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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 28 Apr 1933

Vol. 47 No. 3

Public Hospitals Bill, 1933—Second Stage.

I move the Second Reading of this Bill. The earliest of the Public Charitable Hospitals Acts, all of which it is now proposed to repeal, was passed in June, 1930, and was to remain in force until July, 1934. The object of the original Act, which authorised the holding of sweepstakes to raise money for hospitals, was to help voluntary hospitals. The Act laid down three conditions which these institutions had to satisfy if they desired to participate in sweepstake moneys. These conditions were that the hospital had to be in the Saorstát and in receipt of voluntary subscriptions from the public, and during the year prior to the passing of the Act had used 25 per cent. of its accommodation for free patients or patients paying ten shillings or less per week.

Hospitals that could satisfy these conditions and wished to organise a sweepstake were required to appoint a committee for the submission of a scheme to the Minister for Justice and give particulars of the prizes, the prices of tickets, the amount or maximum amount of expenses in connection with the sale of tickets and the manner in which the money was to be applied. When the scheme was sanctioned, the committee could arrange with others to promote the sweepstake and the Act contained provisions regulating the expenses of holding the sweepstake.

The immediate object of the promoters of the original Act was the relief of a few Dublin hospitals from their financial embarrassments. In the post-war period a high cost of maintenance was not counterbalanced by an increased flow of subscriptions from the charitable public, and some of the hospitals had fallen into a precarious financial condition as they had not then fully developed a system of charging patients for their maintenance. Only six hospitals, all in Dublin City, participated in the first sweepstake on the Manchester November Handicap, 1930. It has been said that the six hospitals hoped to be able to divide £20,000 as a result of that sweepstake. If that were so, we now see that their expectations were not pitched very high. As things turned out, the six hospitals, one of them a dental hospital, received £131,671 from the first sweepstake alone. The tremendous success that attended the sweepstakes falsified all predictions. In June, 1930, when the first temporary Act was passed, no one reckoned that in less than three years the proceeds of sweepstakes available for hospitals would be reckoned not in tens of thousands but in millions of pounds, and that not only would a few Dublin hospitals benefit but almost every hospital in the country, whether voluntary or rate-aided.

It is easy to say now that we have seen what is possible in the way of raising money by sweepstakes, that it would have been more prudent to have taken the long view at the beginning and to have provided in a more deliberate and systematic way for the distribution of sweepstake moneys. It must be conceded that the magnificent success of the sweepstakes could not reasonably have been anticipated. The arrangements embodied in the Acts which this Bill will repeal were of a temporary and somewhat experimental nature and have been signally successful in fulfilling their purpose. The promoters, the Hospitals Committee and the Trustees are to be congratulated. They have laid the governing bodies of the hospitals under a deep debt of gratitude.

We must now address ourselves to the problems of administration and organisation arising out of the rapid and unprecedented financial success which has attended the plan adopted a few years ago. The administrative proposals contained in the Bill are intended as a basis for the rationalisation of expenditure of the moneys placed at our disposal for the care of the sick, and the suffering, and the improvement of the conditions under which they are treated. The extent to which the perfecting of our hospital system can be carried out will eventually depend on the continuance of the success of the sweepstakes, but even within the limits of the funds which have already been obtained, it is obvious that the country has a unique opportunity of tackling the question of hospital organisation in a comprehensive way. The position of the State in the matter is that it simply recognises the existence of a condition of affairs which is making millions of money available for hospital and nursing facilities. It is not intervening in the control or conduct of the methods by which these moneys are being raised, but once the funds are available, the State conceives itself to have a responsibility in seeing that such funds are expended to the best possible advantage, with prudence and foresight and with due knowledge of the condition of the sick and their hospital needs throughout the country as a whole.

The original Act was amended by several Acts passed in 1931. It was found that certain hospitals could not participate by reason of the conditions laid down with regard to free patients and voluntary subscriptions. A number of such were specifically exempted from complying with the conditions. The Principal Act did not contemplate any of the proceeds of sweepstakes going to county or district hospitals or other rate-supported institutions. But the success of the sweepstakes soon brought forward claims on behalf of these institutions. In 1931 the Oireachtas made a radical amendment in the method of dividing the money available. Theretofore, the Hospitals Committee fixed, with the approval of the Minister for Justice, the proportion of the surplus that each of the participating hospitals would receive. In substitution of this arrangement it was enacted that the surplus was to be divided into two parts, two-thirds to be divided amongst the participating hospitals and one-third to be paid to the Minister for Local Government and Public Health to be applied by him to meeting expenses in or towards the provision, improvement or equipment of institutions for the prevention, treatment or cure of physical or mental disease or injuries to human beings, including institutions wholly or partly maintained by a local authority. It was subsequently provided that 1-25th of the share paid to the Minister was to be applied for the benefit of nursing associations.

The Act of 1931 also made provision for the appointment by the Minister for Justice of a Committee of Reference of three members. This Committee's function was to report to the Minister on the proportions in which the two-thirds part of the surplus should be divided between the governing bodies of the hospitals entitled to participate. The Committee have already presented three reports. In their report on the Manchester November Handicap Sweepstake, 1931, the Committee of Reference cogently illustrate the dangers of a piecemeal and uncontrolled development along those lines. They state:—

"Considered in its national aspect, the Irish hospital system reveals a condition which is open to certain criticisms. Evidence of this was furnished by the manner in which the claims made by the participating hospitals were presented to us. Many of these showed an acute lack of appreciation of the proper lines of hospital development in relation to the social and community needs. The main features of the majority of the claims were variously related to a single anxiety, namely, to obtain the largest possible award from sweepstake funds. In justification to this anxiety, a programme of building was in most cases hastily considered, generally with a view to increasing the existing accommodation without regard either to the needs of the community served or to any scheme which would extend hospital facilities to classes of patients for whom inadequate provision at present exists. In few cases was it attempted to co-ordinate claims with those of other hospitals, or to investigate the advantages which a unified policy of development would ensure."

This kind of reaction on the part of individual institutions to the knowledge that money was available for them if they only pressed their claim is the kind of reaction that we wish to avoid. Wise and delicate administration will be required to secure well-balanced and harmonious development. Too many institutions must not be allowed to specialise along the same lines to the neglect of other less popular branches of curative medicine. The central specialised hospitals must be made available for all, and the poor must get the use of them free. The local hospitals must be developed to afford the maximum of utility without a high degree of specialisation and their geographical organisation must be carefully planned.

It will accordingly be seen that a plan of hospital organisation is not a thing that can be improvised between one sweepstake and another. It involves numerous problems, some of them novel and complex, that demand careful and continuous consideration. Schemes of piecemeal organisation would also defeat their purpose and give rise to anomalies and overlapping. There must be first-hand investigations covering the whole of the State, and the needs of the community must be determined by somebody in a position to determine what is the best form of hospital organisation for the area and what part the different types of hospitals are to play in meeting the needs of the community.

Having regard to the essential unity of the institutional problem as a whole, both as regards the voluntary hospitals and the poor law hospitals, and having regard also to his position in relation to rate-aided institutions, the Minister must accept the responsibility for supervising and controlling the reorganisation scheme as a whole. But there will be no additions to or extensions of the existing statutory powers of the Minister. As regards legal control, the Minister does not propose to invade the domain of voluntary effort. It is, however, expected that the power of affording or withholding financial assistance which the Bill proposes to give him will enable him to get all voluntary institutions to work in harmony with the general aims of the national scheme of reorganisation. I may say here that the chief aim of that scheme will be to secure from the moneys now made available that the sick poor throughout the country shall be given every facility of treatment and nursing that their richer brethren can afford to obtain. I say, moreover, that this aim will be embodied as a condition of every allocation from the funds placed at the Minister's disposal, whether such allocations are made to the poor law bodies over which the Minister already exercises a certain control, or to those in charge of the voluntary institutions with regard to whom the Minister has up to the present suffered from a certain detachment.

It is clear that there is need for a complete survey of the hospital system of the country as a whole. If the distribution of sweepstake moneys proceeded on existing lines until the needs of the voluntary hospitals, which the Committee assess at seven million pounds, are met, it was clear that an unprecedented opportunity of dealing with the question of organisation in a comprehensive way would have been missed. The present position is that we have several systems working side by side. First we have what for convenience is called the voluntary system, though some of these institutions lack what would be regarded as the main characteristics of a voluntary hospital, inasmuch as they are not supported mainly by voluntary gifts or endowments and all contributions from patients are not voluntary offerings. I am using the word "voluntary" in a wide sense to cover public hospitals which are not a direct charge on the rates or mainly supported out of public funds. These voluntary hospitals are supported in varying proportions by endowments, subscriptions, and fees received from patients able to pay. They include the large clinical hospitals which the medical schools recognise as teaching centres and they also include numerous smaller establishments, some of them special hospitals dealing with particular diseases or with particular classes of patients. Then we have the county infirmaries and county fever hospitals. Their purpose is recited in the Act of 1765. They were to be "receptacles for the poor, who are infirm and diseased." When the Poor Relief Act of 1838, which created the workhouse system, was passed it was intended that the Poor Law Commissioners would examine into the state of the "several fever hospitals, dispensaries or institutions for the relief of the sick or convalescent poor."

The Commissioners were instructed by the Statute to set forth the number of hospitals or dispensaries which ought to be provided in addition to the workhouse. In 1841 the Commissioners reported, and in their report suggested that there should be a Medical Charities Board established, and charged with the duty of suggesting and advising the necessary arrangements for the provision of dispensaries and hospitals and infirmaries, and for their regulation. The Board was never established, but to-day, when we are proposing to establish an advisory body of the character then suggested, it is worth recalling that close on a century ago it was seen that an expert body was needed to ensure that provision made should be properly distributed without inadequacy or overlapping. Thirteen years ago, on the break-up of the workhouse system, many of the infirmaries were absorbed into the new county hospitals system. Some of the county schemes provided for the abolition of the committees of management of the county infirmaries, and the handing over of the infirmary to the board of health; others made no change and the committees were allowed to continue as they were. About two-thirds of the county infirmaries had ceased to exist in 1921. Finally we have the hospitals that are under the control of the boards of health—the county, district and fever hospitals. These have mostly developed out of the old workhouse infirmaries. In some counties there is a county hospital only; in others there is a county hospital, supplemented by district or cottage hospitals, and in a few counties there are district hospitals only.

We have these three systems that I have described working side by side. Arrangements exist between some of the hospitals, but generally it may be said that each group carries on its work in isolation. There is no co-ordinating authority. The haphazard development has resulted in some areas being well served, other areas being less well served, and others again not served at all. No one could seriously contemplate this system, or rather want of system, continuing indefinitely. We have no general hospital system in the strict sense. The pressure of circumstances, illustrated in the case of the county infirmaries, has tended to break it down and to compel amalgamations. The Government cannot stand idly by and see millions of money poured into a system obviously unorganised and insufficient. To do that would be to stereotype all the existing defects for generations to come. Like other countries we must work to some plan. Elsewhere amalgamations and working arrangements are the order of the day. The advances in medicine, with its greater specialisation, make it imperative not only that old and small institutions scattered here and there should be extended and enlarged, but that the best means possible should be devised to bring together in convenient centres the expert personnel, equipped with all the means that science has placed at our disposal for combating disease. I am of one mind with the Committee of Reference when they deplore the misguided loyalties which seek to preserve existing interests, to the detriment of reforms that are so obviously called for.

I observed recently that in Stockholm, in drawing up a hospital plan they propose to discard a number of old and out-of-date hospitals, and replace them by three central hospitals, one for each borough; and that one of these central hospitals will accommodate 1,500 patients—a number which is more than three times the bed-accommodation of the largest of our voluntary hospitals. In Copenhagen also the National Hospital, which occupies a special place amongst the hospitals, has close on 1,000 beds, and receives patients from all over the kingdom. I mention these two to illustrate the trend away from the small hospitals. Whatever the resources the sweepstakes place at our disposal we cannot afford to fritter them away on obsolete or unnecessary institutions. The problem requires study by an authority whose business it will be to link up the different systems. A plan of hospital organisation is not a thing that can be improvised between one sweepstake and another. It involves numerous problems, some of them novel and complex, that demand careful consideration. The needs of the community must be determined, the form of hospital organisation best fitted to meet those needs must be clearly visualised, and the adaptation of our existing hospitals with the least avoidable disturbance to fit into a complete scheme must be tackled and dealt with. It is not a question of finding out the needs of this or that institution, and adding a wing here or a new storey there. We must have investigation at first-hand of the needs of the community, and the relative degree of urgency of whatever new measures are necessary must be determined. When grants are made they must be made for some purpose consistent with a complete plan.

The Bill proposes to establish such an authority, to be called the Hospitals Commission. The Commission will have power to survey the existing hospital facilities in each area, and to bring together all the data that throw light on the health of the people—the death rates, the incidence of disease, and so on. Every application made for a grant out of sweepstake funds will be referred to the Commission for report. They will be entitled to inspect any hospital, and to examine all accounts of receipts and expenditure. The existence of the Hospitals Commission will render the continuance of the Committee of Reference unnecessary. The number of ordinary members of the Commission will be not less than three. Provision has been made for temporary additions to the Commission. It will, we think, be found useful that when some particular questions affecting the county, district or mental hospitals are under consideration the Commission should have the advantage of such help as the Department of Local Government can give.

The division of the surplus in two parts—one going to the participating hospitals, and one to the Minister for distribution—it is proposed to bring to an end. There will be no obligation to divide the proceeds of each sweepstake in proportions to be determined afresh each time a sweepstake is held. All sweepstake moneys will go into a single fund, to be called the Hospital Trust Fund, to be held by National Hospital Trustees, who will have power to invest what is not immediately required for making disbursements. There will be three trustees, who will be appointed by the Minister for Local Government and Public Health. All the existing undistributed surpluses, and any money paid over to the Minister that is not required by him in respect of arrangements which he has made, will be payable to the Hospitals Fund.

The establishment of the Hospitals Fund, and the setting up of the Hospitals Commission, are the two main departures from the law as it stands at present. There are one or two minor amendments to which reference must be made. The definition of hospital has been extended. Institutions for carrying on medical research will now be brought in. I do not think anyone will find fault with our proposal under this head. The acquisition of new knowledge through research is very necessary medical work, and those engaged on it in this country cannot, to the same extent as elsewhere, look to the generosity of private benefactors for financial assistance. It is proposed to abolish all the conditions laid down in the original Act as to the percentage of free beds and the receipt of voluntary subscriptions. The Hospital Commission will be in a position to examine the claim of each hospital, and to see to what extent it is serving the poor. The fact that a hospital joins in the organisation of a sweep will not give it a claim to a share in the proceeds. The claim will have to be based on the services the hospital is rendering to the community, and be established to the satisfaction of the Hospitals Commission, and of the Minister. All types of institutions which cater for persons suffering from physical or mental disorder or infirmity will be eligible for grants. These will include the infirmaries of the county homes, in which numbers of the sick are accommodated, and also a new type of home (which usually includes a maternity ward) intended for expectant mothers who would otherwise have to remain in the county home. Nursing organisations will still remain eligible for grants.

The sections of the Bill relating to the initiation of a sweepstake and the conditions under which sweepstakes can be promoted follow substantially the existing Acts. It will still be necessary to appoint a Sweepstake Committee to prepare a scheme for submission to the Minister for Justice, and to make the necessary deposit to secure payment of prizes. It is not proposed to give power to boards of health or the governing bodies of county infirmaries to initiate sweepstakes.

In conclusion, I would like to repeat what was said to a deputation from the Hospitals Committee recently. Our purpose is to help the hospitals, to provide a means by which the public needs will be studied, and to create a body that will be able to bring experience to bear on local problems. Rumours gained currency that caused anxiety to the friends of the hospitals. The Bill shows how baseless many of these rumours were. There is no intention of diverting sweepstakes money from the hospitals to housing and slum clearance and other purposes, many of them excellent in themselves. Very large sums have been raised, and the purpose of the Bill is to ensure they are spent wisely and to the best advantage, and for the purposes for which they were intended.

I do not like this Bill, and as it stands before us I think it will probably turn out to be practically an unworkable measure. There is a good deal in what the Parliamentary Secretary said with which I find myself in complete agreement. At the inauguration of the schemes, if it had been known that they were going to be so successful as in fact they turned out, probably from the beginning a Committee of Reference would have been in existence, and some little difficulties as to the division of the proceeds of the sweep would have been obviated. When I look at this Bill it certainly seems to me that it has been designed for the purpose, and will have the effect, of sounding the death knell of all voluntary hospitals in this country. I think that is very much to be deplored. The Parliamentary Secretary has told us a good deal about what he would like. He would like to have more co-ordination and more specialisation in hospitals. As far as I gathered from him, he would have a smaller number of hospitals working in country districts and a larger number in the big centres, in the cities, in which specialisation could be gone in for. I agree that there are certain diseases which require specialised treatment by persons who have given to these diseases particular study. But there are a great number of diseases from which I venture to say an overwhelming number of patients suffer which could be completely treated by the ordinary general practitioner. I do not see why patients should not receive in the proximity of their homes careful and adequate treatment.

We are asked in this Bill to deal with a large sum of money, and we have to place that money at the complete and absolute disposition of a single Minister, and we are not told, and we are now even given an outline, of the method by which this money is to be divided. I do not think that this House should place on the shoulders of any one individual, no matter how competent that individual may be, the responsibility, entirely free from control of any kind, and entirely free from parliamentary control, because the Minister is not bound to report to this House a single thing he does under the Bill. Any scheme which he wishes to draw up for what the Parliamentary Secretary says is a matter of great importance, he will draw up in the quiet and sanctity of his office and this House or the Oireachtas will never be consulted about it.

I turn to some of the provisions of the Bill. I notice that now and for the future hospitals that do not make any provision—as was necessary, and which the Minister himself was very strong about when the original Hospitals Bill was under discussion—for a certain number of free beds for the sick poor, can receive the entire benefit of the moneys available under this scheme, while hospitals whose aim and object is in the provision of benefits for the sick who are entirely poor under this Bill need not benefit at all. We are told that the sick poor are to receive every facility, and that that is going to be one of the objects of the Bill. I looked through the Bill and I find nowhere in it one single line which helps out that desire, or which shows that the desire is that the sick poor will receive as good nursing and as good and as attractive care as persons in better circumstances. I find that what was put in as a safeguard for the sick poor in future Hospitals Sweeps has been taken out and that not a single safeguard has been put in. If the main object was that the sick poor should benefit, I want to know why the main object has been left out of the Bill. I see some extraordinary things in the Bill. Hospitals promoted sweepstakes on various races from time to time. The provisions of these sweepstakes were made public and were known to every single purchaser of a ticket. Certain hospitals were to benefit under the sweepstakes and, on the face of that, tickets were sold and vast sums of money became available. What do we discover here? As I read Section 4—and I do not think there can be the slightest doubt about the meaning of the section—that money which was collected on one pretence is now going to be diverted to other aims. This is a most extraordinary Bill. It is retrospective. It deals with money which has been collected, and which has been pledged to the persons from whose tickets the money was taken, that it would be spent in a particular way. It is taken away and is now going to be spent in a completely different way.

That is not keeping faith with the purchasers of the tickets or with the promoters of the schemes. That money was, according to the particular scheme sanctioned by the Minister for Justice, whoever he was, to be collected and disbursed under the provisions of that scheme. Now when the money has been collected and the work done you proceed to tear up the scheme under which the money was collected and say: "We do not care a button about any single one of these schemes; we are going to appropriate the money and put it into a completely different fund under the absolute and unfettered charge of the Minister for Local Government, who need not give one single halfpenny of it to any single one of the participating hospitals which under the scheme were to benefit." That certainly is an extraordinary departure in legislation. I do not think it will make for public confidence in the sweepstakes or amongst the persons who purchase tickets if a retrospective policy of dealing with the money collected is going to be inaugurated here.

We have it now in the definition section that it is to go to hospitals, but what is to prevent a statute coming in in six or twelve months' time which will provide that the money is to go for a completely different object altogether? You started the principle of dealing retrospectively with the sweepstakes' money. To my mind it was a terrible principle to start. If you say now that certain moneys will go into this new fund, what is to prevent you bringing in in six or twelve months' time, if once you start retrospective legislation, a Bill saying that the object of that fund is to be completely enlarged? If you remain faithful to your original contracts and stand over the schemes sanctioned by the administration in this country, then people will have faith and confidence in you, but if you proceed to deal retrospectively with money, then nobody who purchases a ticket can know where the retrospective dealing with the money will end; nobody can tell to what limits it will be pushed.

Already in this House I have protested against moneys collected on the understanding that they were going to be paid to the hospitals being appropriated by the State. Twenty-five per cent. of the original moneys were to go to the hospitals, but the State came along and said: "No, for the future only 18¾ per cent. is to go to the hospitals and 6¼ per cent. is to go into the general exchequer." That principle you have already started. You have already appropriated for State purposes moneys which were subscribed by means of the sale of sweepstakes tickets for a completely different purpose. The procedure you have already adopted in connection with the sweepstakes has been as to three-quarters in aid of the hospitals and one-quarter in aid of the general finances of the State. I believe that by adopting that procedure the Government, to some extent, are shaking public confidence. They come around now and say that money which under certain schemes was to be expended in a certain way is, for the future, going to be expended in a different way. I ask the Minister carefully to consider whether any advantages he can get out of Section 4 will in any way make up for the shake he must give to public confidence by a section of that nature.

There are other things in this Bill which strike me as being very strange. Hitherto the schemes started worked extraordinarily well. The Government have carried on the machinery but are leaving out entirely the motive power which makes the machinery work. For instance, gentlemen who were associated with public hospitals gave a considerable amount of their time to thinking out schemes. I happen to know that a very considerable amount of work was done by the original promoters of these schemes. They were working not for themselves but for their hospitals. They saw the terrible need that a great number of Dublin hospitals were in. These gentlemen were directors, governors or managers of these hospitals and they put in a great deal of labour formulating schemes. They saw to the accurate and skilful working out of the schemes for the benefit of their particular hospitals. But who is going to start a scheme now? Take any hospital or any collection of hospitals you like, and what motive is there for governors or managers of them to start a scheme? Why, for instance, should the persons connected with any three hospitals that you like to take in Dublin go to the trouble of working out a scheme? They are aware of the needs of these hospitals. There is, for instance, insufficient accommodation in them and because of that they have to turn away patients; they want more beds; the operating theatre is not in a satisfactory condition or it may be that there are not adequate baths. These are some of the things which I know operated in the mind of one of the promoters of one of the biggest hospitals in Dublin. Why should they start a scheme, put it on foot and work it when they know that in all human probability the hospitals they represent will not gain one single penny from it?

The original Bill that came before this House was a private member's Bill. It was introduced by Deputy Sir James Craig. It contemplated that there might be a considerable number of different sweeps. To begin with it was contemplated that various hospitals would start sweeps of their own. I took it upon myself to administer the Bill on a particular interpretation which I thought I was entitled to put on it, and though I had to resist tremendously strong pressure from several sources I decided that I would only sanction one particular sweepstake. I did that because I considered that if you had a sweepstake in Dublin, one in Cork, in Waterford, and in Galway—four or five competing sweepstakes—the result would be that a lesser sum of money would be available than if the hospital authorities in these various places clubbed together in one great sweep which would catch the world imagination. Looking back upon it now I think that the view I took in the administration of the Bill was the right, correct and the proper view, and I think I may venture to say that it was crowned with success. In this Bill I see that old principle is gone back to and that in this Bill again it is clearly contemplated that there are going to be more sweepstakes than one, that there are evidently going to be, because otherwise these provisions would not be kept on, various sweepstakes in opposition one to the other. At least I do not see why the singular is not used instead of the plural in this Bill if that be not the case. I also notice that in one of the subsections mention is made that there may be prizes other than money prizes, so it is obviously contemplated in this Bill that there is going to be more than one sweepstake, that our present sweepstake scheme is going to be abandoned, that there are going to be sweepstakes some of which will have money prizes and some of which will have stakes which are not in money. I should like to know if that is the intention of the Minister and if not if there is really to be only one sweepstake run at a time. I should like to know why that should not be made clear in the Bill.

We are to have set up here two new bodies. I do not mind if the money is going to be kept in a suspense account, whether that suspense account is to be kept in the name of the trustees who have hitherto held it, the trustees for the voluntary hospitals. As to whether the money is to lie in their names or in the names of persons nominated by the Government I do not think matters in the slightest, but I come to this question of the Hospitals Commission. I do not think that the Parliamentary Secretary is quite right in what he told the House about the relationship between the Hospitals Commission and the Minister. The Hospitals Commission can investigate and examine into the condition of hospitals, nursing institutions, etc., and it can report to the Minister. If the Minister asks it, it can do a considerable number of things—put forward a scheme for the improvement and co-ordination of hospitals, of nursing organisations, etc., or investigate any other matter which the Minister asks. It may do any of these things, but when I turn to the section for the distribution of funds, I do not see that there is any necessity for the Minister also to consult with the Hospitals Commission.

The governing body of a hospital makes application to the Minister and the Minister without any consultation with anybody, as far as I can see—I may be wrong—can ignore this Commission, can ignore its findings and need not ask a single question from it and can proceed, not according to any general scheme. No general scheme need be formulated by him. There is nothing in the Bill which says that the Minister can formulate a scheme or even contemplates the formulation of a scheme. The Minister in a haphazard manner hands out to any hospital he likes, and in any proportion he likes, any sum of money he happens to think of. I wonder if, under this Bill, anything of what we were told might happen, is likely to be brought about— the establishment of some new general hospital such as the Copenhagen or the Stockholm hospital, or whether anything of that kind is possible or can be legally effected by the Minister.

When I look at the definition of "governing body" I see that it means "the council, board, committee or other body having the control and management of the hospital or nursing organisation in relation to which the expression is used." It seems to me that the body that can make application to the Minister is the committee of some existing hospital and it is only existing hospitals that can benefit under this Bill. No new hospitals board can be established. The Minister can give an old board authority to build a new building but he cannot under this Bill establish any board. It must be a going board of a going hospital before the Minister can make any grant under this Bill.

There are some other things which I must confess are very puzzling to me. For instance when I turn to sub-section (4) (e) of Section 24 I find that one of the purposes for which the Minister can make a grant under the Hospitals Trust Fund is for the endowment of the grantee—that is the governing body making application for a sum of money —or any part of the activities of the grantee including, in the case of a hospital, the endowment of a bed or beds in the hospital. Then I come to sub-section (5) which states that "no grant out of the Hospitals Trust Fund shall be made or applied for, or towards, the future maintenance of the grantee." I should like to know taking paragraph (e) of sub-section (4) and sub-section (5) how you are going to reconcile these provisions or what meaning you wish to express. Surely if you endow a bed you are making provision for the future maintenance of the bed and surely it is making provision for the maintenance of the grantee. If you endow a bed in a certain hospital you are making an allowance for the maintenance of the hospital, not for the entire maintenance certainly but a partial allowance. A hospital let us say has got 300 beds. You can endow the whole 300 beds. You are endowing the hospital for future maintenance and yet in the next sub-section you say that you shall not make any allowance for the future maintenance of the grantee. I should like to know what is the meaning of sub-section (5).

Personally I think that one thing that should be done, one thing that should be clearly seen to, is that an allowance should be made for the future maintenance of hospitals. If one thing is clear it is that the Hospitals Bills have killed voluntary contributions towards the hospitals. If they have not killed voluntary contributions towards the hospitals you certainly have done your very best to say to people outside: "For the future never give a penny towards the hospitals." You do not say to them that they cannot solicit or send out begging letters. You say that they are to be ready with open hands to receive any voluntary contributions they can get, but this is a direct suggestion to persons who have been paying voluntary contributions for the upkeep of these hospitals: "Do not give one single penny to a voluntary hospital. If you want to make provision for the sick poor pay every single penny into our hands." In other words, you want to have no more voluntary hospitals. What this Bill is aiming at is complete control by the State of the financing of the hospitals.

There are other things I should like to know about. I know that there are certain hospitals when I was connected with the administration of this Act which had considered the question of large buildings. That those buildings, or some of them, at any rate, were absolutely necessary, I think it would appear from the report of the Committee of Reference. Anybody going around the Dublin streets at the present moment must see that the maternity hospital in Holles Street has gone on very far with its building. Has that hospital—taking it as an instance because it is the one that strikes the public eye and on which most work is being done—received sufficient money to carry out its present building scheme? I know that it received substantial sums of money which have already been distributed, but I should like to know whether it, and the other hospitals which have been building, have received the full amount of money which will enable them to carry out their existent and practically sanctioned building schemes, because it would appear to me that, unless a hospital of that nature and other hospitals of a similar nature, which have done building, get the funds necessary for the carrying out of their building, and which, in my judgment, they are entitled to as of right, because the schemes have already been sanctioned and should not be gone back on, they will be in a most impossible position and the Hospital Sweepstakes Bill, having become law, will be not a source of benefit but a terrible burden to them.

I should like also to know how it is considered that, unless you endow these hospitals and see that some of the vast sum of money now available goes for future endowment to put these hospitals on a sound financial footing, these hospitals are going to carry on. You are killing voluntary effort. You are preventing the ordinary man in the street from paying to a hospital and I believe you are making the task of governor of a hospital such an ungracious and unpleasant task that you will not get the ordinary man in the street to accept that position. I think that this Bill is not a good Bill. There is a great deal in it that I would go so far as to say is positively bad and some of it positively wrong and I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to consider seriously whether he will not withdraw this Bill and would suggest that, when he comes to the House with any improvement on the existing scheme, he will come with a definite, clear and thought-out scheme and not with something which may happen in the future, something which is completely nebulous, and not with a request for unfettered control of these large sums of money.

The Parliamentary Secretary, in moving the Second Reading of this Bill, said that central specialised hospitals must be available for all and that the poor must get the use of them free. He also said that one of the ends that this Bill sought to achieve was that the sick poor should get equal treatment with those who could afford to pay for specialised treatment in any of these hospitals. If the Bill does anything to secure that this is the case, the Bill certainly will have done a very good thing for the hospitals and for the sick poor of the country. I think that this Bill is a distinct improvement on the other Bills. It makes provision for the abolition of the clause in the original Hospitals Bill by which hospitals which derived benefit from the Sweepstakes Funds should retain 25 per cent. of the accommodation available for the sick poor. That, at the time, was a safeguard, and an essential safeguard, perhaps, to prevent hospitals which did not cater for the sick poor from participating in the funds available from the sweepstakes, but, no matter what has been said on the subject, for and against, in various quarters, my own personal opinion and my own personal experience is that it was never harder for the sick poor to obtain admission to the Dublin hospitals than it is at present and there need be no misgivings whatever that the moneys will be abused. Provision is made in this Bill by which the hospitals that cater most for the sick poor will benefit most from the Bill.

Where is that provision made?

The provision, I submit, is made by the abolition of the clause providing for the reserving of the 25 per cent. of the accommodation. The hospitals that provide the greatest accommodation for the sick poor, naturally, will secure the greatest benefit and they are entitled to it. Let me quote a case that came under my own notice recently. I saw here in Dublin, on a Saturday, a case of diphtheria. I rang up four Dublin hospitals and could not obtain a bed in any single one of them for the patient. I had to keep the patient at home and isolate him in his own home, where there were six other children, and wait until the following Monday morning when I communicated with the Public Health Department before the patient could secure a bed in any of the Dublin hospitals.

Where is the provision in this Bill to alter that?

I am going to suggest that one way out of the difficulty would be the provision of a large central hospital in Dublin in which specialised treatment would be available for the poor and a hospital that the poor could call their own and a hospital in respect of which any dispensary doctor in the City or County of Dublin, who is primarily responsible for the care of the sick poor, could issue an order for admission, as obtains in the county homes and county infirmaries. The need for such a hospital is growing every day. I am not finding fault with the voluntary hospitals which have stood the test of time and done great work but the population of Dublin is growing and it is becoming increasingly difficult to find proper accommodation for the sick poor. Such a hospital will never be a success so long as it is either built or remodelled within the walls of the Union. Union hospitals have always been a failure because a certain stigma attached to them and patients were reluctant to go into them for treatment and I would advocate that one of the best staffed and best equipped central hospitals in the whole country should be established here for the treatment of the poor.

I would also like to point out that so far as previous Acts go the provision was made for county hospitals, county infirmaries and district hospitals. These county hospitals were entitled to get 33? per cent. from the volume of sweepstakes. That was the basis, and the matter was under the control of the Minister for Local Government. Boards of health in the country were rather slow, up to this, in taking advantage of that. The result is the country districts have not got the hospitals they need at the moment. Now this money is pooled and I hope that due recognition will be made of the fact that these districts have got nothing so far. Some of them have building schemes ready, and I congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government for his efforts to secure for every country district the best hospitals available. I hope he will not lose sight of the fact that these districts have got practically nothing up to the present and that provision will be made for the future.

I am glad, also, to know that provision is to be made for nursing organisations. Some nursing organisations benefited from previous sweepstakes. But there are a considerable body of nurses of whom it might be said that they are nobody's children. They have given all their lives to the nursing of the sick poor, and to nursing private patients for very small fees. The sums they earned during the years they worked were very small, and, in the majority of cases, they have not been able to put anything by for old age. I can state from personal knowledge that there are several nurses practically in a state of destitution throughout the whole country. I would like to see some provision made for nurses who have given their whole lives to the service of the community, now that they are no longer able to work. I hope when this is done that all nurses, as well as the Jubilee nurses, will be included and that provision will be made for them. I have no more to say upon this Bill except that I think there is nothing that charitable hospitals or voluntary hospitals, that have done their work efficiently in the past, need fear; they will lose nothing in the future. They have the assurance of the Parliamentary Secretary that none of the money will be diverted from the purposes for which it was originally intended.

I do not find fault with, or complain in any way, of the voluntary hospitals, which have established a reputation for clinical teaching which is European and indeed world-wide. I do not find fault with them for that, but the population of Dublin is growing to such an extent that, perhaps, these hospitals are no longer able to cater for the sick poor as in the past. That is why I advocate the establishment of a central hospital which should be built entirely detached from any stigma, and built outside the walls of any union or workhouse.

I do not desire to intervene for any length in this debate, and would not have intervened at all except for the observations of Deputy O'Dowd. However, I would like to say that if what Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney stated is true, and if his interpretation of the Bill is correct, that it is to have a retrospective effect, calculated to interfere with the schemes on which hospitals have already embarked, then, I think the Minister is doing a dangerous thing. You have no right to invite charitable bodies to embark upon building schemes, or upon any other schemes which will involve them in definite liability, and cut the ground from under their feet when they are inevitably committed to these liabilities. I think Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney asks for no more than is reasonable when he asks, if this course is to be pursued, very specific guarantees should be given to the charitable institutions that have undertaken these commitments that they will be fully indemnified against further expenditure.

Deputy O'Dowd has raised a very important question and one that I think should be definitely disposed of. Does Deputy O'Dowd allege that any charitable hospital in this City refused admission to a sick poor person when that person ought to have been admitted?

I did not make such an allegation. I said it was my personal experience that I found it impossible to obtain admission to hospital for a particular type of patient. I rang up four different types of hospitals and they were unable to admit the patient. My contention is that there should be some place to which that patient could be admitted. That is my contention.

I want this thing cleared up. If there is a scandal in this matter let it be ventilated and rectified. But there is a lot of irresponsible correspondence going on in the Press, charging public hospitals virtually with throwing poor people out and refusing to take them in when charity and humanity so demand. Deputy Dr. O'Dowd speaks with authority. He is a member of the Dáil, a medical man of high standing, and occupies a high position in the country. He occupies a position of distinction in the medical world of this country, and he mentioned, in this debate, that a patient of his suffering from diphtheria was obliged to be left at home where the doctor was obliged to take whatever isolation precautions he could in the home because the patient could not be admitted to hospital. I think that should not arise. But it is the experience, I think, that diphtheria, at the moment, is somewhat rife in the country. Ordinary accommodation for this type of disease cannot be found in the wards of a general hospital. We have other hospitals with special facilities for dealing with that disease. But that does not seem to be relevant to this discussion when, momentarily, an occasion has arisen when it is not possible to provide accommodation for every case of diphtheria that occurs. I appeal to Deputy O'Dowd and ask if he will not confirm me, and say that the circumstance of which he complained may not arise again in ten years.

It should not arise at all.

Epidemics should not occur, but through the providence of God they do. All we can say is that when the obligation comes we will meet it. You cannot possibly decide on hospital accommodation that will always be adequate to deal with sudden and unexpected emergencies. I submit that at this stage, and particularly in view of what Deputy Dr. O'Dowd said, it should be clearly stated—and anyone who wants to contradict it can do so now—that no poor person in urgent need of hospital treatment has ever been turned from the door of a Dublin hospital. If there is anybody who can controvert that statement that neither one nor many poor persons were refused hospital treatment that charity and humanity required should be given, let him controvert that now, or else give up the business of aspersing the reputation of the Dublin hospitals.

If it be true, then let the Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister know that anything they come to this House to ask for to help them to remedy that situation will be readily granted, as I believe it will be granted, by every Party in the House. If it is not true, and I do not believe it is true, let it be finally and definitely scotched with the authority of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health and let the Deputy come before the House now and say he has no reason to believe such a situation exists.

It has not been suggested here.

The Deputy says it has not been suggested here. I have made no charge against Deputy Dr. O'Dowd or anybody. I invited Deputy Dr. O'Dowd to dispose of that suggestion and that is all.

Cannot you leave it at that?

It has been published in the Press and, lest any word that any Deputy might use here should be connected up with that correspondence and interpreted as agreeing with that allegation, it should be controverted. I am prepared to say that no poor person, for whom humanity and charity demanded admission, has been refused. If there is anybody here prepared to controvert that, it is his public duty to do so openly now.

So far as the technical question of hospital accommodation arises, I do not propose to say anything. I am not qualified to speak. I think, however, that the ordinary businessman's point of view should be given voice to; and that is that, when you are building great hospitals and adding greatly to the accommodation already existing, you must bear in mind that every addition will require, in the future, funds to maintain it. I do not suggest, for a moment, that we should check the growth of hospital amenities in this country. The more of such amenities we have, and the wider the benefits and accommodations provided for the sick, the better. But let us not provide white elephants. Let us be sure that every ward we build and every operating theatre and every department installed will be efficiently run and that we will not have the figment of effective treatment without the means of applying it to the patients who require it.

Careful consideration and prudent foresight should be used. I should imagine that the Parliamentary Secretary is highly qualified in that direction. I have little doubt that he will turn for advice and counsel to those who have already advised in this matter most effectively in the past. I have no doubt that Deputy Sir James Craig, and those who have co-operated with him in the past, hold themselves at the Parliamentary Secretary's disposal, now as heretofore, and I have every hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will consult them all along the line and will meet fully the difficulties propounded by Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney here to-day, and that he will reassure the charitable institutions that they will not be allowed to sink into any commitments without being adequately indemnified out of the funds at the Parliamentary Secretary's disposal.

I know very little about the Dublin hospitals, but I am closely in touch with the hospitals in my own city. There was a Committee of Reference appointed about a year and a half ago which made a very exhaustive examination of the needs of the hospitals in our City of Cork and we were allocated a certain sum of money by that Committee. On the strength of that, a good many of the hospitals started building operations, improved their hospitals, and entered into many commitments which now they find they may not be able to meet. The buildings had to be stopped and the rather peculiar situation has arisen now that after spending a great deal of money they will be worse off, I think, than ever they were before because their private subscriptions have dropped off, and evidently they will not get this money that was allotted to them because this Bill is retrospective and going back to last March twelve months. I am afraid that it will leave the hospitals, and especially the provincial hospitals, in a worse position than before the sweepstakes started because they cannot carry out their large commitments and building operations now.

Though I agree with very much that the Parliamentary Secretary said in his opening remarks, and with many of the clauses of the Bill that are there to meet the reasons that were in his mind, I think it would be a pity if this Bill went through the House without somebody taking on himself the unpleasant task of saying that he disapproves of the Bill altogether and of the whole matter, and that is what I do. I regret very much two or three things about the Bill. First, I regret that the Bill comes from the Government Benches at all; secondly, that we now have a permanent Bill, instead of a temporary Bill, likely to come on the Statute Book; and thirdly, the retrospective character of the clauses which the Minister has put into the Bill.

I am not going to take any very strict attitude as to the rightness or the wrongness of taking sweep tickets. I think that it is more of a foolish thing than a wrong thing to do. I would not myself be prepared to give ten shillings for the thrill of knowing that I have won or have not won, and I never have done so. I think, however, that it is quite a different thing when one takes account of a matter of this kind which has come to be of such magnitude. One cannot help saying that a gamble here and there matters very little, perhaps nothing; but when it becomes a big, wide thing, permeating the whole nation, it becomes a serious thing. To my mind, the whole thing is beneath the dignity of and discreditable to our country, and I think this is an occasion upon which our feelings of sensitiveness as to national independence might well make us pause. If hospitals want money for their necessities, as they do, to my mind it is a thing that we ought to be independent enough to do for ourselves. We should not go about trading on the weaknesses and foolishness of the people of other countries in order to provide for our necessities. I think that the whole thing has brought us into a discreditable position with regard to other countries of the world. I protest against the whole thing. I think it is harmful to ourselves and harmful generally and that the day will come when not alone the hospitals but we ourselves will regret that we ever brought forward and took part in a measure of this kind.

I entirely sympathise with the Minister's wish and desire that he should have some scheme of co-operative working amongst the hospitals of the State. I think there is a great deal to be done for improvement in that respect and, if the Bill is to be there, I sympathise with many of its provisions, but I agree completely with what has been said of the dangerous character of the retrospective clauses of the Bill. I feel that they put many hospitals that have undertaken work on the strength of their hopes for the future into an extremely difficult and doubtful position. I hope the retrospective clauses will be very much modified before the Bill goes through. I regret exceedingly that a permanent measure of this kind should be brought before us by the present Government.

I beg to move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned accordingly.
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