be made directly by the Minister, on the advice no doubt and with the assistance of the Board. But the final authority on all matters of policy and administration will be the Minister. Does the Minister think that that is likely to produce fewer causes of friction in the future than appear to have existed in the past?

I wonder if the Minister told us the whole story concerning these causes of friction. The Board appears to have embarked upon a very widespread policy at the beginning and to have embarked upon it vigorously. The Minister told us that its policy, no matter how widespread it was or how vigorously embarked upon it may have been, could have been carried out within the financial limits of the 1927 Act, but those financial limits were originally devised by the Minister and not by the Board. The original limit of £2,500,000 was fixed by the Minister. He gave the data upon which it was fixed. It may have been right. It may have been wrong. It is quite possible that any Board in the circumstances in which this Board found itself, endeavouring to fulfil all its functions within the Act, could not have done so within that limit.

What should it have done when it found it could not?

It should have come undoubtedly to the Minister, or through the Minister to the Dáil, for an extension of the limit. That is what it appears to have done.

No, they spent first and asked afterwards.

I am not clear about that at all. There may have been disagreement as to the legal significance of the wording of the 1927 Act as to whether or not undischarged liabilities of the acquired municipal undertakings were properly chargeable against the amount provided for the Board under the 1927 Act, in which event obviously the Board appeared to have acted correctly in the manner in which it dealt with the situation. If it is clear from the wording of the Act that these undischarged liabilities were properly chargeable against the two and a half million pounds, then the Board's duty was obviously to bring that fact to the attention of the Minister as early as possible, and the Minister has informed us that they did bring that to his notice before the 1929 Act was introduced.

They brought the thing to my notice after they had overspent.

The Minister has told us——

If I have misled the Dáil, I want to say that they always came to me after the event.

The Minister informed the Dáil that before the 1929 Act was introduced he had concluded that the Board must, on the programme it was then following, exceed that limit, taking into account the undischarged liabilities of the acquired undertakings. He stated that while that Act was before the Dáil he had a conference with the Board in which he said that he was going to introduce two amendments unless he got from them an undertaking that they would reduce their expenditure, so that the total of that expenditure with the total of the undischarged liabilities would amount to two and one-half million pounds. He got that undertaking: he states that it was broken, that subsequently he got a letter from the Board stating that it would be impossible to keep to its undertaking and asking to be released from it after, in fact, it had broken the undertaking. The position was that after the 1929 Act was introduced the Minister knew that the Board had either to abandon its original programme or exceed the limits fixed by the 1929 Act.

And they agreed to that.

Was not that the time for the Minister to come to the Dáil and say that the original programme could not be carried out under the original estimates?

No, because I thought the original programme would be carried out because they said it would be carried out.

These are the Minister's words: Before the 1929 Act was introduced he wrote to the Board asking them for an assurance that all the work could be carried out under the financial provisions and got little satisfaction. One fact emerged, namely, that the Board held that the two and a half millions did not include the undischarged obligation of the undertakings taken over. He got no satisfaction when he asked the Board whether the financial provisions could be adhered to, and he knew then that it was the Board's opinion that these undischarged liabilities of acquired undertakings were not chargeable against the two and a half million pounds. He then came to the Dáil and said that under no circumstances was there any possibility of the total expenditure of the Shannon scheme exceeding five million eight hundred thousand pounds plus two million five hundred thousand pounds plus one hundred and fifty-six thousand pounds. He said there might be variations, in other words, the charges which were originally intended to be brought against one item would be put against another but under no circumstances would the gross total be exceeded. It has been exceeded. The Minister said that although he knew that the Board could not carry out its programme within the financial limits and at the same time meet its undischarged liabilities——

I did not. The Board said they would modify their programme and would keep within the sum of money and in April, 1930, they wrote to me to point out how they had kept to it.

The Minister has just stated that the Board wrote to him in April, 1930, that it had kept within the limits of the agreement made when the 1929 Act was before the Dáil. In his original statement he stated that in that month and in that year the Board wrote to him to the effect that it could not keep within the limits and asked to be released from the agreements made when the 1929 Act was being discussed here. We are anxious to get the whole facts clear; it is necessary to wander from point to point because we have been given a whole lot of information concerning the Shannon Board and its activities which we have not had an opportunity of getting before. The Minister must remember that Deputies are dependent on the meagre information given in the daily press. We have not even accounts of the Board for the financial year 1929/30 much less for the year 1930/31. We are completely in the dark as to what it has been doing. We are anxious to find out how the necessity of providing another two million and adding that two millions to the cost of the Shannon scheme has arisen. The Minister might have gone into that at greater length than he did.

He said as far as he has been able to discover the Board has overspent to the amount of £600,000 and that it has entered into liabilities amounting to a quarter of a million pounds and that if we add those figures on to the original two million five hundred thousand pounds we get a total of what it has been responsible for, taking into account the undischarged liabilities of the undertaking, but the Minister has not accounted for the balance of the two million pounds.

The Minister must. The Minister came to this House in June, 1930, that is twelve months ago, stating that he could see no necessity whatever for increasing the £2,500,000 which had been given to the Board by the 1927 Act. When a proposal was made here to increase that amount he opposed it. He stated that all the factors in the situation had been taken into account when the original estimate was made, and that in that month, June, 1930, he was satisfied that the two and a half millions would be adequate to meet all the expenses of the Board, including those statutory undertakings. Now he comes and asks for two millions more. That is a large sum of which he can account for only £850,000. What is the balance going to be spent on if the original two and a half millions was sufficient to meet the cost of all the activities of the Board?

It should have been but it was not.

The Minister states that it should have been. He now has discovered that it was not. He mentioned the fact that it has been exceeded by the sum of £850,000. That accounts for the £850,000. Under the circumstances the Dáil cannot refuse to give that £850,000, but what about the £1,150,000 the Minister is asking the Dáil for?

Accruing liabilities and developments.

What developments?

The Board has other liabilities that have been mentioned.

I am anxious to get from the Minister information that he does not seem anxious to give.

Because I cannot get it from the Board.

The Minister took up the position that this two and a half millions was sufficient to meet all the charges likely to arise, and, if the Board properly managed its affairs, it could have kept within that limit.

It has exceeded £2,500,000 by £850,000. We propose to give them £850,000 which represents, I understand, roughly, the undischarged liabilities of the acquired undertakings.

There would be about £850,000.

The Board, having got £2,500,000 plus £850,000, should have enough.

To meet its debts to date.

To carry out all the functions placed on the Board by the 1927 Act. The members of the Board whom the Minister considers unsatisfactory are gone. We are going to get a new Board at the end of a few months. Under what circumstances can that Board be called upon to spend a sum of money equal to half the total granted in 1927 to meet all the activities of the Board? The Minister is not treating the Dáil fairly in the attitude he is taking. £2,500,000 was estimated in 1927 to meet all the expenses of the Board from 1927 to the end of 1932. That amount has been expended plus another £850,000 on something. The distribution networks must have been erected or acquired or reorganised. The privately-owned undertakings have been acquired. The wiring installation business has been established. Showrooms have been procured. Stocks have been purchased. All the purposes for which that money has been given to the Board have been provided for.

Not at all.

What has not been provided for?

You may take one thing alone. All the networks which have to be built have not been built.

Is it the Minister's position that this £1,150,000, which he has not accounted for, is going to be spent on networks not already provided?

Portion of it.

What portion of it?

I do not know.

The Minister has some basis for his calculations.

I said before I have very little.

The Minister was able to arrive at a figure of £2,500,000 and say that that sum of money should be sufficient to meet all the financial requirements of the Board up to the end of 1932. He was so certain that the basis of his calculation in that year was right that in 1931 he is prepared to accept the resignation of important members of the Board because they exceeded the amount, and could not bring their activities within the financial limit he imposed.

That is not the reason.

What is the reason?

Because they incurred expenditure for which they had not got any money.

They exceeded the figure?

I stated distinctly to them that if they wanted more money they should make a case for it, that whatever had been spent had been spent in a way that would be remunerative, and that I would get approval for it. The question of how much was spent was a minor consideration. It was the method was the principal consideration.

How is this money going to be remunerated?

That is what I am waiting to see. If I knew that the phrase about the Minister for Industry and Commerce would not be in this Bill.

Is it not the Minister's position that everything will be all right if he has the final voice in policy?

How is the fact that the Minister must certify in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (3) before the money can be advanced going to improve the position? An additional £2,000,000 is being added to the cost.

An additional £2,000,000, interest and sinking fund charges which must be met out of revenue.

Not unless it is spent.

Will it be spent? Why should the Dáil vote money that is not required?

Because, as I have said before, this is the most accurate view I can get of the money that might be required for a special policy. I would not say that the £2,000,000 is going to be spent. I doubt it very much.

The Minister has said that the greater part of it might be required. Might be required, for what? What particular activity of the Board is to be financed out of these moneys? The greater part of the original activities of the Board as planned must have been covered.

I do not agree with that.

How far have they not been covered?

I have not been able to get the accounts to show it.

If the Minister has not the information why should the Minister come to the Dáil asking for this sum? The Minister requires immediately £850,000. That is to provide the £600,000 which has been spent and the £250,000, liability for which has been incurred.

Debts to date.

The debts incurred amount to £600,000 plus this £250,000. But the Minister asks the Dáil to give him a blank cheque for £1,150,000. He does not know what the money is required for, he does not know what it is to be spent on, he does not know if there is need for it or where the need exists. I think the Dáil ought to be slow to give this money, particularly in view of the financial history of the Shannon scheme. Remember that Deputies, confined to the information which the Minister has given from time to time to the House, have only these facts to go on. There was an estimate for £4,600,000 cost of construction at first. The Minister said he had a binding estimate for that.

The Minister's words are on record.

I want to get the quotation in which I am on record for that statement.

I will get it. I quoted it before.

If the Deputy looks the matter up he will find that I always said there was a percentage addition one way or another, and provision might have to be made for it.

I will try to get the statement in which the Minister said that the original estimate was £4,500,000. He then came to the Dáil in 1929 for an increase of £600,000, part of which was for additional works not included in the estimate—£100,000 at most. The greater part was to provide for an increase in the cost over the estimate—£300,000 of it at least.

I will give the Minister the exact figure. A sum of £96,000 was for the additions to the scheme prepared by the experts; £100,000 was for the cost of purchasing pole sites, not included in the original scheme.

It was included as an annuity, but it was capitalised.

It was a capital figure on this occasion. There was £160,000 additional cost for civil works; £140,000 additional for electrical and mechanical works; £53,000 for contingencies. Then there was a sum of £150,000 for administrative expenses, and £132,000, the cost of additional navigation works, which were not being charged against the scheme. The bigger part of the sum represented an increase in the cost of the work over the estimate presented to the Dáil.

About one quarter of a million increase in the cost of the work.

£274,000 plus £96,000 plus £93,000.

What was the £96,000?

We will leave that out. There was £274,000 plus £53,000 for contingencies.

Has it been spent?

We will leave that out. The position is that it will probably be spent.

It is estimated.

Judging at the rate at which the expenditure is going on, that is not an unfair assumption.

Judging the rate at what expenditure is going on?

The original estimate has been exceeded despite the fact he said it was binding.

The Deputy ought not to repeat that until he gets that quotation.

I remember distinctly producing it when the 1929 Act was under discussion, and the Minister took the same attitude then as now.

The Deputy ought to get it before he talks of it.

My recollection was that the total figure was £5,990,000 when the matter came before the Dáil in 1929.

I do not remember that.

We will look it up.

In the year 1929 a sum of £5,800,000 was provided, increased by £156,000, which was to pay the accrued interest to date, decreased by £132,000 which was not chargeable against the scheme, because it went against navigation. That was as far as the cost of the scheme was concerned. When the 1927 Act was going through a sum of £2,500,000 was granted to meet the cost of distribution and the other activities of the Board. That has been exceeded. It has been very considerably exceeded, as the Minister has just informed us. Now he comes and asks the Dáil to provide another £1,150,000 for purposes which he cannot detail, the necessity for which he does not know. It is to be given to him with power to expend it without any obligation on him to come to the Dáil for the purpose of getting approval for it. The Minister talked about new developments. What new developments is he going to undertake? Have they any reference to statements which appeared in the Press with regard to the extension of the Shannon scheme? A considerable amount of uneasiness has been caused in the City of Limerick by these reports and the possible effect which the developments will have in regard to the trade of that city in the district served by the Shannon. Are these the developments which the Minister has in mind, and if so, is he going ahead with them? What works are being undertaken and has the Board been consulted? Is the idea of the Minister, before he advances the money, to insist on the Board coming into conformity with his wishes on the matter? I certainly think the Dáil is entitled to much more detailed information than the Minister has chosen to give before the Bill can be passed? There are two big issues involved. The first is the provision of £2,000,000. It is a big sum to be asked to pay in part for mismanagement and in part for purposes we do not know.

Secondly, there is the issue of the independence of the Board which has been destroyed by this Bill. Whether, in fact, the Board was really independent in the past we do not know. We have reason to believe the contrary. The Minister has given foundation for that belief in the statement he made to-day, that he interpreted the section of the Act dealing with powers of dismissal as giving him the right to insist to be informed at all times concerning the progress and policy of the Board. Can the House be told when it is likely that the overdue accounts of the Board will be published? If the Minister is anxious to get the position rectified I suggest that he should confine himself to this extent, to ask the Dáil for the £850,000 which he says is essential, and suspend his request for the balance until the Dáil has been furnished with the accounts to which it is statutorily entitled.

The Dáil was informed last week that these accounts have been submitted in a provisional form to the Government. It may be a long time yet before they are ready. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the accounts for 1928-29, we think that before the House should agree to sanction such a large addition to the cost of the scheme the available financial information should be brought up to date, and in a form which would be considered satisfactory by the Dáil. As Deputies will remember, the form of the accounts published for 1928-29 was not satisfactory.

Statements have appeared in the Press that some of the friction which appears to have arisen between the Board and the Executive Council arose out of appointments made by the Board. I would like if the Minister could inform us whether there is any truth in that.

Not a particle.

Are we to take it that at no time representations were made by the Executive Council or any member of it to the Board concerning any appointment, promotion or dismissal made by the Board?

The Deputy is not to take that.

Well, representations were made by the Executive Council which it had no legal authority to make.

The Minister has stated repeatedly in the Dáil that the Board was at perfect liberty to employ whatever persons it wished, and that it had perfect independence and control over its own servants. The Act setting up the Board provides that the Board is at liberty to avail of the machinery of the Local Appointments Commission if it so chooses. It did not do that, but made its own appointments in its own way. It promoted and dismissed officials according as it believed that course to be satisfactory or otherwise. The Minister says that we cannot take it that no representations were made to the Board concerning the personnel of its staff, and at the same time he informs us that the question of the employment of the staff was not part of the cause of the friction which arose. I think it is very unsatisfactory that the Dáil should be treated in this cavalier fashion. What exactly was the position between the Executive Council and the Board in relation to the employment of staff? The Minister cannot ignore the question. It has been stated in quite a number of newspapers throughout the country that the prime cause of the resignation of the Managing Director was friction arising over the personnel of the staff. That statement has been published and has not been denied. The Minister says in one breath that it is not true, and in the next breath he says that representations have been made by the Executive Council to the Board concerning the staff. What exactly is the position? Was the Board given absolute independence in that matter?

Were any attempts made by the Executive Council to limit the independence of the Board or to suggest the employment of particular individuals or the dismissal of others in accordance with their political opinions?

That was not done. The question of political opinion never entered into it.

I think it did.

It did not.

I will look up the Official Reports on that. The Minister admitted in this House that representations were made to the Board to secure the dismissal of individuals with whose political opinions the Minister disagreed.

Political opinions, never.

I am quite certain I can get that in the Official Reports. In any case we are in the position that I think we are bound to refuse the Minister the two millions which he asks for on the information that he has given to the House. The Government may have been justified in its attitude to the Board if the affairs of the Board were conducted in the manner which the Minister has stated. If the Minister has given us the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, there would be a strong case not merely for accepting the resignations but for utilising the power to which the Minister has adverted of dismissal in the case of other responsible members. The fact, however, that such mismanagement has occurred in the past and may occur in the future is one strong reason why the Dáil should insist on getting the fullest possible information concerning what has happened and what is in contemplation before agreeing to the expenditure of any more money. No one wants to delay the progress of the Shannon scheme. If it can be shown that the money is essential for its progress, no Party in the Dáil will refuse to give it. I submit that has not been shown. The Minister has merely contented himself with the statement that he thinks it may be necessary. For what purpose he does not know. I do not think the Dáil should provide money on that basis.

I am completely at sea over this whole business. The Electricity Supply Board is a concern with a capital of two and a half million pounds. Is it not absurd that after sixteen months they cannot produce any report for the twelve months ending March, 1930? No business concern could carry on on those lines. What I want to find out is, who is responsible for that chaotic state of affairs? Is it due to the inefficiency of the Board? Why cannot they produce their accounts? The Minister has not told us that. We have got into the soup over this thing and I sympathise with the Minister because I think he has been let down by the Board. The House is now asked to vote £850,000 to pay the debts of the Board. I would also like to know from the Minister in connection with the money that we are asked to vote whether any member of the Board has submitted a programme to him or not. If the Minister can tell us who is responsible for the failure to produce the accounts I think the House should know that, too. If Dr. MacLaughlin, the Managing Director, was responsible for telling the Minister that up to a certain stage two and a half million pounds was all that was necessary to carry out the programme of the Board, and if he was responsible for misleading the Minister to the extent of nearly a further million I fail to see why he should be remunerated for doing that.

Is the Deputy aware that this Board was baptised at the Dublin Chamber of Commerce as a business man's Board?

I must say that I was rather disappointed at the very poor statement made by the Minister on this very important matter concerning the situation that has arisen in the Shannon Board. I do not want to take the line of saying that the Minister is as innocent as he pretends to be, or as ignorant of the Board's affairs as he tried to make out he is. The Minister knows that before the first set of accounts came out there were doubts in the minds of many people as to the advisability of certain lines of action that had been taken by the Board, and also as to the benefits that would accrue to the Board as a result of their policy. I asked for the production of the earlier accounts of the Electricity Supply Board half a dozen times.

What ones are these?

The first accounts.

Ending March, 1929?

March, 1929, and also March, 1928. It was very difficult to get these in the very early stages. I do no know what the difficulty was. If the Minister had looked at the accounts as any member of the House did he would have found out at that time, and he should have taken the steps he has now taken, if the conditions were as they appeared to be from the accounts. The Accountant to the Minister pointed that out in his very meagre report. Dealing with the two and a half millions the Accountant stated that the Board appeared to be at sea with regard to stocks, accounts, and works in progress. If the Minister read the accounts as any ordinary member of the community read them, if he was interested, as he must be, he could not possibly plead ignorance as he pleaded it in his speech, because letters appeared in the Press at that time from citizens of Dublin pointing out that the whole situation required to be looked into. The Minister spoke about the amount of money due as a result of taking over undertakings and their undischarged liabilities. Take the case of Dublin. I understand that the undischarged liabilities on the Dublin plant are about £300,000. The Dublin station was worth two millions and it showed a profit of £70,000 a year. I think the Board would have been foolish when they had the powers if they did not take it over, although I resented and opposed their action in doing so. The Minister was a party to that, but at the Chamber of Commerce he stood over all this confiscation of property without compensation. In acquiring all the other undertakings he knew very well they had undischarged liabilities.

Why, then, did the Minister come and plead ignorance, seeing that he knew as much as the Board knew?

The Deputy should address the Chair.

The Minister

Ignorance about what?

Ignorance about the situation and the financial position that the Board was heading for. He could have consulted them regarding their policy.

The Board had enough money to pay the undischarged liabilities, and said they had.

The Minister cannot blame the Shannon Board because he created it. Therefore the Minister cannot blame the Board. It was his creation. It is all very well to beat a man when he is down. If the Board was up against great difficulties, and if there were differences of opinion which have resulted, as the Minister stated, in the person who thought out the Shannon scheme having to give up his public position, it is not fair to put all the responsibility on his shoulders, or on the shoulders of the Board. The Minister had two civil servants attached to this Board for a considerable time, both of whom must have been reporting to him, because they were au fait with everything that was going on. The Minister could have stepped in long since if he meant what he said. In the early days the Minister was not anxious to give this House any information beyond what was gleaned when the Minister thought it good policy to deal with the matter on public platforms in the interest of his Party. On public platforms, when the Shannon scheme was discussed, it was frequently stated if it had not been for the previous behaviour of Fianna Fáil there would have been a dozen Shannon schemes Perhaps it is just as well there is not—at any rate, until we get this one right. I made a little report for myself about 12 months ago when the first accounts came out, and I am sure the Minister, who has very able civil servants at his disposal, knew the points that I would put to him. I asked the Minister when he would set aside a day for discussion of the report of the Shannon Board. He always refused to give it and, consequently, he deserves no sympathy from this House in his predicament. If he had discussed the accounts 12 months ago we would have a better picture of the situation, and Deputy Murphy's questions would not be asked to-day about a scheme that everyone hoped would be a success. The Minister was asked how much the Board owed. They did not even know the amount of their stocks. I also pointed out that there was grave discontent on the part of traders who could not get paid their accounts by the Board. I do not blame the Shannon Board. I blame the Minister, because he refused to give them money for over nine months. The Board had to carry on out of revenue while they were not selling the full development of the scheme. If anyone is to blame for damaging the prestige of the Board and the country, because the Board was not able to pay, it is the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Finance.

Recently I asked when the last payment was made to the Board under the Act, and I was told that it was nine months ago. How anyone could expect that Board to function under the difficulties that it was faced with I do not know. How could it be expected to develop when the money to which it was entitled under the Act was denied it? I asked a question recently about the accounts for the year ending March, 1930. That is several months ago. The Minister said that he had these accounts in hands since May but the House has not got them. Deputies will probably recollect that on many occasions I had to fence with the Minister in asking him to present the accounts. He always took up a supercilious and sarcastic attitude, as much as to say: "I am the head bottle-washer and no one can get any information unless I desire to give it." Now he comes along and repeats the provisions of the Act which say that this House must be furnished with the accounts. Still he refuses to give them. When the Minister speaks of liabilities as the result of taking over other undertakings he puts the figure at £850,000. Are we to take it that it is the intention of the Minister to pay that amount immediately he gets the money?

Then the Minister does not need £850,000 for that purpose. Are we to take it that the interest has not been paid on these moneys to whoever holds the bonds, as in the case of the Dublin undertaking, and that only the interest will be paid? The Minister says that he wants £850,000 to discharge these liabilities, but when he is asked if he is going to pay them he says "No." Therefore the £1,150,000 is reduced by £850,000, so that all the Minister's requirements would be to pay off the immediate trade liabilities of the Board, and to give them sufficient to carry on development which should be in the neighbourhood of £300,000 to £400,000.

We do not know what the Shannon Board owe to the Minister. I think he hinted it was about £250,000. The Minister says we are not going to discharge these liabilities. Then what is the sense of asking for the money now? Why has not the Minister presented to the House the last accounts of the Board in view of the present demand? Why is he giving no information as to how far they have developed and what number of units they sell? We had grand reports on the last occasion with pictures of transformer stations, and we were told about the amount of current. What we want to know now is, apart from what we heard at the Rotary Club and street corner meetings during elections, how far has the scheme advanced, and what is the position to-day? I may not be in agreement with members of my own Party on this, or with the House, but when the Shannon scheme was started the development that I would like to have seen was the getting of customers for electricity who had not hitherto been using it. Instead of that they grabbed all they could in the shape of existing plant. They took over the Rathmines plant and the Pembroke plant, thus committing themselves immediately, in order that Shannon current would be used, to replacing every implement, every piece of machinery, every motor, every wireless apparatus, and even every vacuum cleaner. They had to replace all these for the users for the purpose of getting the customers in Rathmines and Pembroke. I consider that that was a silly thing to do.

I do not think the Deputy ought to go into the question of local stations.

This is the first opportunity we have had of discussing the Shannon scheme since its inception, and I contend, and I ask your ruling on the matter one way or the other, that it is in order to discuss every single item of expenditure of the Shannon Board which has brought about this position. Do you rule that it is out of order? If I can prove that a policy was adopted which meant the extravagant use of money, almost amounting to wastage, and that that contributed, to a certain extent, to the present state of affairs in connection with the Board, do you rule that that is out of order?

I think it would be much better——

I want a definite ruling.

I will give a definite ruling when it is required, but I suggest that it would be much better for the purpose of this discussion if the Deputy did not go into the question of every little plant in the country.

I am not going into the question of every little plant.

The point is that if the Deputy goes into the question of a particular plant every Deputy is entitled to do the same. I suggest that for the purposes of this discussion we ought not to go into details in that way. I am only suggesting that—I am not giving a ruling.

I am not going to deal with the 146 undertakings in the country.

There are 153 Deputies.

I think I am entitled as an illustration to refer to a particular plant and to particular transactions which took place. I say that whoever engineered the policy of taking over an existing plant which necessitated, in order to work the Shannon scheme, the complete wiping out of every implement formerly used with the electrical current, and the expending of capital sums of money to put the people owning these instruments back again on the basis of customers, was, to say the least of it, foolish. Certainly, the Minister who stood for that against public opposition has to take as much responsibility as anybody else. The Minister spoke about his agreement with a member or members of the Board. As far as we are concerned, any private undertakings given or agreements made between the Minister and the Board, outside the Act, or beyond the Act, do not concern us. We must judge this thing on the basis of the Act and on the debates which took place on the setting up of this scheme. If the Minister, when putting through the Shannon scheme, had at the back of his mind the over-riding of the House by having other agreements outside the purview of the House it was certainly wrong. The Minister admits that he led the Dáil to believe that a sum of two and a half million pounds would be sufficient for the Board and he wants the Dáil to support him in his present attitude because they believed him when he made that statement. I have no doubt that the Minister did believe it. I will go that far with him. I have no doubt that the Dáil hoped that the two and a half millions would be sufficient. But is there any reason why the Board should be blamed if the Minister and the Dáil miscalculated? As a matter of fact, the Minister took me to task several times because I said the scheme would cost £10,000,000. Now we have it that it has cost £12,100,000. The Minister took me to task in this House and poured all kinds of abuse and ridicule on me because I said that the scheme had cost at that time almost £10,000,000. Now the exact cost to the State, from what we know or from the figures admitted, is £12,100,000, not counting the value of the plant acquired by the Board without compensation to the districts concerned. If we include these we will find that the cost of the scheme is somewhere about £15,000,000. I am not one of those who wants to score because the scheme happens to be in difficulties, but we should face up to the facts. If the scheme requires the help of the nation to put it on its feet let us do it, but let us do it in a fair and open way and not by all kinds of political scoring such as the Minister has indulged in. I am almost tempted to say that the great publicity given to the Drumm battery is only beating the drum to take our attention off the Shannon scheme. That is what it appears to me. It is most unfair.

The Deputy cannot deal with the Drumm battery now.

The Minister refuses to give the House facts and figures which he himself knows. He says he does not know them. I asked on the 12th June, 1929, the Minister for Industry and Commerce if he has received the report from the Electricity Supply Board of its proceedings for the first year's work as prescribed by Section 32 (1) of the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1927. The Minister answered:

I will answer questions 9 and 10 together. The Electricity Supply Board was appointed in August, 1927, and its operations and expenditure in the financial year 1927-28 were, therefore, of a preliminary nature only. In view of the heavy pressure of work on the Board, I have arranged that its accounts and the auditor's report thereon, together with the annual report, should, in respect of the years 1927-28 and 1928-29 be furnished together. I expect to lay copies of these accounts and annual reports before each House at the commencement of next Session.

Then I asked a supplementary question: "Does the Minister feel that he has power to do that within the terms of the Act?" The Minister said: "Yes, certainly." Then I asked further: "So that the Act can be read one way for the Minister and one way for the people?" The Minister replied: "I would not take the Deputy's point of view on that." It appears to me that not only does the Minister want to read the Act in one way for himself and in another way for the Dáil, but he also wants to have a third way of reading it as far as the Board is concerned. Is the Minister in a position to give the House a true and accurate reflex of the capital position of the Board? He says he is not in a position to give a true record of its trading and revenue activities. Has the Minister made any effort to get from the Board separate accounts with regard to the sale of current, as distinct from the sale of fittings and plant and machinery and the installations in houses? The Minister must not forget that when the Shannon Board was set up it took away the livelihood of many men who were engaged on these plants and it also endangered the livelihood of those engaged in the electricity business.

The Shannon Board went out to undercut and to undersell in every shape and form of their activities the ordinary traders. Attention was drawn to that on several occasions, but the Minister refused to give any expression of opinion on the matter. I say it will be discovered at a future date when the accounts are properly examined, that the traders in regard to this and other parts of the scheme had to fight against unfair competition by the Shannon Board, and that the Minister will find that he has a great deal more to account for. Several firms in the electrical supply trade pointed out that wiring was done by the Shannon Board on a basis and at a price that it could not be done by ordinary firms, yet we were told that they were able to do it.

I want to know if they were able to wire houses and do it right, and what are the figures and what is the amount of loss, if any, due to the fact that the house-wiring operations of the Board were at fault. Another point I put to the Minister was that the Shannon Board were trading in competition with the ordinary ratepayers and taxpayers. No one knows whether their shops are on a paying basis. We should get separate accounts for these moneys. The Minister will not say to what he will devote this money or portion of it. He wants £2,000,000. As I pointed out, as the Minister is not going to pay out of that money immediately the amount required for the acquiring of local undertakings, he does not require that £850,000 at the moment. Deputy Lemass asked what he required the money for and to what extent he required it. The Minister should take the attitude of getting from this House a sufficient amount of money to enable him to carry out the activities of ordinary development. The House is not going to take up the position which the Minister did of holding up the Board for nine months, and then trying to put the responsibility for the extra loss which accrued on to the Board by the stopping of their operations. The House is agreeable to give what money is necessary to enable the Board to function in its normal way. But the House should be careful of giving this £850,000 to the Minister for a purpose for which he says he does not want it. He is not going to use it immediately; why, then raise the money and put the charge and the responsibility of having to pay the interest upon the Board?

I have gone through the Act section by section—Sections 71 to 79, deal with the activities of the Board in relation to local authorities. I do not know whether the Board ever advanced money to local authorities to develop the use of electricity. I do not know whether the Board has gone guarantor for local authorities to develop the use of electricity. The Board has all these powers under the Act, but we got no information on the subject from the Minister as to whether these liabilities are there. Let the Minister come here and put his cards on the table. As far as I am concerned I knew this was coming some years ago, and the Minister said that because I was descended from a nation of prophets I should not pretend to prophesy here.

Does the Deputy say I said that?

Yes. The Minister can look at the records.

Under what head?

I will send it to the Minister.

I deny I ever said that.

The Minister did say it, but perhaps he is ashamed of it now.

I never said it.

Does the Minister deny categorically that he referred to me as descended from prophets?

I do not believe I did. I would hesitate to say it now from what I have heard.

Probably the Minister has forgotten that as well as a lot of other things he said about the Shannon. I have two volumes of the Official Reports here with his statements.

Then pick out the quotation.

I can pick it out all right. The Minister gave the House no opportunity of criticising the Electricity Supply Board accounts. I wrote the Minister a personal letter asking would he ever give the House an opportunity of discussing the accounts presented, and the Minister's reply was that he would oppose it. The Minister has a majority and there is no sense putting down a motion when he would oppose it. Like his colleague, the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, if he is opposed to anything it must not be done. I wanted to know from the Minister if I would have an opportunity of criticising the accounts. I do not think we will have that opportunity, but I hope the Minister will bring the accounts into the House some time. I cannot find in the Act, or any discussion relating to the Act, any item that would give the Board the right, for instance, of capitalising any office expenditure.

You will find in the first year's business office expenditure put down as capital expenditure, notwithstanding that they took over concerns and plants which were producing revenue. Another thing I would ask the Minister is if he would give us some indication as to the actual generation cost of the current generated from the Shannon proper as distinct from current developed in plant taken over and generated under the Electricity Supply Board. Let us get an idea of what the generation costs are. I ask the Minister if the Board is in a position through him to tell the House if they have any idea of their distribution costs, if he can give us the cost to the Board per unit of the distribution of electricity. There is an item there for management expenses and overhead charges and we see a lot of property here. I ask the Minister if he can tell us what properties the Electricity Supply Board have acquired and where they are. As far as I can see, everywhere in Dublin you see offices of the Electricity Supply Board. Surely all these could be consolidated into one building and the cost attached to the keeping of so many buildings cut down? The Minister put the proposition that the Electricity Supply Board was outside the control of the House. It was nobody's business, and now it is everybody's business. I do not know whether the Board is functioning now as a Board under the Act or whether the resignation of Doctor MacLaughlin and the man who was Chairman and afterwards Director have taken effect, or whether the Board is still there or whether there exists as Deputy Johnson at the time pointed out there might exist, a state of chaos there. The state of chaos, if it existed, would not exist for many days, because before he would dismiss a man or call for any change he would have somebody in his mind to take over the running of the place. Is the Minister prepared to say that whatever money he gets from the House he is going to be responsible to the House for that money and that he is going to give a full, clear and detailed statement of the affairs of the Board as they are now and from time to time in the future? I am not going into all these figures here, because they can only be dealt with if accounts are presented. I only want to say that the Minister himself on the Second Reading of the Bill juggled between the independence of the Board and interference by the Dáil in the management of the affairs. First of all, when the late Deputy Cooper, Deputy Good, Deputy Hewat and a few others pointed out that they would feel better pleased if the accounts and the affairs of the Board would come under the control of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the Minister pooh-poohed the idea of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and pointed out that if he were to be given any look in at all the whole development of the scheme would be upset and retarded. And on the other hand he pointed out that civil servants could not be expected to run the service on a business basis, that running it as an ordinary Government Department would be quite as dangerous. "In saying that," he added, "I am passing no criticism on the Civil Service as we find it at the moment. The Civil Service was not recruited for the purpose of running business undertakings like this..." That is in Column 1907, 15th March, 1927, Volume 18 of the Official Debates.

That is from the book of words.

The book of proverbs. It is certainly, section by section, a peculiar item. Again, in Col. 2022 of the 16th March, on the Second Stage of the Bill, Mr. McGilligan, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, in answer to Deputy Myles on the same point, says: "But once this Board is set up I, personally, have nothing in the way of responsibility for it. I have no interest in it, and I wash my hands of it completely." That was on the Second Reading Stage of the Bill of 1927.

I think the Deputy might read on a quarter of a column farther.

Further on, on the same occasion, Deputy Davin asked: "Is it not a fact that under Section 4 a case could be made in certain circumstances for the removal of a member of the Board for certain stated reasons? Could not reasons be brought about by political pressure from the Executive Council for the removal of a member?"

I must ask the Deputy to read on further.

Deputy Davin seems to have had the present position weighed up pretty well.

I have it here marked in red.

Have you marked in red "Saving always the power to dismiss"? I think you will find that there.

In Column 2023 the Minister said: "If it is suggested that an Executive Council wants to remove a member of the Board for political purposes, and is going to do so, whether these political purposes be good, bad or indifferent, as long as it has a majority of the elected representatives of the House behind it..." I do not see where that comes in at all except the Minister states about having created a political storm over the removal of a member. The Minister definitely states there that once the Board is set up he shifts all responsibilities and washes his hands out of it. But how has the Minister acted in the last few years? As far as I understand the Minister has changed his attitude in this House with regard to the Board. As far as I understand his attitude in this House was always that of giving the point of view of the Board, but his attitude to the Board was that he was speaking as the Oireachtas.

In view of the serious situation, he refers to letters and correspondence he had with the members of the Board. He points out that he spoke always as the Oireachtas, and if one reads the debates one will find that he always spoke as the Shannon Board here. Certainly, since September, 1927, since I came into this House the Minister has never been in any way helpful or anxious to allay any suspicions that were in the minds of the Deputies, or any doubts as to the success of the undertaking.

We have certainly got a lot of figures from the Minister, peak loads, units, and so on. I think Deputy Thrift, on a certain occasion here, asked for certain assurances that things were going right, and that the normal development of the undertaking was satisfactory. Is Deputy Thrift satisfied to-day? Is he satisfied that the Minister is entitled to get £2,000,000 without giving the House any information as to what he wants that money for? The state and finances of the Board are in such a way that he does not know where it is going to end or how much more they are liable for. Is Deputy Thrift going to take the attitude of saying "We will give you as much money as you require immediately so long as it will not stunt the normal development of your scheme, but we will give the Minister no money he needs until he comes to the Dáil with a definite statement of the affairs"? I would go almost as far as to say that Deputy Thrift's attitude would be, judging by the interest he took in the original setting up of the Board, and having regard to the ambiguous nature of the published accounts, and the manner in which the Minister has treated this House in his statement to the House with regard to the present position, that we should give no further money, except what is absolutely certified as being necessary for the economic development of the scheme until we have a definite statement from the Minister as to the exact position.

I think the Minister was disputing with Deputy Lemass the amount of money stated to be required for the Shannon works. The Minister stated at that time that the figure for the Shannon works would be £4,500,000 and £2,500,000 for the Board, plus £600,000 interest during the years up to the year 1932. The Minister all through his debate took the line of assuring the House that not one penny more would be required, that he was not trying to get £600,000 by a trick-of-the-loop, in other words. He took great care to show that he wanted so much money. Now we come to the stage where a whole lot more is required, and I say that as much care should be taken by the House now in voting £2,000,000 to make good the deficiencies of management as was taken by the House to grant 2½ million pounds before there was any Board, before there was any mismanagement, or any liabilities incurred. The House then took great care before they gave 2½ million pounds. I think they had no reason to refuse it then. They were then committed to it, having engaged themselves in a contract with Messrs. Siemens-Schuckert. We are in a much more difficult position to-day and we should be much more careful.

In discussing the question of the Comptroller and Auditor-General the Minister stated, amongst other items, that he wanted an outside auditor. He did not want the Comptroller and Auditor-General. He wanted a more impartial audit. "I would like to have the audit as impartial as can be achieved. In so far as it aims at greater publicity more accounts should be given to the public who are the shareholders. I am all for that."

That is in col. 646, 31st March, 1927. The Minister's attitude then was "We will have no Comptroller and Auditor-General, but I will have my own private accounting officer, and I will have him for the reason that I will have an impartial audit of the Shannon scheme, so as to insure that the public will have greater publicity and more accounts to be given to the public who are the shareholders." What is our experience of these accounts of the Shannon Board? We have had no publicity. Again in col. 649 we find this, for the 31st March, 1927:

"Professor Thrift: I desire to say that I voted against Deputy Cooper's amendment on the strength of two statements made by the Minister which seemed to me to be most important. I agree that it is desirable to keep the doings of this Board as far as possible from general discussion in the Dáil. I agree with the Minister also that it is desirable that as much publicity as possible should be given to the financial work of the Board."

I hope Deputy Thrift still subscribes to that attitude. I hope he will still stand for and support the demand for full publicity of the doings of the Board, particularly as regards the financial position. I am not going to go into all the figures the Minister gave us in regard to the units of electricity and so on and all the technical points but I must say that the Minister's statement to-day has been most disappointing. I think it is, to say the least of it, not manly for the Minister to try to shed himself of his own responsibilities and to throw the full responsibility on to the shoulders of one or two individuals. He has definitely made a cleavage as far as the Board is concerned, though the whole Board is responsible as far as we are concerned. Dr. MacLaughlin has been thrown to the wolves. Would I be correct in saying that the previous Chairman of the Board resigned from the Board whether at the request of the Minister or the President of the Executive Council? The President said it was not so when I asked a question. The fact remains that the Chairman resigned and went back as an ordinary member of the Board. What I want to ask the Minister is —did that Chairman get compensation to the amount of £500 when he resigned his chairmanship of the Board? Is there any foundation for the statement that the previous Chairman of the Board was given any compensation whatever when he resigned from the chairmanship?

I could answer that question simply by saying no, but that would be misleading. He did not get it on resignation, but he got it by way of extra remuneration on being re-appointed as a part-time member.

Could the Minister say what was the amount?

I have not it in my head.

Will the Minister promise to get the amount?

Certainly, quite soon.

If the Minister has come to the House now to give the ex-Managing Director £2,000 on his resignation on the grounds the Minister stated, I say the Minister had no power previously to give the previous Chairman any compensation by way of extra remuneration when he resigned from the chairmanship over differences on policy. That Chairman was brought back as an ordinary member of the Board. He has also gone out with Dr. MacLaughlin. I do not suppose he is getting compensation again this time.

Section 2 is where my power was to do whatever was done.

Why is not the late Managing Director given compensation under that section?

Because it does not apply.

What part of Section 2 gives the Minister power?

Sub-section (7).

"Every member of the Board shall be paid out of the funds at the disposal of the Board such remuneration and such allowances for expenses as the Executive Council shall when appointing him prescribe." Does that give the Minister any power to give a man remuneration when he resigns?

No; that is why this Bill is necessary. It can be done when a man is re-appointed.

Compensation was given to the Chairman when he was re-appointed.

There was remuneration given to the ex-Chairman when he was re-appointed.

Of course the Minister does not know the amount now?

I do not know the exact figure.

Would the Minister say later what brought about the resignation of that Chairman from that chairmanship? Surely the Minister cannot take up the attitude of saying "I do not know, he just resigned, we went after him and begged him to come back." There must have been some reason why he resigned.

There must have been with him.

The Minister does not know why he resigned?

He did not tell me.

Will the Minister deny that the ex-Chairman was called on to resign?

There were mixed circumstances, but I would not like to say that he was called on to resign.

What would the Minister say if I said that he told me he was called on by him to resign?

I would like to have the whole circumstances of the resignation.

Would the Minister deny that he was called on to resign by the Minister?

We will have to get down to details in this. I do not believe the Chairman of the Board was definitely called on to resign.

Not as such.

I can say this, that he told me that he was called on by the Minister to resign.

All I can say is that he was telling you wrong.

That he was not telling me the truth?

The truth depends on the way it is said.

I will leave it at that; I have his word for it.

I indicated a certain set of circumstances to him and he resigned.

The Minister obviously put up to him certain things with which he did not agree.

The fact remains that he resigned. A certain statement was made to me and it was denied in this House. I asked if the resignation of the Chairman was the result of a request that was made to him and the President said "No." The Minister's present attitude in reply to Deputy O'Kelly's questions is certainly not very impressive. The Minister knows more about that particular situation than he pretends to know or wants to give this House particulars of.

May I put this point with regard to that? If I had not the resignation at that particular time or thereabouts I think I would have come here to ask for his dismissal.

It is a great pity the Minister did not do so. He would have had much more sympathy in the House if he dismissed the man because he had come to the conclusion that he was not developing the scheme in the best interests of the country or of the finances of the State as a whole; but for the Minister to get it done in a way in which it is kept from the House I think is not fair or reasonable. I am not going to delay the House any further in going into a lot of information that I have here, but I want to know from the Minister if he is going to take this House into his full and open confidence and to give us an opportunity of satisfying ourselves as to the exact position of the scheme as regards its development from the technical point of view, and certainly as regards its financial aspect, so that the House can decide in what way further money may be given, and so that the House may find whether development on any great scale at the present time would be advisable or not, or whether it should go on for a certain number of years until certain things are wiped out and certain changes take place. On the other hand, the House may come to the conclusion that it would be far better to go on immediately with the further development of the scheme which the Minister stated he would give to the House. I hope the House will hold that what has been requested by Deputy Lemass is reasonable, that only such moneys will be given the Minister at the present time as will enable him to carry on for a particular period. That is distinctly different from the attitude of the Minister who left the concern high and dry—to carry on on the revenue from the sale of current and forced them, I imagine, to use certain revenues which should have been applied to other purposes than what they were used for. I hope the House will make the Minister come to his senses and realise that he is only going to get so much money that will enable him to carry on until such time as we know where we are in regard to the scheme.

How can the Deputy define the amount?

First the Minister said he wanted £2,000,000, and then he said that £1,150,000 of that sum is not required at the moment. He then said he wants £850,000, of which £600,000 is to pay the amount of liability incurred in taking over existing undertakings. He says he is not going to pay that £600,000 just now. Therefore all he requires according to himself for immediate disbursement is a sum of £650,000, which I contend he could get without this Act if he paid up the balance due to the Electricity Supply Board.

That is, I do not want any money.

If you handed the Board this £650,000 due to the Board I say you have £250,000 more than you require for your immediate wants. You are not going to pay off the bondholders of the electricity plant in Dublin. All you want is to pay the sinking fund and the interest. What is the sense of raising the money and paying interest on it?

You said whatever money he wants to develop this scheme. Can you define the amount?

The Minister says he requires £250,000 for that purpose.

Mr. Murphy

To pay debts.

And to carry on.

Mr. Murphy

He did not say that.

There are £546,000 still unpaid.

What is it then?

It depends on what the old Act is interpreted to mean.

Is the Minister going to state that the figures in the answer he gave to me the other day when I asked how much money is owing are wrong?

I think you asked how much has been advanced?

Yes. Therefore the amount that was still due was not advanced.

Will the Deputy say that the amount is not yet advanced or due?

If you were to give the Board £500,000 every half year for five years and if for six months you have given them nothing, I presume the balance is due. That is the Board's contention.

Their contention if you like.

The main disagreement between the Minister and the Board was this, that the Board felt that the liabilities of existing plants which they took over would not be a part of this two and a half millions. The Minister's contention was that it was to be included in that. Either one or the other is right. The fact is that this money is not immediately required. No one is asking for the liabilities to be paid at the moment. The Electricity Supply Board own the plants, and the plants, if they are any thing like the Dublin Electricity plants for which £300,000 was paid and which was worth £2,000,000, were very cheap. The only money the Minister wants is first of all an amount to pay the liabilities in the ordinary trading manner and, secondly, whatever money is required to carry on the transmission lines. I know as a result of the Minister's attitude for the last nine months that the Board were not able to bring the current to certain houses which had been wired and people have been issuing writs against the Board in the case of houses which were wired nine months ago. If the Minister had given the Board money to lay their cables or to take down cables which were overloaded and which could not take extra current he would be getting extra customers to consume his units of electricity. At the moment he need not get £2,000,000 or anything like it. He says he requires £250,000 for debts and another £250,000 for the Board to have in hands for ordinary developments for the next three months. I think he should get it but no more and then on the next occasion we should get a complete statement of accounts.

The Minister stated at the beginning of his speech that the Board actually owed £600,000 and stated further that they were honourably committed to a further £250,000 and I understand from the Minister that he has yet to discharge these debts.

The Minister stated that the £600,000 is due to people who were owed money by the undertakings which were taken over; in other words, capital borrowed for existing plants required by the E.S.B. Of that at least £300,000 is held by bondholders who subscribed to the flotation of the Dublin plant and all of whom will be very sorry when the amount is paid up.

That is not so.

What is so?

That is a long story. I will have to detail it myself.

Does the Minister mean that there is £600,000 in addition to the amount due by the various undertakings?

If you take all the liabilities that accrued and ought to have been paid last month, there was a sum of £700,000 definitely in that, and then commitments beyond that.

What commitments are beyond that?

About another couple of hundred thousand.

Is not that based on the assumption that the amount set aside to meet capital liabilities is already provided out of the two million pounds?

If the Deputies like to give the Board a present of the £250,000 in addition to the two and a half million pounds they need not take this sum, but why not vote it honestly rather than this way?

Mr. Flinn rose.

Let the Deputy proceed by way of a speech.

If we have to make useful speeches we want accurate information, and we want to understand the information we get. The Minister has been brief, and we have not been all able to take down his figures. He says there is £700,000 of accrued liability. Does he hold against that the £546,000 which have not been advanced?

Not all of it.

Roughly speaking.

I said not all of it, about a half of it.

That is £500,000 of a net liability and another £250,000, making £750,000. That is included in the £3,350,000.

I do not know about that.

I am not cross-examining the Minister. I am asking for information.

I have a feeling that I am being cross-examined. Will the Deputy explain what the £3,350,000 is made up of?

I gave you that figure before.

It is made up of the two and a half million pounds which the Electricity Supply Board had first.

We will have to proceed by way of speeches.

I want to try to get Deputy Murphy into the same frame of mind as I am on this matter, because I believe that we may be perfectly sure that unless the gentlemen over there are going to stand up, and unless Deputy Thrift raises his finger and says "I am not going to support you," this Bill will be carried in its present form. That is why I am anxious to get Deputy Murphy to see the sense of our attitude. That is, that we are anxious to give the Minister sufficient to pay all existing liabilities. All he wants is enough to pay the trade liabilities and the running expenses. Let him state what is that figure, and the House will give it to him. The House does not want to see traders held up, and they do not want to see anything taking place under the Shannon Board that will restrict developments, or the leaving off of men engaged on constructive work that will be of benefit in future. If the Minister is prepared to say that £700,000 is the amount involved, as far as I am concerned, I would be prepared to give him that, but we should not give him more than that until we see something in the way of what Deputy Thrift requires, full publicity as far as the financial aspect of the Board is concerned.

How will you get that?

If we give the £2,000,000 we will not get it until the next time, but if we refuse to give it the Minister will be bound to come to the House and put on the Table a full statement of the activities of the Board. In that way, we will be prepared to give a sympathetic consideration to these figures as we see them.

I only wish to say that I am as much for publicity now as ever I was.

The only way of doing it is by refusing to give this money now.

I do not think that very many members will be disposed to follow the lead given by Deputy Murphy in passing judgment and passing sentence in this particular dispute without hearing the two sides of it. There is scarcely any doubt——

Might I intervene to say that I did not pass sentence? I said that if certain things, which I do not know, happened.

I think it is perfectly clear from Deputy Murphy's statement that he had made up his mind that the merits lay with the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and that the Shannon Board were hopelessly in the wrong, that they had made a mess of their business, and that they deserved whatever punishment it was in the power of the House to give, even to the withholding of sums of money which we are supposed to give them, even the sum proposed to be given to the Managing Director. That seemed to me, at any rate, to reveal an attitude of mind which I hope, and which, in fact, I feel certain, is not the attitude of the majority of members. There is a dispute, a dispute that involves very big issues, and it is our duty to insist on getting all the information that is necessary to enable us to form an impartial decision on the merits of the dispute. We want that information. What the Minister has given us does not supply us with anything like the information necessary to enable us to form a judgment on it, and even if he did give us full information it would be purely an ex parte statement. He is one of the principals in the dispute. The other principals are the Shannon Board. On account of the fact that two of the members of the Board have resigned a situation has developed in which there is discrimination between one set of members of the Board and the other. As far as we in this House are concerned, we ought not to discriminate between members of the Board until we have information which enables us to discriminate.

What is at issue, as far as I have been able to gather from the statement made by the Minister, is concerned with the question of accounts. It would appear that certain accounts which the Board was obliged to furnish have not been furnished. That is a fact, I take it, but further than that fact, what is the cause of the delay in furnishing these accounts? Is it, for example, interference by the Minister? I am only taking that as a possibility. What is responsible for the delay in furnishing these accounts? Was it possible for any Board to furnish these accounts in time? Was the rate of development so fast, for example, as to make it very difficult? I do not know, neither does any member of the House, what has transpired here in connection with these accounts. A year ago, in September, 1930, the then Chairman of the Board was, it appears to me, forced to resign. I think that was the conclusion that every member who was here at the time must have come to. He was forced to resign by the Minister. Was it on the question of the accounts? Each member of the Board was responsible for the accounts if there was a division of responsibility. Was the Chairman responsible for the accounts? If he were, and if there were a difficulty back in September, 1930, the Minister's new nominee was put in his place. Why, if the question were one of accounts, have not the accounts been furnished since September, 1930? Was not that time sufficient to make good? I do not know, neither does any other member in the House.

We have no information. All we know about this matter is that the Minister when he came here asking the House to set up this Board, made a show of the fact that this was to be an independent Board, acting independently without interference from him. He was to have no responsibility whatever for it. He washed his hands out of it and at the very same time or very soon afterwards, after he said that, he looked round in the Act and found there was a clause which completely negatived everything he said then. He said to himself: "I have power to dismiss these people. If I am going to exercise that I must have supervision over the work of the Board and I must know everything that happens." He then provided himself with a liaison officer.

The Minister himself was not apparently able to keep that contact with the Board that was necessary for supervision. What did he do? He handed over to somebody who is to report to him, who is to be the medium by which he is to get information. What does that mean? It means that the control simply passes from the Minister himself to one of the permanent departments. There was some one Civil Servant who had access to the Minister and was able to point out what was wrong. This liaison officer, who was really in control of the Board, was to be in a position in which he would bring about a situation in which the members of the Board and the Minister were going to be at loggerheads. I do not know anything about it further than what we see on the surface. That position was a fundamentally difficult one. You cannot have this half-measure of control. The Minister's idea of having a Board that would be free from Parliamentary control in the ordinary sense, capable of doing its work as a business Board was in my opinion a valuable idea and one that should be supported. I agree that it was an experiment of great sociological value. In fact, some of us believe there are certain developments necessary in the country and that they can only take place if pursued in that manner. I, for one, am anxious that no clash of personality which appears to be at issue here or that no question of pique should come in here to risk the possibility of this valuable experiment being a success. I am anxious about this experiment, this enterprise, in the success of which so much national money is involved. We do not want to see this experiment wrecked on any petty ground.

There is a difficulty undoubtedly. Is this House going to hand over to an independent Board full and complete powers, and is it going to keep no check? If it is going to keep a check, how is it to be made effective? I have no doubt that originally, when the House agreed with the Minister's proposal, it came to the conclusion that the check provided in the Act was the least that it could have if it were to feel that it had any control whatever. Again, that depended upon the person who was to exercise the powers given. Responsibility was placed upon the Minister to exercise those powers wisely and in such a way that this experiment would be given a decent chance to be a success. I do not think the Minister's speech to-night indicates that he has fulfilled this obvious duty in a satisfactory manner. This thing has been going on for two or three years. As regards the accounts, we have the same mess, apparently, under the new Chairman as we had under the old. What is the reason for that? The Minister had the whole country to pick from when he required a Chairman. Nobody interfered with his choice or with the choice of the Executive Council. They could select from the best men available. In appointing the first Chairman I take it they had good grounds for believing that he possessed the qualifications necessary to do the work in a successful way. I remember many years ago the President of the Executive Council talking to me in very eulogistic terms about the man who was later appointed Chairman of the Board, of his ability in matters of finance. Is the position now to be that this man, who was chosen for his ability in matters of finance, has not been able to deal with this particular work and, so to speak, has had to be fired? I find it hard to believe that if the Minister for Industry and Commerce really approached that question sympathetically, and did not want to insist too much on his own views being taken in detail, that the present situation would not have been reached. However, as I say, that is only an opinion. It would be as wrong for me to form a definite judgment on that opinion as it was for Deputy Murphy to form a definite judgment on the other matter. The members of the House have not got sufficient material to enable them to form a sound judgment on this, and therefore we ought not to vote this money until we get all the information that we require.

The only point of real importance that I want to make in connection with the accounts is that apparently the new Chairman, who is a civil servant, was not able to do any better than the old Chairman. The question naturally arises whether any of these men, not being experts on the question of electrical supply and its economics, was capable of doing this work satisfactorily.

The question of some agreement which was supposed to have been arrived at is, I think, the next point in dispute. The matter in dispute there apparently was whether or not certain liabilities of the acquired undertakings were to be met out of the two and a half millions. The Board apparently under the provisions of the Act was given the right to make requests for money and to get it on demand. The Minister was not empowered under the Act to dole out money in the way that he proposes. This doling out is clearly a violation of the principle embodied in the original Act. If the Minister were to be in a position to dole out money in that way he would be in a position to interfere from day to day in the policy of the Board, and that above all things was the thing to be avoided if the principle in the original proposal was to be followed out properly. Until the Minister gets such power as he is seeking now he is not in a position to interfere from day to day. The Board, having been told when they were set up that they were put in a position of independence, naturally proceeded to act independently and to say that they had a public responsibility for the scheme, to say to the Minister "You have washed your hands of that responsibility. Because we have that responsibility we are going to follow our judgment and not yours." They were perfectly entitled to do that. Who was to arbitrate between the Minister and the Board in a matter like this? I, like other members of the House, have looked up the debates that took place at the time, and I have certainly not come across anything to show where it was suggested by the Minister that the liabilities of these acquired undertakings were to be met out of the two and a half million pounds. The Minister has not shown us that they were to be so met. I am perfectly certain that if the Minister were able to show that to the Board, to show that he was in a legal position to compel the Board to do what he stated to-day, the Board would immediately have surrendered to his view and admitted that the position was as he says, but apparently the Board were within their rights—that the whole of the two and a half million pounds should be delivered to them as requested in accordance with whatever plans they, in the exercise of their own judgment, were to make. The Minister refused to give them that money.

Holding the view that they did, is it likely that the Board made this agreement which is referred to? Is the position this, that the agreement was made under some sort of compulsion, that self-same sort of compulsion that was used a few years ago to get the first Chairman of the Board to resign and to get the Managing Director to resign recently? Some sort of agreement, apparently, was come to, and the Minister now holds it was broken. It is the duty of the Minister to furnish the House with all the evidence, to enable Deputies to form a judgment upon that agreement. I hold that before the Minister asks for this money he ought to table the correspondence that took place at that particular time. Deputies are entitled to see that. We want to know in regard to this agreement where the merits lie.

The next point refers to the questions of major policy to which Deputy Lemass referred. What are they? What exactly is the policy that the Board was following, and what exactly is the policy that the Minister is following? As well as I remember the Minister gave some sort of explanation on these lines: that the Board proceeded to develop without concerning themselves with the question whether the revenues that would come from the ultimate development would be such as to warrant that development, whereas the Minister said "You must first of all calculate nicely what are to be the returns from a certain development, and when you have made these calculations then the development is to take place." I do not think that the Shannon scheme would ever have been started if these calculations were to be insisted upon. Certain estimates were made at the beginning, but the Minister has had to come to the House from time to time to look for increased sums. His estimate was based, as I take it, on certain rough calculations.

In my opinion the Board could not do more than was done as far as extra development was required. What has the Minister done? Apparently he has destroyed for some months past the whole credit of the Board. The letters appearing in the Press and the rumours current about the city make it clear that the Minister completely destroyed the credit of the Board. By withholding the sums that they were entitled to receive he put the Board in this position, that the further development which they had entered upon under their scheme could not be undertaken. It does not require one very well versed in questions of electrical supply to realise that it is the final step in all these cases that matters.

Suppose you have the mains laid in the streets and that they are ready to supply users with electricity, the possible revenue cannot come in until the final fitting up is done. Therefore, it is not sufficient to leave these things in the air, to bring the networks and the distribution up to a certain point. It is not fair, in my opinion, to judge the Board on its success or failure on the position that was largely the creation of the Minister himself. I think everyone must admit that if the Minister wanted to destroy any Board he could do it. Powers were left with him, and we have to judge him on the manner in which he exercised these powers; whether he exercised them wisely or whether, in fact, he exercised them in such a way as to make for a certainty that the Board would not be a success.

To summarise, the first point that we want information on is in regard to this whole question of the accounts. Why is it that, although a new Chairman was appointed, he has not been able to settle up the accounts since the time of his appointment in September, 1930? The House must remember also that there were direct representatives from the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Finance on the Board. There must, therefore, over a long period, have been direct contact between the officials of these two Departments and the Board. The Minister cannot say that over a long period he was not in possession of intimate knowledge as to the position of the Board. If that is so, why did he wait so long, why did he allow things to get into the mess that we have now? Why did he bring about a situation in which the whole credit of this particular enterprise in which so many millions of money are sunk, as well as the credit of an experiment which he himself admits was one of great sociological value, has suffered over a long period without taking action to remedy it? As regards the agreement, we want to see all the information contained in the correspondence that took place. It is the duty of the Minister to put it before us. It seems to me that the Minister in elevating two of the matters at issue to a question of policy has done so without a great deal of justification. What is the policy as far as the Minister is concerned? Does he want to see as many consumers as possible for the power provided by the Shannon scheme or does he not? If he wants to see that must not any body that is going to undertake the development have certain wide powers to enable it to take the steps that it thinks necessary in order to make that development a success?

Is it fair to put upon the Board the restrictions that the Minister proposed to put upon them? If it is and if the Minister wants to see this thing out in detail then he should not talk of washing his hands of the Board because it simply means that he is going to exercise supervision from day to day over the Board. I do not believe that major matters of policy are involved. If they are, how are we to choose between the view of the Minister and the Board without some deciding body on whose opinion we can rely? What does the Minister know about these things? What does he know about the question of electrical supply and its economics? I do not believe that he knows anything about it. If we are to take the opinion of one man as against another on it would we not be on safer ground in taking the view that has been expressed in contradiction to that of the Minister, the view that has been expressed by the Managing Director who, the Minister admits, was the originator of the Shannon scheme in its present form? He, at any rate, can claim a certain amount of expert knowledge. What expert knowledge has the Minister to back up his opinion on the matter? If it is a question of the accounts simply then we must naturally ask what responsibility had the Managing Director for these accounts?

I think that at one time the Minister spoke about the Chairman of the Board being one who had enjoyed exceptional knowledge of public finance and of the care that should be exercised in dealing with such moneys. I take it that was one of the reasons why that particular Chairman was appointed, because he had that knowledge. He was accustomed to dealing with public moneys and had experience of the care with which they should be handled. He was a man who was eulogised greatly. I fail to understand why he should change so suddenly when he got control as Chairman of the Board and turn out to be a different type of man. I want to know what the expert opinion is that the Minister is backed by as against the admitted expert opinion of the Managing Director. These are questions that I want to have cleared up before I am asked to give judgment on this.

As regards looking for the sum of two million pounds, I think that is altogether unjustifiable. Can anybody imagine a Minister coming to the House and asking for £2,000,000 to have at his disposal to dole out, to compel subservience from a Board which he says is to be an independent Board? The Minister ought to give some indication of what he wants. Questions have been put from this side of the House, but we have not yet got any really definite set of figures such as a Minister looking for an appropriation of this size should produce. As regards the commitments that have to be met, £700,000 has been mentioned, but even the figures relating to that total sum we have not got accurately. Surely the accounts ought to be able to clear that up? As regards the future, why should the Minister want so much as two million pounds in excess of the sum that it was estimated in the past would be required? Is it that he may be in a position to put the new Board into the position that they will be able to say, "All is well, because we have not been hampered by any niggardliness as regards funds?"

The House would not be justified in giving the Minister a blank cheque for this two million pounds. He might be able to make a case for £300,000 or £400,000 to meet immediate requirements until this matter is straightened out, but surely when it is straightened out the House ought to get an opportunity of reviewing the situation. If at that time it is shown that any further moneys are needed, the House ought to have an opportunity of reviewing the whole situation and of determining whether the extra moneys are or are not to be given. In my opinion, the Minister has not treated the House fairly or candidly in this matter. If there is a question of difference of opinion on what have been called major questions of policy we ought to have an inquiry into the whole position Previously, before the House entered on large capital commitments in connection with the scheme, certain experts were called in, not representatives of the Department of Industry and Commerce, and not civil servants who cannot claim to have any real knowledge of the economics of this matter. Therefore, I say that we ought to have an inquiry by an independent expert group before we are asked to vote this further sum.

It is the duty of the House to see that. It is time for us now. This enterprise is an important one and it is in the balance. If we act unwisely, we may wreck the whole thing. It is our duty to the country and to ourselves as representatives here to see that whatever action is taken in this particular matter is only taken after the most careful inquiry, with all the information, technical and otherwise, that the House has a right to get. I suggest, therefore, that we should not precipitately deal with this matter and pass this money until we get the why and wherefore and information, if necessary, by setting up an expert Committee to examine into the whole situation. I think the situation is of sufficient magnitude to warrant a special inquiry, an inquiry, if you like, with members who will be all chosen so as to be impartial and members who will be able to give information worth something on the technical issues involved.

As one who had some criticism to offer as to the constitution of this Board when the matter was in the first instance before this House, I should like to say, what I said on several occasions then, that I was very doubtful from my experience of business matters of the success of the proposals of the Minister. I agree, however, with Deputy de Valera that as we have the scheme now it is the anxiety, or ought to be the anxiety, of all of us, not alone members of this House, but all those interested in this State, to make a success of this scheme. Whatever criticism one may have offered in the past, as far as I am personally concerned I am anxious to do everything now to further the scheme, as such a large sum of State money is invested in it. That is my attitude at present. But I am not satisfied that from the inception of this particular Board its business was carried on in a businesslike way. I have no information that would help me in coming to a conclusion as to the cause of the trouble. There may have been too much interference by the Minister's Department, or there may have been insufficient care on the part of the members of the Board.

I happen to know some of the members of that Board, including the past Chairman, and in view of one's knowledge of these particular men in the past I am not prepared to condemn them in the whole-hearted way that they have been condemned this afternoon in this House. Many of them are able business men who have discharged duties in the past in a most satisfactory manner. Then they were brought into this Board and now they have been censured without having been given an opportunity of making their case. As I say, we have these statements put before us and we are not able from the information we have at present to say whether the fault is that of the Board, on the one hand, or of the Executive Council or the Department of Industry and Commerce, on the other hand.

The House will agree that there is financial chaos in the affairs of that Board at the moment. That being so, what is the best method of dealing with that difficulty? Supposing any of us were on a Board of Directors who had to face such a situation, how would we deal with it? It appears to me that the first step such a Board would take would be to call in an independent firm of auditors of repute and get from them a financial statement of the existing position, showing, on the one hand, the liabilities and, on the other hand, the assets. In addition to that, we should get from these auditors a figure that would meet the commitments entered into by that Board. With these two figures we should have information as to what developments were necessary in the immediate future and an estimate of the cost of these developments. Before any further step is taken the House ought to have information before it on these three points.

There is a further difficulty in the matter. The services of the present Board, or portion of it, have been dispensed with. Further members of that Board are under a sort of sentence of suspension. In other words, they have only been reappointed for a period of six months. What the position of the balance of the Board is I do not know. The balance of the Board apparently is a minority of the Board and it is to continue. These are factors that would want to be cleared up.

I think, with all respect to the Minister and the Executive Council, that the House is not in a position at present to decide on this matter. I suggest that the whole consideration be adjourned, and that a firm of auditors be called in to give the figures which I have suggested should be before the House, just as they would be before any Board of Directors that is called upon to decide vital issues such as those the House is now called upon to decide, and that while that statement is being prepared the Executive Council should make up their minds as to the form of that Board for the future for the carrying on of this undertaking, and then come before the House and state: "That is the Board we recommend; that is the financial position; and we now come forward with an estimate of so-and-so to discharge the liabilities that will accrue if the House adopts this recommendation." If that course were adopted it would be a businesslike way of dealing with the problem, and it would do away with a lot of discussion that is not going to do the electricity undertaking any good, and is not going to help the reputation of this country for dealing with problems of this character. I suggest that the matter be adjourned, and that this information be obtained, and as soon as all this information is ready that the matter be brought before the House.

Could we now have some of the businessmen of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party to defend the attitude of the Minister?

The Minister for Industry and Commerce introduced this discussion by a statement that he had never come to the House with more distaste and more embarrassment in relation to any task he had undertaken. I have never listened to the introduction of a discussion in this House of a serious matter with more distaste, and with more deep pain and regret, than the one we have heard to-day, because I am genuinely and deeply interested in the Shannon scheme. I want to see it a success. I think someone or other is responsible, that this discussion we are having is evidence that someone has been responsible, for very gravely risking the future success of this scheme and, in risking it, risking the reputation of this country as a business institution, and risking also, as Deputy de Valera has said, an experiment of very great, fundamental, psychological and political value. I am speaking now as one who has no use, ordinarily speaking, for Governmental interference in commercial affairs. Judging by the experience of the world up to the present—I am not saying there are not certain experiments going on that would change one's opinion in that matter—but up to the present we have been justified, as individuals, in saying that the further the State keeps away from business enterprises the more likely they are to be a success.

But we had in this a great State enterprise which was attempted to be carried on under State control and under which a very ingenious machinery—I am saying that sincerely —a very ingenious and well thought out machinery was put into the Act to enable a State enterprise to be carried on as nearly as possible with the advantages of a private enterprise, while having behind it the support and assistance of the State. It will be a tragedy not merely for the Electricity Supply Board, but a tragedy for a great many possible developments which might take place in this country if, as the result of what has happened here, we have to say that in this Free State, with the resources of men and their intelligence and decency which we have at our disposal, we are not able to set up successfully a board upon the lines of the Electricity Supply Board, and find it efficient to carry out a big enterprise in close connection with the State. It is for that reason that I would regard it as a very great tragedy indeed if we have to say that there has been a failure in this matter.

Now it is obvious that somebody has failed. Either the Electricity Supply Board has failed as a whole, or certain constituents of it have failed, or the Electricity Supply Board has broken down through interference and lack of sympathy of the Minister, or it has broken down through lack of efficiency and lack of sympathy and understanding of the purpose of the Electricity Supply Board by the permanent officials. As Deputy de Valera said, these are questions on which we ought to have evidence. I am not going to judge. I want to leave this question to-day an open question. If we were here in the position of giving evidence we could decide. I want to leave the thing to-night in the position in which this House, as a whole, without any division of political party, will insist that to us, individual members of the Dáil, shall be given that sufficient amount of exact and detailed evidence in relation to the history of this matter that will enable us to come to an honest judgment, as if we were jurors in a case trying the issue between those who say that the Electricity Supply Board have let down the Free State and those who say they have not. There is no evidence as yet on which any honest member of this House could, with a sense of responsibility as a juror, give a verdict.

We have had one witness in the box, and one witness only. And again I say it with regret, because I do chalk up to the Minister, to his credit, the great ingenuity and largeness of vision which was represented in the actual constitution of the Electricity Supply Board—we have had one witness in the box, and every member of this House is in a position to form an opinion as to whether or not that witness was there to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, in scorn of consequences and in disregard of interests of anything except the truth. I personally think that the Minister has not merely not been fair to this House, and not merely not been fair to the Board, but that he has been thoroughly unfair to himself by the exhibition of ill-timed reticence, of calculated suppression and suggestion which he has given us to-day.

Now we have unfortunately another witness who has not been before this House, a witness whose reputation the President of the Executive Council will stand over without hesitation, that is the late Treasurer and Town Clerk of the City of Dublin, who was Chairman of the Board. He was appointed Chairman of the Board with the enthusiastic consent of the President and of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. That gentleman has made statements in relation to the circumstances under which he resigned, which, if true, mean that every word of testimony which has been offered to us by the particular witness in this case must be regarded, to say the least of it, as doubtful. If the circumstances under which Mr. Murphy resigned from the Electricity Supply Board are the circumstances which Mr. Murphy stated they were to two members of this House, and not in confidence, then there has been interference with the Board, not merely of a financial kind but of the most grossly wrong and improper character. An attempt has been made, if these statements of Mr. Murphy are correct, to do with this Board that which would make it, as a successful runner of the Shannon scheme or anything else, impossible.

I personally am not prepared to say that Mr. Murphy has turned his back upon a lifelong association with the President; that he has turned his back deliberately upon the truth and has deliberately invented a story as to the circumstances of his resignation. Unless I am prepared to say that, I am to say that there are two witnesses now before you who definitely contradict one another in relation to the facts. Let us now take the Electricity Board as a whole. It consisted of the Treasurer and ex-Town Clerk of the City of Dublin; the ex-President of the Incorporated Chamber of Commerce and Shipping of Cork, and the ex-President of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of the Irish Free State; the Secretary of the Agricultural Organisation Society; two senior civil servants and now as Chairman an ex-principal officer of the Revenue Commissioners.

According to the statement which the House has received from the Minister—and I am not to judge that statement. I am only to tell you that it is a statement which, on the evidence, requires other examination than his mere statement—a Board so constituted has been as utterly inefficient, has been as criminally negligent, has been as recklessly reticent of the things which it ought to disclose to the Minister, as the Minister for Industry and Commerce has said. Do you believe that? Do you believe that the ex-Treasurer and Town Clerk of the City of Dublin has been as inefficient as that? What are the Associated Chambers of Commerce of the Free State going to say to their ex-President, who has held their honour and their reputation in his hands, when he has, according to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, so shamelessly neglected his duty? Do they accept that? Do they accept that they appointed as Chairman of that body a man as recklessly inefficient as the Minister has portrayed him? The whole co-operative industry of this country, co-operative marketing and co-operative manufacturing of butter, was under the control of the man who was put in as a member of this Board by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Is he as inefficient, as reckless, as disregardful of his duties as the Minister for Industry and Commerce has said? There have been altogether, I think, four civil servants of one type or another upon that Board. Liaison officers is one of the terms. Did all those officers hold their tongues? Did all those officers see these things going on and say nothing, or were those officers so utterly inefficient that they did not see any of these things that the Minister for Industry and Commerce said were happening?

A principal officer of the Revenue Commissioners—Mr. Brown, I think, or Dr. Brown—was appointed. I do not know whether he would be called a business man, but he most certainly is a man who would be regarded as financially expert, as capable of going through accounts. Is it alleged that he, when appointed instead of Mr. Murphy as Chairman of the Board, so continued to neglect all these financial matters that they were allowed to remain in that condition? You have got to choose; you have got to say that everyone of those people are as inefficient as that. Does the House believe it? Does not the House believe that when Mr. McLaughlin said so, and their reputation stands against it, that there is a case for inquiry? That is all I am asking.

What is the main issue when you come to boil it down? I want to recall to the mind of the House the speeches we have heard and heard with great gratification and pleasure from the Minister in relation to the Shannon scheme. It was a huge success! They had done in two years what their programme required of them to do in four! Instead of 110,000,000 units they had produced 150,000,000 units! Instead of its being a doubtful proposition it was an outstanding and flagrant success and to the credit of this country. That is what was said in relation to that thing. Has any evidence been put before you that one single penny of all the money that was put into the possession of that Board has been misspent? Has evidence been put before you that one single penny has been spent by that Board before it should have been spent? Does not everyone who knows anything about the electrical position in the country know that these people have underspent, that at the very moment at which the money ought to have been available, the money which would produce 100 per cent. interest because it would make fruitful the dead capital that was lying behind it, that at that very moment this money has been cut off? There is no evidence at all at the present moment in relation to that Board, even on the speech of the Minister, except a neglect to provide him with accounts. That may be very serious but that does not involve the future of the Shannon. The Minister does not now even himself state—I read his speech as carefully as I could—that there is an agreement with the Board. The case which was made by the President in his statement most certainly is not being stood over in detail and in set terms by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. There is a change of front and we want to know why there is a change of front. If we have taken in our hands the reputation of the competent business men in this country and the reputation of the young engineers who we claim were bringing credit and honour to this country, and if we have chosen to smash them we have got to do it upon evidence. Where is the evidence? We have got to do it in a case which has not been altered in the middle of the statement of the case.

The Minister says that there is a sum of £600,000 or something of that kind—we had better get that clear. The amount which is involved is the amount of the undischarged liabilities of the undertakings which were taken over. That debt amounted to £835,000 when they took them over, and that is pushed down or reduced to a sum of £600,000 now. The Minister contends that that £600,000 has to be met out of the £2,500,000. The lawyers of the E.S.B. have advised them to the contrary. The Minister knows that they have advised them to the contrary. He knows that they would not have refused to come in line with him if they had not that advice, just in the same way as they refused to pay rates in Dublin until the law was changed, because they were advised by their lawyers. If they had used this £600,000 to pay these obligations in the way the Minister says they ought to be paid they will be using that £600,000 to pay money in a way in which their lawyers say it is illegal for them to use it. The Minister went to them, according to his own statement, and asked them to go behind the back of the Dáil, to contract out of the law with him. He had no contractual position of any kind. There is no agreement of any sort or kind which they could enter into with the Minister. The House had better get that clear. There is no agreement into which they could enter with the Minister, because the Minister does not exist in the matter. There is no agreement which they could make with the Minister which they are entitled to plead in law, and yet it is that agreement or a breach of that agreement to go behind and void the law, which is the sole gravamen of the charge which is brought against them. I have read the Act. I do not know any Act of this unfortunate Dáil which I have read with more care, and personally I have never seen any evidence whatsoever that they should pay that as a capital sum. They took over these undertakings. They took over their assets and they took over their liabilities as they were. They took over liabilities to pay interest and sinking fund on their debts, but they did not take over liability to extinguish those debts at once.

There is one difficulty in that and I want to be quite fair. When we come to investigate this matter it will have to be investigated that the only possible line of country on which they could possibly have an obligation to pay off these moneys as a capital charge, namely, that they themselves were unsound financially, or that that particular obligation of indebtedness being left upon the local authorities made them to that degree less financially sound. When the Shannon scheme was set up with the authority of the Dáil, and with the finance of this Dáil behind it, and with the enthusiastic support of every member of the Dáil to make the best of it, did anyone suggest that it was financially unsound? It can get now every penny that was required for it. If ever a man set himself out in fact to produce that very condition of insolvency, to produce that very condition in which creditors would foreclose and demand their money instead of interest and sinking fund, it is the men who have been behind whatever mess there is here. It is a fact that the E.S.B. have been asked to send cash for a £10 order. It is a fact that responsible firms have rung each other up and said: "We have an order from the E.S.B. for £40; are they good for the money?" It is a fact that letters have been written by firms saying that owing to the non-payment of debts by the E.S.B. that they must insist on arrangements of that kind before supplying goods.

And during the whole of that time what is the actual position? The actual position is that the Minister has been holding in his hands £546,000 which he had no right to hold, which he illegally held. He had the right to dismiss members of the Board; he had the right to come to the Dáil and say he made a mistake, and if he did he had the right to smash it up; he had the right to come to us, but he had no right under the Act either to make that agreement which he alleges, to void the Act, nor had he any right, nor had the Minister for Finance any right, to refuse to hand to those people money which the Act says that the Minister on demand "shall" hand to the Board.

Here is a great institution which with its acknowledged capital is somewhere like £12,000,000 and which upon its hidden capital is somewhere about £14,000,000, and it is like some miserable hard-run shopkeeper, with the bailiffs in on him, its credit destroyed by the neglectful and unbusiness methods of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, either in not giving them the money or not coming to the Dáil. Which was it? He could have come to the Dáil when he made the arrangement with them. He made an arrangement with them on consideration of his not telling the Dáil what he believed to be the truth. He said that himself. He came along here, and he was going to put in two amendments in the 1929 Act and he was going to tell the Dáil why he was going to put them in, and he said in consideration of my not doing that this Board was induced to enter into this agreement, which on the face of it is illegal, with a man who had no legal existence to make an agreement with them. That is the position. The only evidence I have produced here to-night is the evidence of Mr. Murphy, who had previous association with those who controlled the Board and interfered with it and the Minister's own speech. On these things alone there is manifest evidence that we have got to inquire into, who has tried to wreck the Shannon scheme?

The end of this may be the smashing of a Minister, the smashing of a Civil Service Department, the smashing of the personnel of the Board. The one thing which it must not mean is the smashing of the Shannon scheme. Let me be perfectly clear. Whoever goes down the Shannon scheme itself integrally is the same as if this thing never happened. Someone is going down, but our business is so to see that whatever accidental and incidental circumstances surround the scheme because of the large amount of human nature which has been shown in this matter, the scheme itself goes on.

My difficulty on the face of it is that the Ministry does not seem to have been concerned with the benefits of the scheme. That money should never have been held up. If the Minister felt that this Board was unfit then he should have come to the Dáil. He had no right to allow it to continue for one hour in existence while he was holding from it the money he was withholding, and so destroying the credit of that scheme and, in so far as he could do it, destroying the credit of the country as well. I think to many of us and for many more years than we have belonged to the Dáil the electrification of the Shannon and the big development which would come from it has been a dream which we are glad to see realised. I want in so doing to give every credit that I possibly can to the imagination and the courage of those who did decide under adverse circumstance, and possibly in the face of better economic advice, went on with it. The time now has come to show our real fealty to the Shannon scheme by coming together as a jury, determined to find out accurately and absolutely the whole facts, determined to deal out justice and not more and not less than justice to all those concerned in the matter.

It is in that spirit that I commend to the House this appeal. I want an investigation. I want to see the thing is fairly done. There is any amount of evidence available. I suppose I heard thousands of rumours of the things that have been done by the Shannon Board. I have investigated everything as far as an individual could. I know of nothing, at any rate of a practical character, which, at the present moment, stands to the discredit of the Shannon scheme, or those who operated in it, and I do not know if anybody else has. I only want to say one more word, and that is in relation to the Board as it at present exists. It consists, at the present moment, of three civil servants, who hold their position at the will and pleasure of the Executive Council. It consists of three people who, in the name of business representatives, have been put on under conditions in which in my opinion they cannot be of value. It consists, as far as I understand, of an inner and an outer cabinet. The three representatives of the business community have not, in fact, been attending; they have not been summoned. There have been statements of policy, and so on, issued by the Board and over the photographs, at any rate, of members of the Board, without consultation with the business element. Now, unless the business element on that Board can have that security of tenure and can have that freedom and independence of function which enables them to do some good work, they had better get out.

At present the reputation of the whole business community of the Irish Free State is involved if this thing is a failure. If, according to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, we cannot find, within the whole Free State, three business men who can render a better account of themselves than the Minister for Industry and Commerce says these men have rendered, then it is the duty of the business people of the Free State to see that such representatives are not upon that Board. I am absolutely in favour of an independent Board. The more independent is its function the greater is its authority in relation to its policy. The less interference by any Party or any Government, whatever it may consist of, the less interference the civil servants have with it, the more hope I have in the Shannon scheme. Unless we can have some machinery set up, a Board which will be an independent Board of responsible business men to run that thing, it is going to be a failure whatever we do in the matter.

Surely there are Deputies other than members of the Fianna Fáil Party who have a duty to discuss this in the House? With the exception of Deputy Good and Deputy Murphy the debate has been so far entirely confined to members of the Fianna Fáil Party. Business men in Cumann na nGaedheal have an equal responsibility, and are bound to inquire into all the circumstances and facts of this situation just as we are; some of them have a larger stake in the country than we have. Some of them would sneer at us because I suppose, not being in a position of affluence, we would venture to discuss and criticise the proposition to vote £2,000,000 of the public money, to give a blank cheque into the hands of the Minister who was responsible for concealing from the House the fact that since 1928 a serious difference of opinion has arisen between him and the Board which he created with regard to the expenditure of a sum of two and a half million pounds. There are very substantial business men with the Cumann na nGaedheal Party. There is Deputy Connolly, of Longford, and there is Deputy McDonogh, of Galway.

What has Deputy McDonogh of Galway to do with it? I know a good deal about the Shannon and its business and I saw mismanagement. I saw in the town of Galway— if you want to hear anything I can tell you——

I think Deputy McDonogh must allow Deputy MacEntee to make his speech.

I do not mind any of these gentlemen either inside or outside the House.

I would gladly give way to Deputy McDonogh or any other member of his Party.

Do not be personal.

Let us be quite clear about it. Deputies have been discussing it. Every man jack of them has been discussing it, but in another place. It was discussed, as I happen to know, at the recent Convention of Cumann na nGaedheal, and why did not members of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party——

The Deputy must either discuss this Bill now or conclude his speech. I thought he was coming to the Bill when he went on to talk of Deputy McDonogh.

He is more interested in the Cumann na nGaedheal Party.

Certainly. We hope soon to displace you, and then we will have less interest in you. We will have as little interest in you as the country has at present.

Still further away from the subject.

The proposal in this Bill is to place £2,000,000 under the control of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to dole out as he wishes to a Board of his own selection and nomination. The whole of the Minister's speech, I would like to remind the House, was an indictment of the late Managing Director and the former Chairman of the Board. In the course of it he did not advance a single argument that would justify the grant of this £2,000,000. He said that he was without information which he should have in submitting such a proposal to the House. He told us that the Board had overspent to the extent of £600,000 and had incurred commitments to the extent of a further £250,000. He also told us that the total expenditure and commitments of the Board at present amounted to £3,350,000 approximately, which is computed as follows:—

There is approved expenditure, I have to call it approved expenditure, because the Minister has indicated that to the extent of £1,700,000 he is prepared to approve of the expenditure which this nominally independent Board has already undertaken. In addition to that there is an excess expenditure already incurred and in respect, I presume, of works already finished, amounting to £600,000. There were, he said, in addition to that, other commitments amounting to £250,000 and then, he said, there are the liabilities of the municipal undertakings transferred amounting to £800,000. Under the Electricity Supply Act of 1927 there was originally granted to the Board a sum of £2,500,000. It is in regard to the balance of £800,000 that the difference between the Board and the Minister is supposed to have occurred. That sum, according to the Minister, represents liabilities of the undertakings which were taken over by the Board from the local authorities. It is in regard to that sum that the differences between the Minister and the Board have arisen. It is common ground between the Minister and the Board that the Board eventually, whether out of the £2,500,000 or whether out of its profits and revenue from the operation of the undertaking, must provide for the liabilities of the transferred undertakings. There is no difference between the Minister and the Board as to that. I would like to make that quite clear. The Board accepts the responsibility for the liabilities of the transferred undertakings. The Minister states that they are bound to accept these responsibilities under Section 37 of the Electricity Supply Act. How then does the difference arise? It arises as to the manner in which that provision is to be made.

The Minister's attitude, so far as I can apprehend from his speech, was that out of the £2,500,000 provided by the House to enable the Board to equip itself with all the plant and the machinery required to distribute and sell locally 110,000,000 units per annum, the Board was bound to take one-third of the sum, £800,000, and immediately discharge the liabilities of the transferred undertakings. I would like to ask the Minister if that is a correct presentation of his position, that he desires that out of the £2,500,000 granted to the Board or authorised to be advanced to the Board under the Electricity Supply Act, he wishes the Board to take £800,000 and immediately to discharge the liabilities of the transferred undertakings?

Will the Minister tell us what he wants to do with that?

When I am replying.

Will he tell us now?

It is a long statement.

Surely the Minister could at this stage correct any misapprehension he left the House under as to how he wishes the liabilities of the transferred undertakings to be met?

As they fall due.

That is to say that the Minister wishes the Board to provide for interest and sinking fund as they fall due?

Is it out of income or capital?

Does it matter in the long run so long as we know what the yearly commitments are? Surely there are certain sums to be paid each year. Thus there may be £100,000 this year in repayment of sinking fund and interest in discharge of its liabilities. What I want to get at is what is the capital sum for which the Board is liable on all counts.

I gather from the Minister's statement that the estimate of the capital liabilities was £3,350,000.

He arrived at it in this way. There was £1,700,000 which had been legitimately spent. There was in addition to that a further capital sum of £800,000 which he stated should be set aside, earmarked, or in some way taken to discharge the liabilities of the undertakings transferred from the local authorities. Is that not the Minister's attitude according to his statement to us? He put it in this way. He said that £2,500,000 was placed at the disposal of the Board. He said we have to take away from that a sum of £800,000, representing the transferred liabilities of the undertakings taken over by the Board from the local authorities. That, he said, leaves us with a nett sum of £1,700,000, which the Board had at their disposal and could use to provide for the plant, new local distribution, and net-works which were required in order to enable them to sell 110,000,000 units of electricity. Is that not the case which the Minister has presented to the Dáil? The Minister is silent. I take it that is correct.

I cannot pay attention to all these questions because I am going to reply on my own case. The Deputy can make his case.

What is the use making a case to which quite obviously the Minister is not going to reply, because the Minister is not listening? We have got to establish some point of contact, at any rate, in respect of these figures. The Dáil has a right to get a correct presentation of the Minister's case. I do not want to say anything over which the Minister will not stand in his reply. I take it that what the Minister stated at the outset is correct. I am ready to admit that £800,000 had to be taken out of the capital sum of £2,500,000 and set aside to redeem the liabilities of the undertakings transferred from the local authorities. He said that when you do that you have £1,700,000 which the Board might legitimately expend on new capital works. That is the case which the Minister made to the Dáil, that and no other, and it is on that supposition, upon the supposition that that £800,000 is to be taken out of the £2,500,000 and set on one side, that he states now that the Board has over-spent to the extent of nearly £850,000. The exact words of the Minister were that "the Board had indicated, in fact, the position at the present moment is that the Board has over-spent to the sum of £600,000, and has committed itself to a further expenditure of £250,000."

If that means anything, it means, as I said, that £850,000 of the two and a half millions which was placed at the Board's disposal by the Dáil had to be used immediately to discharge the liabilities of the transferred undertakings. What would anyone think of that merely as a business proposition? Here is one-third of the total capital of the Board to be taken from the reproductive use of the Board, to be withdrawn from fruitful investment in plant, equipment and organisation, and used to redeem moneys advanced, in many cases at from three and a half to four per cent., when that fresh capital could not be raised in the market at less than five per cent.

That was the first consequence of the position which the Minister wished the Board to take up, and I put it to any business man in the House, that if he had £800,000, the major portion of which he got at four per cent., and had freedom to do otherwise, would he immediately withdraw that £800,000 of capital from his business and use it to pay off that money? Yet that is the position that the Minister endeavoured to manoeuvre the Board into. The Board quite rightfully said "No, we have £800,000, we have to pay interest on it at a rate to be determined by the Minister for Finance, a rate, as far as we can see, that will not be less than five per cent. Instead of using that to re-pay liabilities which mainly carry interest at four per cent. we are going to invest it in net works, plant, and use it to discharge the prime obligation imposed upon us by the Electricity Supply Act, to sell in this country one hundred and ten million units per annum." When it is remembered that inside two years the Electricity Supply Board—mismanaged and all as it has been according to the Minister—has succeeded in more than doubling the consumption of electricity in the Twenty-Six Counties, it can be seen that so far as excess expenditure, with which the Minister charges the Board with incurring, is concerned, that it has been a very fruitful investment.

What was the legal position of the Board in regard to the matter? The Board in refusing to accept the preposterous proposal, from the business point of view, that had been put up to them by the Minister, to withdraw this money from investment in the undertaking with whose management they were charged, in acting as they did, in over-spending to the extent of £600,000 which the Minister alleges, and in entering into further commitments of £250,000, in going to the very limit of the authority which the Dáil had granted to them to demand this money from the Minister for Finance, when they did demand it were acting strictly in accordance with the Act. They did not exceed by one iota their responsibilities under the Act. In his opening statement the Minister referred to Section 39 which relates to the liabilities of the transferred undertakings. Sub-section (6) of that section reads:

Whenever the former undertaker is a local authority the new undertaker shall as on and from the date of the vesting order become and be by virtue of this sub-section liable for and bound to indemnify and keep indemnified the former undertaker against all capital loans (including current bank overdraft) outstanding at the date of the vesting order and borrowed by the former undertaker for the purpose of the undertaking and all mortgages and charges on the undertaking or the assets thereof outstanding on the date of the vesting order... and also the interest on such loans, mortgages, and charges from the date of the vesting order.

Now, what obligation did that sub-section impose on the Board? Merely the obligation of taking over, becoming liable for and indemnifying the former undertaker—in this case the local authority—in respect to all capital charges that might arise because of moneys borrowed by the local authority to finance the electricity supply undertaking within its area. According to the concluding portion of this section all the Board was bound to do was to make provision for redeeming the loans in due course, in accordance, of course, with the terms on which the loans were originally raised, and to pay interest annually. That was the position which the Board took up, and it was the position which Deputy Flinn informed the House they were legally advised they were bound to take up. What was the position which the Minister wished to put them in? He wished to hamstring them to the tune of £800,000. If there was any justification at all for granting this Board the sum of two and a half million pounds in the first instance, it was because the Minister admitted that two and a half millions was necessary to put the Board on its feet, and to enable it to provide itself with the capital, plant and equipment required to dispose of one hundred and ten million units in the small towns and villages of this country each year. If the purpose of the Minister in asking the Dáil to grant that £2,500,000 was to ensure that the liabilities in respect of the local undertakings transferred to the Shannon Board should be immediately discharged, then the proper course for him to take was to have given the Board a certain sum which would provide for the new plant and equipment which was required, and to have asked the Dáil to authorise the Minister for Finance, in accordance with the Act, or within its terms, to discharge the liabilities of such undertakings immediately they were transferred to the Electricity Supply Board. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 9th July.
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