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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 14 Jul 1933

Vol. 48 No. 19

In Committee on Finance. - Vote 54—Fisheries and Gaeltacht Services.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £116,555 chun slánuithe na suime is ga chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1934, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Tailte agus lascaigh agus Seirbhísí áirithe atá fé riara na hOifige sin, maraon le Deontaisí i dtaobh Tógala Tithe agus Ildeontaisí i gCabhair.

That a sum not exceeding £116,555 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1934, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Lands and Fisheries, and of certain Services administered by that Office, including Grants in connection with Housing and Sundry Grants-in-Aid.

In presenting the Estimates for Fisheries and Gaeltacht Services, I regret to have to say that the fishing industry has passed through a very discouraging year. Supplies have been scarce and markets bad. Herrings and mackerel, upon which our inshore fishermen principally rely, were not encountered in paying quantities, and the export markets for cured fish have been bad. The increased duties levied last year on cured herrings entering Germany have had a further depressing effect on the industry. In the trawling and lining sections of the industry an improvement has taken place. During 1932 we increased our landings of demersal fish, and the imports of this class were diminished. Improved arrangements for distributing the catch to our inland towns have resulted in a considerable increase in consumption of fresh fish, which is, however, still very much below what it should be.

The output of the rural industries established in the Gaeltacht is steadily increasing. The home demand continues to expand and in spite of difficulties export trade is being built up. The number of trained weavers in Donegal, Mayo and Galway has been increased to 99 and the yardage of tweeds produced ran into 72,500 yds. during the year ended last March. In the outlying islands where the need for home industries of a suitable kind is very pressing owing to the low economic position due to isolation, special effort has been made to establish machine knitting of socks and similar articles of standard demand. New centres have also been opened up on the mainland in the Dingle peninsula and in the Donegal and Galway Gaeltacht.

The lace-making industry shows no signs of revival for the moment, and activity is mainly based on producing knitwear, crochet-wool work, hosiery, hand-knitted goods, tie making as well as tweed weaving. A start has been made with the manufacture of poplin in Donegal, but the creation of technical skill in this trade is a matter of slow growth. Other industries such as garter-making, glove-making, etc., which can be carried on as home industries are at present under examination by the Department.

The kelp and carrageen industries showed a considerable increase in output in 1932, but the heavy drop in iodine values which occurred last year will have unfavourable reactions this year on the kelp industry. The world price of iodine has fallen in the past 12 months by 50 per cent. and it is obvious that last year's prices cannot be maintained in consequence. Reports so far received show that the quantity of seaweed gathered this season is considerably in excess of last year.

In the provision of houses in the Gaeltacht, considerable progress has been made during the year. Since the passing of the Acts grants and loans to the total of £300,000 have been approved, and over half that amount has been issued to the recipients who have qualified for payment of instalments. It has to be borne in mind that the rate of progress in building houses in the remote parts of the Gaeltacht is slow. This is principally due to the fact that the work is engaged in at times of freedom from other occupations and is subject to weather conditions and to a considerable extent also to the lack of an adequate supply of skilled craftsmen in several districts.

Turning now to the Estimates, it will be observed that I am seeking this year £14,495 less than was voted last year for the services administered by my Department. This is due to circumstances which I will explain in dealing with the details. Under the head of Salaries, Wages and Allowances, there is a net increase of £1,969 compared with the previous year. The increase in the estimate is made up as follows:—

£

1.

Additional staff required in the Gaeltacht Services and Accounts Sections

1,800

2.

Staff lent to the Sea Fisheries Association the cost of which is refunded by that Body

660

3.

Two temporary Inspectors of Industrial Activities in the Gaeltacht

840

4.

Allowance to Temporary Housing Surveyors on loan from Land Commission and

5.

Incremental increases in salaries

176

Total

£3,476

Less the following deductions for Savings:—

£

£

1.

Reduced remuneration of Minister and Parliamentary Secretary

720

2.

Drop in Cost of Living Bonus

787

1,507

Net Increase

£1,969

Small savings amounting to £795 are estimated to be effected in travelling and incidental expenses and in telegrams and telephone service. The saving in this sub-head of £1,000 is due to the fact that proposals are in progress for the transfer of the boatyard and motor shop of Meevagh, County Donegal, to the control and management of the Sea Fisheries Association. The yard has been fully occupied for the past two years in building boats to the order of the association, and it will be more satisfactory to let that body have the use of the yard to build and repair its own boats. Provision will be made in any terms of transfer to ensure that the primary object of the boatyard, namely, to afford training in boat-building and marine motor-driving to sons of fishermen, will be observed.

The Estimate has, therefore, been taken for a portion of the year only. On turning to item (3) in sub-head O, which sets out the receipts from the Department's schemes, it will be observed that £450 is estimated to be recovered on sale of boats built in the yard, so that the net charge on the Vote for this service is £50 only.

There is an estimated saving under this sub-head in the taking of statistics, part of this work being done by the Gárda Síochána instead of by paid collectors. Regarding the sea fisheries protection service, the provision for which in these Estimates is the same as in the year just passed, I had hoped to be able to introduce legislation early this year in order to secure fuller powers of protecting our inshore sea fisheries. I hope to be in a position to introduce the Bill dealing with this matter before the close of the present session. The provision for the services of inland fisheries shows very little variation upon last year's Estimate. I should have liked to be able to include provision in this Estimate for the erection and maintenance of a brown trout hatchery. I have, however, encountered great difficulty in finding a suitable site, but I am not relaxing in any way my efforts, as I am fully aware of the need for such a hatchery.

The provision of funds for the Sea Fisheries Association shows a total reduction of £23,000 as compared with the prior year. The grant for administration expenses has been increased by £1,000 owing to the more widely extended activities of the association. The grant for general development stands at £20,000 as against £53,000 last year.

The greater part of this expenditure is necessitated by measures to promote the development of the deep sea fisheries of the Saorstát and to replace the annual import of fresh fish amounting to a figure in the neighbourhood of £180,000 and of cured fish amounting to some £150,000 by fish landed in the Saorstát. The Association has been organising the landing of fish by trawlers from the fishing fields off our cast and west coasts, has set up an organisation for the marketing and distribution of fish supplies throughout the country and has been taking steps to increase the consumption of fish, which is at present much below the potential consumption.

In the development of this branch of the fisheries the greatest handicap of this country has been the absence of home coal supplies and the consequent heavy cost of fuel for coal-driven boats. Fortunately, oil is now beginning to replace coal as fuel on this class of boat and the Association, which last year had to rely entirely on coal-driven boats, is at present arranging for trials with oil-driven trawlers, which, if they are successful, will, I anticipate, indicate the path of future development of our deep sea fisheries.

These measures are at the same time rendering possible the development of the inshore fisheries by making it possible to absorb the inshore catch more readily into the general fish supply of the country, and at prices which will make it more easy for the inshore fisherman to meet his obligations. The catch, for instance, of the west and south-west coast, which had to look largely to Dublin for its market in the past, can now be disposed of much nearer home and in much larger quantities on better terms. The way is thus opened to expansion of the inshore fisheries. The association has also been engaged in organising the marketing of shell-fish, that is, mussels, winkles and lobsters.

Under sub-head G 3, for the supply of boats and gear, there is an increase of £9,000. The Association has been able to keep all the available boat-building yards of the Saorstát busy turning out its requirements and has succeeded in bringing about the reopening of the yard at Killybegs, County Donegal. The yards are not yet able to keep pace with the requirements of the Association, but the output is increasing. The provision of £5,000 under G 4 will be required in connection with the provision of a mussel purification plant in Dublin Bay, the arrangements for which are well advanced. The completion of this plant will, it is hoped, reopen markets which have for some time been closed to certain beds in this country, the mussels from which have not been free from the suspicion of impurities. Mussels which have passed through the proposed plant will be absolutely free from any shadow of suspicion.

Rural industrial development in the Gaeltacht will be extended in this year. A number of new knitting centres will be opened and 25 Irish-speaking girls are being trained at headquarters to take charge of these centres. The increased provision for staffing new centres provided for in the Estimate is £2,500 (sub-head H 1). Weaving on hand-looms is being taught and tweed being turned out at eight centres, while the weaving of poplin and tie-making is progressing at Annagry, County Donegal. To meet the needs of the new centres and of the increased activities in existing centres, provision is sought under sub-head H 3 for £4,000 new plant and machines. This represents an increase of £1,000 on last year's requirements. The additional provision under the next sub-head, H 4, for the raw materials required in connection with the various industries carried on will be needed to meet the greater output from the new centres. The total sum required is £22,000, and under sub-head O, item 6, there is a credit for a similar sum to be recovered in the year. The next section in the Estimates deals with the development of industries connected with marine products. It will be observed that under sub-head I 1, provision is made for employing for a period of eight weeks during the kelp buying season seven analysts who will test the kelp offered to the Department for sale. It is upon the result of these tests that the rate per ton paid to each kelp burner is fixed. The work of the six instructors in kelp-making employed last year has been completed and this item has accordingly disappeared. The Department employs an experienced instructress in cookery to give cookery demonstrations in the principal towns of the Saorstát as a means of extending the consumption of carrageen. It has been found necessary to increase last year's provision for the travelling expenses of the organisers of the gathering and treatment of marine products. These officers, who are on loan from the Department of Agriculture, have to cover the entire western seaboard from Inishowen to Daingean Ui Chuise, and necessarily incur heavy travelling expenses.

It is not anticipated that the iodine market will warrant the payment this year of the same rate per ton for kelp as last year. The world price of iodine, which determines the price of kelp, has been reduced from 16/- per lb. to 8/- per lb., the price being based on the gold dollar. My estimate has, therefore, unfortunately to be based on a lower price than in previous years. Special efforts are, however, being made to develop alternative uses for kelp, which, I have some hope, will help to remedy this position. This year the handling of the kelp crop will be dealt with by officers of the Department direct instead of by local agents as hitherto. The estimated receipts from the sale of kelp are shown in sub-head O, item 7. It will be seen that it is expected to realise £28,000 on kelp sales as against £30,300 estimated outgoings in the sub-head.

The quantity of carrageen gathered last year and sold to the Department fell much short of the Estimate for that year and consequently it is believed that the provision of £4,500 in sub-head I 4, for the gatherers will be sufficient this year. The sales of the packaged carrageen in the home market have been very satisfactory and efforts are being made to extend the demand for carrageen in this form. It is expected that the sales of carrageen of all sorts through the Central Marketing Depot will amount to £8,000, as is shown in sub-head O, item 8.

The marketing depôt requires additional staff to keep pace with its increasing turnover. For these reasons the estimated cost of the marketing organisation shown under the "J" sub-heads 1, 2 and 3, show an increase of £1,579 over last year. The provision previously made for loans for industrial purposes has not in recent years been fully availed of largely owing to the greater extent to which the Department is dealing itself with the provision of plant and appliances. The provision has accordingly this year been reduced to £500, which, I anticipate, will be sufficient for all demands. The provision for the supply of facilities in connection with the marine industries has been increased from £800 to £1,000.

Under sub-head L, provision is made for giving instruction in the Gaeltacht in general housewifery, hygiene, etc. There were formerly three ladies employed for this purpose of whom one died and the other married.

Which is the worse off?

The conditions in the areas administered by these two instructresses were no longer considered to justify the appointment of substitutes. The scheme for supervision by the Department of school children whose parents desired that they should spend their summer holiday in Irish-speaking homesteads has been discontinued, as the scheme did not receive the measure of support which might have been expected.

Increased provision under sub-head M 1, has been made for grants under the Housing (Gaeltacht) Acts of £80,000, as against £69,000 last year. £300,000 has now been assigned to applicants for grants and loans. 15,000 applications for assistance under the Acts have been received up to the end of last month from persons resident in the Gaeltacht scheduled areas. 9,490 of these applications have been investigated by the surveyors in the country. 7,159 of these investigated cases have been ruled on by the Department, and the remainder are undergoing examination. Of the 7,159 cases ruled on 3,288 have obtained sanction for grants and loans amounting to £300,000, 1,274 have been refused on grounds laid down in the Acts, 1,169 have been withdrawn by the applicants for various reasons, and 1,428 have been deferred because Irish was not used as the home language or because the Land Commission intend to rearrange the applicant's holding or for other sufficient reasons. Progress in the building and repairing of the houses has not been as rapid as was expected. The actual sums paid in grants and loans at the end of last month were:—

Grants

£109,720

Loans

54,980

Total

£164,700

The scheme for providing teachers' residences has not been availed of as freely as had been hoped and only a small part of the provision was expended last year. This year I am asking for £2,000 only, which I consider will be sufficient to meet the requirements for this service in the present year.

Mr. Lynch

I regret that I cannot enthuse about the position of Gaeltacht housing as the Parliamentary Secretary enthuses about it, but I shall wait until later on before I actually deal with that. The thing that would strike one most about the Estimate this year is the huge reduction of almost £16,000 in the total net Estimate, or of £30,000 in the gross Estimate. That decrease will surely excite a good deal of comment from all those Deputies from Gaeltacht constituencies or from constituencies which have sea-fishing ports along their coasts. I shall watch out, with great interest, for criticism, especially from the Fianna Fáil Deputies from Gaeltacht constituencies, and more particularly, if they have listened carefully to the Parliamentary Secretary's speech, or if they have made any kind of a careful study of the subheads under which these decreases occur. For instance, a decrease does not occur in sub-head A, as the Parliamentary Secretary pointed out. As we see in the Estimate, there is an increase of £1,969. At the start let me say that I am not going to indulge in the rather ignorant criticism that I was compelled to listen to for a number of years as to the relation of salaries to any given estimate. That is not my intention. I know that you must have a body of civil servants who will administer the affairs of the Department. I know that they must be paid, and from my pretty long experience of the Department, I know that the staff earn their money, at least as well as in any other Department of the State. There is a provision of £840 in the Estimate for two temporary inspectors to which I must refer. That is the only question I will raise on that subject. I do so because we have not been told since their appointment, and we were not told by the Parliamentary Secretary this morning what these officers are doing. We must conclude that they are really doing nothing. Obviously they have not left their mark in the way of any increased activity as far as the Department is concerned. We must not be blamed, therefore, for believing that here we have two political jobs for which there was really no necessity, and that these officers have no particular function and do not earn the salaries for which provision is being made.

I was glad to have the Parliamentary Secretary's explanation of the first reduction of note, that in sub-head E1 —Vocational Instruction Including Boatbuilding. We find a decrease there this year of £1,000 compared with the sum provided last year. A footnote states that that is a provision for part of the year only. The Parliamentary Secretary has stated that the intention is to hand Meevagh boatyard to the Sea Fisheries Association. I should like to see where the provision is, in the sums voted for the Sea Fisheries Association later on, to enable them to staff Meevagh boatyard, and to carry on the work there in the extended fashion that we would expect, if the statement made by the chairman of the Association at the last annual general meeting was correct. If I remember aright the report stated that the Department had increased very considerably the staff of the Meevagh boatyard, with a view to being able to turn out in sufficient numbers the standard boats which the association required. The Estimate actually shows a very considerable decrease in the amount provided for the staffing of Meevagh boatyard. The provision for the staff there is £240 against £950 last year. The total provision is £1,000 short of the sum provided last year. Of course, we must be satisfied with the statement of the Parliamentary Secretary that everything will be all right in this respect, that the boatyard will be handed over to the Sea Fisheries Association, and that some provision will be made to enable them to carry on the work which they set themselves out to do. It would be a disastrous thing if we started economising in a service of that kind, because it would completely hamper the work of the Sea Fisheries Association.

Although I listened carefully, I did not hear any explanation of the astounding decrease in sub-head G 2 —General Development (Grant-in-Aid) to the Sea Fisheries Association. There is a reduction from £53,000 in last year's Estimate to £20,000 this year, a decrease of £33,000 in that sub-head alone. Even if we take the next Estimate, where there is a provision of £9,000 extra for advances for boats and gear to the Association, yet, it leaves a net decrease of £24,000 in the Grants-in-Aid to the Sea Fisheries Association for development purposes. A sum of £1,000 additional is given for cost of administration. What is the explanation? Is this part of the Fianna Fáil fishery policy that we heard so much about? During all the years that I was sitting on the opposite benches we had loud denunciations of Cumann na nGaedheal by the Fianna Fáil Party when they came into the House, of the neglect to provide sufficient money for the Gaeltacht and for fisheries. We made provision last year for £53,000 for Grants-in-Aid to the Sea Fisheries Association, but the first year that this Government are framing the Estimates they cut them by £33,000. Unless we get a very good explanation the reduction in that sub-head is utterly unjustifiable, and I am certain it will create heart-rendings around the coast amongst persons who believed Fianna Fáil speakers who visited the sea fishing ports. It will certainly give them room for thought. I will leave it at that.

Now we come to kelp, where under sub-head I 1 there is the reduction of £9,500. Under the sub-head for the payment of kelp-makers in respect of kelp marketed by the Department, the amount provided has fallen from £34,500 last year to £25,000 this year. Let me say immediately that I quite appreciate the situation. I knew, of course, that there has been a fall of 50 per cent. in the world price of crude iodine. But, have we not been making experiments in other directions. Did I not read in some newspaper last week that these experiments were tending towards the hope that a nutritious cattle food was to be expected from kelp? Experiments are going on with regard to finding by-products of various kinds in addition to iodine. What has been the result of the experiments? Is there any hope eventually that we will become independent of the fluctuations in the world's price of iodine? As I say, I quite understand that there must be a reduction in prices of the kelp gatherers but, about two months ago, when I put down a question to the Parliamentary Secretary with regard to the price of kelp—if I remember rightly that was about the third week of May—he told me the price had not yet been fixed. He tells us to-night there has been a great increase in the amount of seaweed gathered. I feel that it was very unfair to the kelp gatherers that they were not told at that date what the price of kelp would be for the year—the price per decimal point of iodine content. I presume that is the way it is bought now. The price used to be £1 per decimal point iodine content. For .7 iodine content you got £7 per ton for the kelp. For 1.1 iodine content you got £11 per ton for the kelp. I am afraid that these days are gone for a while. In the case of Tory Island, we were able to pay as much as £14 per ton for certain kelp. The kelp gatherers should have been told before the May weed came in what the Department hoped to be able to pay this year. It would be only fair to them to let them know whether it would be worth their while to gather it and burn it.

The Parliamentary Secretary surprised me when he mentioned that the agents are done away with this year and that officers of the Department are dealing directly with the kelp. I had not known that and I wonder how it has come about. I hold no brief for these agents. I do not think that I know any of them personally. But a great many of these agents gave up fairly lucrative agencies, which they held from foreign buyers around the coast, to come over to the Department when we started this co-operative kelp scheme. The firms who employed other agents were driven out of business through Government policy. It is very unfair, especially as regards those who came over to us voluntarily at the time, that they should now be scrapped in this rather arbitrary fashion. To many of them, this was a very considerable portion of their livelihood. In many cases, they had been at the work from their childhood, buying for various firms along the western seaboard. As I said, I hold no brief for these men, but I should like to hear from the Parliamentary Secretary, when replying, what is behind this doing away with agents and how he hopes to deal as efficiently with the kelp gatherers through the officers of the Department as we were able to do through those agents who were accustomed all their lives to dealing with these men.

There is the excuse of the fall in the price of crude iodine for the fall in the price of the kelp gatherers but there is no such excuse for the fall in the estimate for payments to the carrageen moss gatherers. This year, there is a sum of £4,500 provided under this head as against £10,000 provided last year. It is practically the same body of persons who are engaged at the kelp and the carrageen. They are placed in the same locality—the very poorest part of our western seaboard, mostly in the Fior-Ghaeltacht. Here you have, between a drop of £9,500 payments to kelp gatherers and £5,500 payments to the gatherers of carrageen, a total drop of £15,000 in the income of these poor people in the Fior-Ghaeltacht.

About the same time that the answer, to which I have referred in regard to kelp was given, I was told by the Parliamentary Secretary, in reply to a question, that they had not fixed the price of carrageen per stone this year. I have been told since—I have not got with me a copy of the Debates containing that reply to the question—that the price instead of being from 2/- to 2/6 per stone, as in former years, will now be from 1/6 for good carrageen to 2/6 for excellent carrageen. Something else must have happened, in addition to that fall, because the fall from £10,000 to £4,500 would not be justified if the price only fell the 6d.—bad and all as that would be. I say it is tragic that there should be a fall of 6d. per stone in the payments for carrageen. That fall of 6d. does not account for the fall of £5,500. I take it that the Parliamentary Secretary must not expect that anything near the same amount of carrageen is going to be saved this year. Presumably, it is because they expected this fall the carrageen gatherers did not go to the trouble of gathering. The Parliamentary Secretary must know that it was distinctly understood by the carrageen gatherers two years ago that 2/- would be the lowest they would be paid for carrageen. I feel this, in a sense, as a breach of faith. They were told that 2/- per stone would be the lowest price and that we hoped to make it considerably more. We were able to pay 2/6 per stone for carrageen and we had hoped to be able to give a bonus on top of that. I do not think that the bonus materialised but we never fell below 2/6 per stone since the Department started to deal with carrageen. For this, the Government must take the blame for, unfortunately, the fall in the price paid to the gatherers of carrageen is, I am afraid, directly due to the tariff on carrageen entering the British market. I can see no other explanation. That is, of course, portion of the economic war. It is not only the question of the tariff but the prejudice that was created against anything imported from the Saorstát amongst those persons who would be most likely to buy carrageen across the Channel. A great deal of money was expended in advertising carrageen for its food value and so on, and there was no doubt that it was bound eventually to have a very large market in England were it not for the economic war. A prejudice against everything emanating from An Saorstát, a prejudice in the ordinary English housewife's mind, absolutely prevented that market from expanding. As we said when this business was being entered upon, it is the poor who always suffer in this kind of war, and this certainly is an outstanding example.

The next fall that I will refer to is one to which the Parliamentary Secretary referred, and it is in the loans for industrial purposes. There is a fall from the £2,000 provided last year to £500 in this year's Estimate, and the Parliamentary Secretary explained this was not being utilised in recent years. I am rather sorry to hear that, because I know it was very distinctly in our minds, at the time the Gaeltacht Housing Acts were being put through, that, in addition to providing decent dwelling accommodation in the Gaeltacht, we were also providing houses in which possibly one room could be turned into a little workroom, where the loom or knitting machine could be used to the economic advantage of the person who owns the house. Deputies will remember the provisions of the Gaeltacht Housing Act. Not only were dwelling houses provided for, but poultry houses and piggeries were also provided for as being two of the things, as the Department of Agriculture advised at the time, which were suitable for the economy of the persons looking for Gaeltacht houses. In fact, it was made a condition of one getting a new house—unless the Department of Agriculture said it was not necessary—that that person should also apply for a grant for a poultry house and a piggery.

We had in mind as well this thing of having machines supplied to these houses where they could be worked in an atmosphere in which they could not have been worked in the old tumbled-down shacks which the Gaeltacht houses were intended to replace. I regret to see that reduction, but I suppose one cannot blame the Parliamentary Secretary if the money was not being utilised. I think, however, it is something which the Department should have pushed. It could easily have pushed the utilisation of this sum of money through its ordinary industrial centres in the Gaeltacht, and I have no doubt that with a certain amount of pushing it would have been taken advantage of. At any rate, it is a fault which amounts to, if I total all the things I have mentioned on the development side, a drop of £43,700.

We will now leave the reductions and come to one of the things to which the Parliamentary Secretary referred, just as if he were quite satisfied with it. The Department of Lands and Fisheries has very many varied activities. I have referred so far to those which show a reduction in the Estimate. I now come to sub-head M 1 —Grants Under The Housing (Gaeltacht) Acts, 1929-31. Here we have a provision of £80,000 this year, as against £69,000 last year. I wish that those figures could make one feel that here at least we had some increased activity; but, in fact, as every Deputy from the Gaeltacht knows, the contrary is the case. The £80,000 provided in this year's Estimate is in respect of commitments of the past, commitments entered into in the past. Deputies may not quite understand how these payments are made. The first Gaeltacht Housing Act was passed late in 1929, just before Christmas, in fact. It got into working order well into 1930, probably about the following autumn. It was only then that the sanctions began in any numbers, and, as the sanctions were issued, houses began to be built. There was a provision for a very small sum before the actual house was started, but as the house progressed, a man could draw a little bit more from the full amount sanctioned. Now, houses are being built. They are advancing towards building or are actually built, and of course, the money is falling due.

I invite the Parliamentary Secretary to say whether at least 75 per cent. of the £80,000 provided in this year's Estimate is not for commitments entered into before he actually came into the Department. It is obvious it must be so. Now, the true position of the operations under the Gaeltacht Housing Act was indicated some weeks ago in reply to a question of mine. The reply is reported in the Official Debates, vol. 47, cols. 1859-60. That reply shows that as against 1,166 new buildings sanctioned in 1931-32—that was our last year of office—there were only 345 new buildings sanctioned in Fianna Fáil's first year of office, a fall of 70 per cent. The amount of money involved shows a proportionate decrease. The amount sanctioned for new buildings in the year 1931-32 was £120,826, as against £38,928 in the year 1932-33. On the improvements side the very same state of affairs prevails; that is on the side which deals with repairs to existing buildings. There were 778 improvements sanctioned in the year 1931-32 as against 286 in the year 1932-33, and the amount for improvements sanctioned in 1931-32 was £48,291 as against £17,181 in 1932-33. Now, the state of affairs shown by those figures—and those are the figures supplied by the Parliamentary Secretary in reply to a question—calls for the condemnation of every Deputy who has anything more than lip sympathy for the Gaeltacht.

I do not for a moment say that it is the Parliamentary Secretary who is actually to blame, and I am perfectly satisfied that it is not the Department is to blame. I can well imagine that this condition of affairs must be heartbreaking to the officials of the Department, who threw themselves heart and soul into the work of making the Gaeltacht a better place to live in. I do not blame the Department. I blame the Government as a whole. I blame the Executive Council, and I blame, of course, the Minister for Finance, for the callous manner in which they are dealing with this most important social service of providing decent houses in the Gaeltacht. The Parliamentary Secretary is to this extent to blame, that he is lying down on it. Of course, there is the Minister——

Where is he?

Mr. Lynch

—but he is too busy, between Washington and London, to take any interest in the matter. At any rate, I hope that Deputies on all sides of the House will utter their condemnation of the Government for their neglect of Gaeltacht housing. If the progress that had been reached before we left office had been maintained—the Parliamentary Secretary will admit this—it would have been necessary, several months ago, to have had a new Gaeltacht Housing Act to provide money for this purpose, unless they went on under the Miscellaneous Housing Act passed last year under local government auspices. That might be all right but the people in the Gaeltacht would be getting a rather bad bargain. One of the results of this state of affairs is this: the Parliamentary Secretary does not seem to be quite convinced about it, and I should like to put it again. When we found, coming towards the end of 1931, that the first £250,000 provided by the Act of 1929 was almost allocated—it was, in fact, entirely allocated I think about the end of December, 1931—we brought in another Bill providing another £100,000. The intention was that according as that sum was allocated a further Bill would be brought in to provide a further £100,000—a one clause Bill. As far as I remember, the second Gaeltacht Housing Bill was merely one clause, providing a further sum of money for this purpose.

A further Bill should have been brought in several months ago if the rate of progress that we had reached had been maintained. The result of not having brought it in is that there is no money now available for new schemes. All the money provided under the former Acts has already been allocated, and it is only in an odd case, where a person had got sanction and for one reason or another decided not to avail of it, that there can be a sanction given now. That is very unfair to a big number of persons in the Gaeltacht who had incurred expenditure on the strength of the Act and on the strength of the fact that the inspector had gone down, had examined the condition of their old houses, and had told them, as he had a perfect right to do, that he was going to recommend their application for sanction. He had a perfect right to do that, because our instructions, from the very word "go," if I may use the expression, to the officers dealing with the Housing Act was to deal with applicants in the most friendly and unofficial manner possible. Any of us who know the Gaeltacht know that they are extremely suspicious of officials owing to their experience of them in the past, and we wanted the officials dealing with this matter to act in a friendly way with the applicants. I think they did so in a most extraordinarily successful manner. In the last year in which I was in charge of the Estimates here I remember even Deputies on the Fianna Fáil Benches, who were very sparing indeed in compliments, had to admit that the officers dealing with the Gaeltacht Housing Act left nothing to be desired. They, as they had a perfect right to do, told the applicants that they were going to recommend the sanction of grants in their particular case. As a result, those poor people went to considerable expense and to considerable labour, either in digging out a site, or in carrying stones to the site. A great number of them had employed a handy man or a mason to do some building. That is very unfair. I think the Parliamentary Secretary should not convince himself that as far as the Gaeltacht Housing Act is concerned everything is happy. He should insist on getting authority immediately to introduce the further necessary legislation to deal with the matter. It is the duty of all Deputies, particularly those sitting on the benches over there, to insist that the Government which they support will give a fair crack of the whip to the Gaeltacht in that matter.

Taking the Estimate as a whole, there is one thing about it that I suppose I should feel extremely flattered about, and that is the fact that there is not one single departure from the lines laid down when I was in office. There is not one single departure except where there is the lagging behind to which I have just pointed. I should like to know where now is all the fine talk we used to hear. Where is all the fine talk we used to hear in this House during all the years since Fianna Fáil came into the Dail? Where are all the fine things that were promised by the various Deputies when they went around the Gaeltacht—promised both in Irish and in English to the people of the Gaeltacht if Fianna Fáil came into office. Where is the new development scheme for our fisheries? Where is the reorganisation of our fisheries that we were promised in that much read Fianna Fáil poster which Deputy McGilligan quoted to-day? What a different tune Fianna Fáil in office is playing to the tune that they played when they were looking for votes! We used to hear a lot here, for instance, about the inadequacy of our fishery patrol service. Here we are again. The same old £8,500 for the good ship Muirchú——

A Deputy

It is very good to have it.

Mr. Lynch

——and nothing more. The good ship Muirchú is still being provided for, and as I say we have nothing more in the Estimate. The Parliamentary Secretary elaborated a little bit in his speech. I think he said that he was going to introduce legislation to improve the law relating to the matter. I wonder is Deputy Blaney here. He used to be very vocal in the old days about the depredation of the trawlers off the Donegal coast. I wonder did that suddenly stop when Fianna Fáil came into office? I do not think so, from what one reads in the newspapers at any rate. I wonder has the French lobster boat ceased to haunt our inshore waters, seeing that we hear no more about it from Wexford, Cork and Donegal Deputies? It is funny how silent some people can be when the Minister whom they have to question happens to sit on their own benches.

The Parliamentary Secretary, as I say, promised that he was going to bring in legislation. Now if the Parliamentary Secretary were to take a tip from me he would refuse to bring in legislation with regard to our territorial water unless he is first given some guarantee that the coastal patrol will be extended in addition. In reply to a question of mine a few weeks ago the Parliamentary Secretary said that this matter was under consideration. When I asked him what he meant he said they were considering utilising motor boats for this work. That is a delightfully vague answer—there are motor boats and motor boats. If the Parliamentary Secretary meant they were going to utilise small motor boats at various points around the coast, even at ten miles, I think he will get officials in the office who understand this work who will advise him that he would be wasting money if he did that. To protect our fisheries you must have patrol boats that will be able to go to sea in any weather in which a steam trawler can go to sea, and as anybody who knows anything about it knows, it would be very bad weather indeed that would make a steam boat lie up. I might as well give the Parliamentary Secretary my opinion, it would be necessary to have three boats of the steam trawler type having three or four more knots than the steam trawlers; they should be equipped with wireless and whatever armament would be necessary to enforce their orders. That, to my mind, would be the only coastal patrol that would be very much used. I always agree that one boat is, of course, not effective, but three boats, equipped with wireless to keep in touch with one another and whatever stations there might be on land, would be sufficient to patrol the coast and unless the Parliamentary Secretary gets a guarantee that those will be provided I would advise him not to bring in this legislation. He can learn from the Department what was in our minds in this matter.

For ten years.

Mr. Lynch

A lot of things might be happening for 20 years and they would be no use to some people. But at any rate the Parliamentary Secretary can find out that the argument which was advanced effectively against me when I was connected with it and was advocating protection for the fisheries was that they did not think that the fisheries as they stood warranted extra coastal extension. It is an expensive business—coastal patrol, and that was the argument that was always put up to me and it was almost impossible to answer in the circumstances, but I was assured that when the Sea Fisheries Association got under way the argument could no longer hold. The association is now under way, the time has come when that argument can no longer be of much use, when it cannot have the force it had when it was used against me.

At any rate the fisheries are going to be developed and it will be worth while spending the necessary money on coastal patrol. Whilst we are on that I would like to say that the small motor boats might be of use in preventing the French lobster boats taking away our lobsters but they would be utterly worthless so far as steam trawlers are concerned and it is trawlers that do the real harm because they destroy the beds apart from the other harm they do. On the general question of the fisheries I would like to hear from the Parliamentary Secretary what are his hopes from the activities of the Sea Fisheries Association. Not all Deputies have read the annual reports of the association, and I think it would have been wise if he had said something about the association's activities. I should like to hear for instance in considerable detail what are the results of the experiment in trawling; as to whether the results would justify private enterprise in going into the business. That was the hope we had when this was being embarked upon; our hope was that as a result of this trawler experiment we would induce private enterprise into the trawling business along the south and west coasts. It would have been extremely difficult to come to any very satisfactory conclusion based upon an experiment lasting only a season or two, but at least those experiments were something we could go on. We hear about some of the trawlers being returned. I hope that is not an indication of abandoment of the scheme, an abandoment only in a half-hearted way. It would be just as well to abandon it altogether as to abandon it half-heartedly. I think it is worth going on with for another year or two. It has educational value.

Apart altogether from the experimental end, it is a necessary adjunct to developing the market for our inshore fisheries. I believe that the Association has had considerable success in developing the market in our inland towns, and it would do nothing but harm to future efforts if, having created the taste for fish, a supply would not be provided for those people. The supply can be provided only by the trawler; both as to quantity and variety you can only supply the quantity and the variety of fish for that market by utilisation of the steam trawler. The Parliamentary Secretary said very little about the shell fish development, but I was glad at least, because I had intended to raise it here, that the purification tank is under way and that the £5,000 have been allocated for it. That is very wise. I cannot understand why there was delay about it; there was some difficulty about the site or something of that kind; it was almost completely settled one and a half years ago. At any rate that is one of the things necessary—that purification tank, because the fact is that our mussels have been time and again rejected by medical officers of health in the markets in England. The mussels from certain beds show the presence of a little fellow which rang in my ears for ten years called, I think, bacillus coli, which is an indication of the presence in the beds of some putrefaction.

As I say, a year and a half ago we had almost completed the arrangements for the establishment of a purification tank here on similar lines to the purification tank at Conway in Wales. We hope there will be no further unnecessary delay in getting on with the work of establishing that tank, but the thing that has absolutely killed the mussel industry and, in fact, all the shell-fish industry, is the tariff imposed upon that industry across the Channel. There is another market for lobsters besides the English market, especially in recent years. You have the French market, especially since those boats come across from France and collect lobsters along the coast. Still, the London market was the main market, and the English market in Birmingham and some of the main towns in the North of England was the only market for our mussels, and mussels cannot afford the tariff that was placed on them.

I was given to understand that when this tariff was first imposed about a year ago, or very nearly so, the Sea Fisheries Association were going to meet the case by paying the tariff on behalf of the fishermen, being recouped by bounty or something of that nature afterwards, but I learn now—in fact I have been aware of it for some time past—that that is not being done. The effect has been that the mussel industry, as well as the industry in other smaller shell-fish, like periwinkles and so on, has been absolutely killed. It is only a small industry but it was of considerable importance to those engaged in it. In Cromane, in Kerry, for instance, very many families earned a livelihood out of it for a portion of the year. The same applies to Mornington in the County Louth and to other places along the coast which I forget for the moment.

Before concluding, I should like to say a word on inland fisheries. I see that the sum provided for inland fisheries remains about the same as it was last year. There is just a small reduction which is accounted for by Section 13 of the Act of 1925. This is a branch of our industry which requires no subsidies. It merely requires to be conserved. It is generally agreed that the Acts of 1924 and 1925 provided effective machinery, generally speaking, for proper conservation of the fisheries. The 1924 Act, and the 1925 Act also, increased very largely the penalties for the various offences under the Acts, especially offences like the poisoning of rivers, stroke-hauling, and all that type of particularly obnoxious offences, as well as the offence of taking fish from the rivers during the spawning season. These Acts also stop the outlet for the profitable disposal by the poacher of his catch. That is that. There only remains that the law should be administered; that the administration at headquarters should see that the law is carried out. I do not know whether these complaints are groundless or not, but there have been complaints, and the Parliamentary Secretary can say in his reply whether or not there is any foundation for them. There have been complaints by boards of conservators that it is a waste of money for them to be employing bailiffs, because, automatically, when fines are imposed, as they can be imposed, by a district justice, they are either reduced or remitted altogether. I wonder if the same system prevails now as I insisted should prevail during my time there.

At a very early stage—in fact, almost immediately after the creation of the Department of Fisheries as a separate department—it was agreed that the Minister for Justice would not reduce or alter any penalty imposed by a district justice under the fishery laws except on the advice of the Minister for Fisheries. I should like to know if that still prevails. The Fishery Acts, right through, provide minimum penalties. They give the district justice, once the person is found guilty, no discretion as to the amount of the penalty he imposes. It is right that there should be the exercise of the prerogative in certain special cases; but the normal thing should be that the law should take its course. The exceptional thing should be that the fines should be remitted or reduced. I have no hesitation in saying that, at any rate, for the first two years after the passing of those Acts, you might say that, in 99 per cent. of the cases, I wrote on the file that the law should take its course, until the lesson had sunk in. I agree that there is room for being a little bit softer now, but I should not like the position to arise that poachers would get it into their heads again that every time they were fined they had only to send in a memorial and the fine would be automatically reduced to the very minimum or remitted altogether.

Our angling attractions are easily the most important side of our tourist traffic and they bring into the country the best type of tourist, and the type that spends most money in the country. Deputy Corry guffaws, but it is true. Killarney knows it, and Waterville knows it, as Deputy Daly is very well aware. The type of tourist that is looked for in the tourist centres in Donegal, the type of tourist that is looked for in Donegal and in Galway, is the angler tourist, and the sportsman generally—the man who takes a shoot or a piece of a river to fish. He is the man who spends money in the country. There will be a deadly blow struck at our tourist traffic if the fishery laws are not strictly enforced.

I was asked by Deputy The O'Mahony, who cannot be here, to make one other point. I shall make it very briefly. The Parliamentary Secretary, in a sense, has no responsibility in this matter. In certain cases, where the boards of conservators take proceedings and an order is given in their favour, this order may be appealed against. There is one case in point where the decision of the district justice, on appeal, was upheld by the Circuit Court. It was further appealed to the High Court and the High Court reversed the decision. The case occurred in the Cork area. It involved the board of conservators in a sum of £300 in costs. I think that some way ought to be found out of that rather bad predicament of a board of conservators in cases of that kind. Either there should be some system by which the Attorney-General would undertake these prosecutions in the ordinary way out of the law charges or else there should be some method of recoupment of the boards of conservators when they have to meet a big bill of costs of that kind.

One last word. The Parliamentary Secretary is aware, I suppose, that Section 13 of the 1925 Act will expire next year. This section provides that the rates on valued fisheries go to the boards of conservators for the purpose of fishery protection instead of going to the local authority. I should like to hear from him that he intends to make sure that legislation will be introduced before that provision expires, making provision for a further ten years, or making it a permanent part of our legislation, as was our intention.

We have just listened to a very able, if somewhat unscrupulous speech, with a very questionable object in view, and that is to cover up the Deputy's record while he was Minister. We heard a great deal about the failure of the Department of Lands and Fisheries to deal with the housing problem in the Gaeltacht. We heard nothing from Deputy Lynch about the reason for that failure, about the history of this question, about the promises and undertakings which he gave when there was entrusted to him a sum of £250,000 to spend in an experimental way in the Gaeltacht, so that a true basis and a sound basis for the solution of the housing problem in the Gaeltacht should be found. Deputy Lynch, I said, was entrusted with a sum of £250,000 by the Oireachtas and he was entrusted with it on very specific and definite conditions; entrusted with it on the basis of undertakings which he gave when he was responsible for putting the measure to the Oireachtas. I have looked up some of the statements made by Deputy Lynch on that question when he was Minister for Lands and Fisheries, and I find that, speaking on the 17th December, 1929, in the Seanad, as reported in the Official Report, volume 13, columns 417-18, Deputy Lynch, the then Minister, said:—

"Section 3 states: ‘Where, in the opinion of the Minister, a dwelling house in the Gaeltacht is wholly unsuitable for the proper and healthy accommodation of the occupier thereof and his family,' the Minister may make a grant."

Then he went on to lay down the conditions under which this grant might be made. First of all,

"that first preference must be given to a household in which Irish is the ordinary language. After that there comes the condition that amongst the Irish speaking households the one which from the point of view of sanitation and so on is the worst must get the preference."

He repeated that again. In the course of his statement as reported in column 491 on the 18th December in the same volume we find him saying:—

"I am perfectly certain that any Minister who comes after me will be as anxious as I am or as any Senators are, that the Bill is applied to the persons for whom it was conceived—the worst houses and the very poorest persons."

Again, in volume 32 of the Dáil Debates, columns 1481-82, we find Deputy Lynch giving this undertaking to the Dáil:

"Of those households those in which the sanitary conditions are worst and where the valuations are lowest will have prior claim on the total of the funds available."

Dozens of times there were undertakings of this sort given freely and emphatically by the Deputy who was then Minister. Were those undertakings observed? Were those principles applied? They were in some cases. When a Fianna Fáil Deputy was interested in a district, as Deputy Blaney was in the districts of Greenfort and Knockalla electoral divisions, County Donegal, then these conditions were observed by the Minister. When, I repeat, a Fianna Fáil Deputy was interested in any particular district and raised the matter in the Dáil then Deputy Lynch, the Minister for Lands and Fisheries at that time, became a very strict trustee for the funds that had been entrusted to him. Recollecting the promise he had given during the passage of the 1929 Act and responding to Deputy Blaney's request that some attention might be given to these districts, of which he said that from personal knowledge he was perfectly sure that some of the houses are worse than any houses in the county, Deputy Lynch got up and piously assured him that priority under the Act had to be given to the poorest of the Irish-speaking homes. "The applications," he said, "from the district electoral divisions mentioned do not disclose any large number of urgent cases, but in the order of urgency these districts will be reached at an early date."

Mr. Blaney asked:—

"Is the Minister aware that in two or three townlands in Greenfort and Knockalla the residents are purely Irish-speaking and that many of them have asked for a grant under the Housing Act? Will the Minister state why the applications of residents of these townlands have not been considered?"

Deputy Lynch replied as follows:

"The Deputy must not have quite understood my answer. Even though the districts were entirely Irish-speaking, the Act provides that three-fifths of the total money is to be allocated to certain areas which are extremely poor. The districts to which the Deputy refers do not come within the three-fifths, but as I stated in my reply, the order of urgency will probably bring them within a category which will be reached at an early date."

Deputy Blaney then asked:

"Is it not a fact that of the £250,000 originally granted two-fifths were to be expended in the Breac-Ghaeltacht and that no consideration has been given to claims from the areas I have mentioned?"

Deputy Lynch replied:

"The Deputy is misinterpreting the Act. While three-fifths must be allocated to the Fíor-Ghaeltacht with a certain low valuation, the Act does not say that the five-fifths shall not be allocated to it. The provision in the Act does not mean that two-fifths are to be allocated to the Breac-Ghaeltacht. We are dealing with the most necessitous cases as they arise in the different areas and it is quite possible that the whole £250,000—if there were sufficient urgency, I should like it to be so myself—may be allocated to the areas to which we must allocate three-fifths."

Mr. Lynch

Hear, hear! That is the Act.

The Deputy says "hear, hear." There were two or three purely Irish-speaking townlands in the district with houses as poor as in any district in Ireland.

Mr. Lynch

Did they comply with the Act?

Simply because a Fianna Fáil Deputy had an interest in these townlands, and in that district, this ex-Minister voices these pious hypocrisies and refuses to do anything to solve the housing problem in one of the poorest districts in the country.

On a point of order. We know that this discussion is going to be gagged like the previous discussion, and I submit that the Minister is completely out of order; that what he is discussing does not arise upon the Estimate before the House.

What year is the Minister speaking of?

I am not talking of financial years. I am talking upon the principles upon which the Act was supposed to be administered.

Unfortunately, I have to take into consideration the financial year and we cannot go back any further.

On a point of order.

The Minister was not interrupted.

It is quite obvious why Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney rises to a point of order. They do not want to face the music.

On a point of order, I ask for your ruling, if the Minister is not out of order.

The Minister will have to confine himself to the last financial year.

I must refer to the principles upon which these grants were made.

The Minister must confine himself to the administration of the Act within the year under review.

So far as we are concerned, we are saying that the Act is administered strictly in accordance with the principles enunciated when the legislation was being enacted. I am doing that because the 1931 Act imposes special responsibility on the Minister for Finance. While it has provided £100,000 and authorises the expenditure of £100,000, it only authorises that expenditure when the Minister for Finance is satisfied that the expenditure is going to be made in accordance with the Act, and the Act, as the Deputy knows, provides for a selective attack upon this problem, and as he himself said, when responsible for the measure, that grants should be given to the Fior-Ghaeltacht, and in the Fior-Ghaeltacht the most necessitous cases should be dealt with. That is not the principle upon which the Act has been worked up to this year.

On a point of order. You have given a ruling that the Minister for Finance was out of order when referring to past years, and the Minister for Finance is deliberately repeating the very aguments that you a moment ago, ruled out of order. He is deliberately disobeying the Chair.

I have ruled clearly and definitely that the Minister must confine himself to the administration of the Act within the financial year under review. If the Minister persists, I will have to ask him to discontinue his speech.

On a point of order. As far as I can judge, the Minister is explaining to the House how the money provided under this Estimate is to be expended.

He is travelling back and pointing out how former Ministers misapplied, as he alleges, the money provided under the Estimate.

I want, without making a speech, to point out that

Deputy Lynch, in criticising the Estimate, referred to the amount of money expended under his administration, and the lines which they had followed. In fact, he dealt with this problem in exactly the same way as I want to deal with it.

The way in which you have been ruled out of order by the Chair.

I am entitled to reply to the ex-Minister.

Deputy MacMenamin calls for order, and his own ignorance of the rules of order is colossal.

The Minister is entitled to review the Act only within the financial year.

Am I to conclude from that that even though Deputy Lynch has been allowed to traverse the ground, I am not to be allowed to reply.

I have no knowledge of what he did. I was not in the Chair when he spoke, but I have no doubt the rules of order were strictly enforced, whoever was in the Chair.

I am referring to what took place in 1931. We cannot dissociate what took place in 1932 from what preceded it, when there was complete disregard of the proper principles on which the Act should be administered.

That is a deliberate refusal to obey the ruling of the Chair.

The Deputy is a bit previous in thinking that.

I submit that I am entitled to show the ruin we found ourselves in on our accession to office in 1932. We could administer the Act in no other way than we have done during the past year.

The Deputy is not able to account for the passage of time.

It is two years.

It must seem like that to the Deputy. It is not the only thing that would appear to him to be double at the moment.

The Minister means to be clever.

I was saying, a Leas-Chinn Comhairle, that I have to justify our administration of the Act for the past year by reference to the position we found when we entered office.

The Minister will justify it on the administration of the Act in the past year and not by contrast with anything else.

Surely I am entitled to describe the conditions we found on acceding to office?

If the Minister persists, I will have to ask him to discontinue his speech. I have said definitely and ruled so. His speech will have to review this Act in the financial year just passed out.

We are told we have done such-and-such a thing, but we have not been told that there has been any disregard of the law in the matter, or that we have in any way failed to observe the principles which were laid down when this legislation was being enacted.

Mr. Lynch

You are being told you have failed to do anything.

Why? Because we found that £350,000 entrusted to a certain administration had all been hypotheticated before we came into office, and applications had been granted right, left and centre without any regard to the principles which should be observed.

Your own people are kicking up a row down the country.

I have criticised the administration of the Department because I know that people are kicking up a row.

You have not the money to give them.

I could tell you this: that they were told that they could not get the money if they supported Fianna Fáil.

Mr. Lynch

I say deliberately that is untrue, and I ask to have it withdrawn. I challenge the Minister to prove that statement here and now.

I have personal knowledge of——

Mr. Lynch

Give us the name and say I used my position to differentiate.

The Minister is right and we can prove it. The Minister can get plenty of proof.

Mr. Lynch

Prove it now. It is a lie, and a deliberate lie.

Deputy Lynch will have to withdraw that statement.

Mr. Lynch

When the untrue statement about me is withdrawn.

Deputy Lynch will sit down, and so will Deputy O'Leary. It has been said that when Deputy Lynch was in office certain moneys that should have been paid to certain people were not paid to them. That was the statement made.

Mr. Lynch

That I was corrupt in my office.

I do not think that statement was made.

Mr. Lynch

That is the only meaning to be taken out of it.

The statement was that the Deputy gave preference to political supporters of his own.

Mr. Lynch

That is corruption.

Such statements have been made repeatedly here.

Do not be too hasty in wearing the cap.

Deputy Lynch must withdraw the remark he made with regard to the Minister.

Mr. Lynch

In deference to you, sir, I withdraw whatever I said about his being a liar, but I ask that the statement that I, in my capacity as Minister for Fisheries, differentiated as between applicants who supported me politically, and those who were opponents of mine politically, be either withdrawn or proved.

It was done while you were Minister.

Mr. Lynch

Say it outside and I will tell you what you are.

It may have been a mere coincidence.

Deputy McMenamin should have sense at this hour of the morning.

The Minister said at first that these people were refused grants because they were political opponents of the Minister. Now he said it is merely a coincidence.

I beg your pardon. Let me clear up what I did say. I said that people were told in Corkaguinny that they had no chance, not told by the Minister. The Minister did not come into personal contact with them, but Cumann na nGaedheal had any amount of active agents round there.

Mr. Lynch

Now we are hedging.

Deputy Lynch was at that time a Cumann na nGaedheal candidate.

I have already told the Minister that he must discuss the Estimate and the administration of the Act within the financial year under review. Did this incident take place within the year under review?

I know that in the year under review the application of this particular gentleman had not been dealt with.

The Minister must confine himself to the administration of the Act in the year under review or sit down.

Here is an application made a considerable time ago, but up to three months ago it had not been dealt with.

The Minister has definitely stated that political preference was shown by Deputy Lynch when he was in office. Surely that did not take place in the year under review. The Minister will confine himself to the administration of the Act during the year under review or discontinue his speech.

I shall say this. I am dealing with an application which so far as I know has not yet been granted. I shall deal with the administration of the Act in regard to that particular case to show why it has not been granted. The reason that it has not been granted——

Because there was no money available.

I am entitled to explain why much more money has not been spent this year, and why it is not available. We have been attacked because more money has not been made available. I want to show why is has not been made available, why we have not got it. Am I not entitled to do that?

I am not going to give any judgment in advance.

The particular person at any rate was a person in the Fior-Ghaeltacht, living in a house no better than his neighbours, anxious to extend his house in order to accommodate people going there to learn the language. He was therefore, a most deserving case. Nevertheless, in the year 1932, I discovered his application had not been dealt with although it had been in for a long time because the moneys which should have been there to deal with the particular case were not there. Applications had been granted without any regard to the selective principle under which the Act was supposed to be worked. We found the Department denuded of every penny-piece that could possibly be allocated, and for which sanction could be got. The money had been definitely promised to some applicant, as I say, without any proper inquiry as to whether the facts of the case merited the granting of the application.

On a point of order, the Minister is disobeying your ruling, a Leas-Chinn Comhairle.

Would the Deputy point out where he is doing so.

Because he has been discussing matters which happened, not during this financial year. He says that he discovered that the money had been allocated before he came into office. What has that got to do with this vote?

The Minister is referring to one particular case which has not been disposed of and the reasons why it cannot be disposed of.

We found ourselves in this extraordinary position. We have not been able to sanction a considerable number of applications that have been before us, because the £350,000 that had been granted by the Dáil has now to be paid out to applications which were granted in that indiscriminate manner. The Deputy took a great deal of credit to himself for the fact that this year we had to provide £80,000. I wish that the amount were £800,000. We should possibly be bringing in a Bill this year to deal with this huge and pressing problem, the solution of which it is estimated by the Department will cost at least £3,000,000, if instead that £350,000 had been properly spent in making investigations that would enable us to produce in this year a sound solution for that problem. If we were not able to do that, the responsibility does not lie with these benches here, but lies with those who betrayed their trust before we came into office. Every time that we come to this House with a Finance Bill or with a Budget, a Budget full of proposals for constructive expenditure, full of proposals to provide employment, what reception do we get over there? Do we get Deputy Lynch rising up then asking us what about the £3,000,000 to be spent on the Gaeltacht?

Did we get Deputy Lynch getting up when the Budget was produced in May last; did we have Deputy McMenamin and Deputy O'Neill getting up from their benches in May last and saying: "Why are you not making better provision for the Gaeltacht?" Oh no, we had Deputy McGilligan getting up charged with his petty obscession of the two-year-old advertisement and telling us that we must economise and keep expenditure down. We had Deputy Cosgrave getting up and saying that the country is groaning under the load of taxation that it can no longer endure. And we have Deputies McMenamin, O'Neill and all the others with their hands up to heaven saying that the country is bankrupt; that industry is declining and that taxation must be lightened. Not a word about the Gaeltacht. Then when we bring in a Bill to reduce public expenditure in order that we might make proper provision for services like this, what assistance do we get from the benches opposite? We had six, seven, eight or ten days of Parliamentary time wasted and we had to listen to foolish piffly speeches from Deputy McGilligan, from Deputy Fitzgerald and from Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney. We had all these getting up and saying that this is a Bill which is a breach of the Ten Commandments. The Deputy was not then thinking of the miserable hovels in the Gaeltacht. He did not then sit beside Deputy Lynch and make an appeal that more money should be appropriated. Oh, no! He appealed to all the laws of God and man and to the Ten Commandments against the Bill.

Mr. Brodrick

What about your ten promises for the Gaeltacht?

What about the ten years when Deputy Lynch was in office —did he fulfil them?

What about the Estimate?

I am getting back to that. I am merely pointing out that if we were not able to provide the money that should be available, the responsibility does not lie with us (1) because of the responsibility we inherited and (2) because of the criticism to which we have listened for the past six months from the benches opposite. When we wanted the money for these services we could not get it.

Mr. Brodrick

You were never refused money for the Gaeltacht.

When we wanted a proper solution of the problem it was not left to us and now when Deputy Lynch knows there is nobody here to listen to him and now when he and his colleagues know at last that they have got somebody in power who is anxious to find a solution for their problem——

Mr. Brodrick

Does the Minister know where the Gaeltacht is?

At this moment I would stake my knowledge of the geography of Ireland against that of the Deputy.

Mr. Brodrick

A knowledge of the geography of the Falls Road.

The Minister could not find Mallow.

Has the Centre Party come in? Has it wakened up? If there is one thing that is clear about the heritage left to us it is this that the 1931 Bill was not brought in to help the housing problem but to get votes for the Cumann na nGaedheal Party.

Mr. Lynch

It was not in 1931 it was brought in. It was in 1929 and the Minister should know it.

Let the Minister speak. We listened to Deputy Lynch very patiently for an hour and a half.

Dr. Ryan

Sure they have no manners.

Deputy Lynch was very generous in his apportionment of blame. The Parliamentary Secretary is to blame, the Executive Council is to blame, the Minister for Finance was most of all to blame, but the Deputy knows right well in his heart that if there is one person who has to bear the responsibility for the present position in the Gaeltacht it is Deputy Lynch himself.

What about the Estimate?

I am dealing with the criticisms on the Estimate. On the question of the Sea Fisheries Association I should like to say a word. The main purpose of the Sea Fisheries Association was to assist in-shore fishermen. That was the main purpose and the records show that. I think if I may say so, that too little attention is being paid to the in-shore fisheries and that is due to the fact that the main activities of the Sea Fisheries Association have been linked up with the trawling scheme which has been a very expensive venture. Deputy Lynch again has asked us to continue the Sea Fisheries Association not merely for this year but for two or three years. Very well. I am not prepared to say that possibly more money should not be spent on this trawling experiment. But if we are going to have more money spent, then we will have more of these speeches from Deputy McGilligan about the £2,000,000. I am putting that to Deputy Lynch. The Deputy is clamouring now for increased expenditure. Will Deputy Lynch put the muzzle on him the next time that Deputy McGilligan gets up in this House and mentions a word about the £2,000,000?

The muzzle was not put on the Minister in time.

Dr. Ryan

Deputy Belton has his mandamus.

Deputy Belton has shown by his political activities that he wants it every way.

And so do others.

Deputy O'Sullivan had it more than one way too. I was wondering whether on the Army Pensions Vote Deputy O'Sullivan and Deputy Brodrick and some others were going to follow Deputy McGilligan into the Division Lobby.

Mr. Brodrick

The Minister will be wanting to get it from some other Government.

Of course we would like to continue the trawling experiment. I indicated that it has been a costly and not a too successful one, and if Deputy Lynch wants us to spend money in this way, then there must be a form of approach to the problem, and we must have a cessation of that propaganda which nobody in the country at the present moment pays any heed to, propaganda which simply involves a senseless waste of public time here, and of posturing on the part of the Deputies.

The last remark we had from the Minister for Finance summed up his speech—a waste of time on the part of the Government. I certainly do not think that the time of this House could be more completely wasted by any speaker than it was wasted on behalf of the Government by the Minister for Finance. Of course, he got up to waste the time of the House. The whole of his speech was a deliberate attempt and endeavour to waste the time of the House. He was never relevant. He did not come to deal with this Estimate at all, but wandered all round it. He tried to go back to tear his passions upon the Cumann na nGaedheal Party but he never came to the Estimate. That was because he knows that the conduct of his Department since the Fianna Fáil Party came into office has been thoroughly incompetent and disgraceful. He knows that. We all know why this Estimate was put back. We all know why it figured early in the Order Paper on different days, and why it was put back and back until it comes on at a comparatively late hour to-night. We know, of course, that the closure is coming. We know, of course, there will be more muzzling and more Ministers running away as they ran away when the Vote for the President's Department was before the House. We are perfectly certain that this unfortunate Parliamentary Secretary will be saved by the Minister for Finance from making any speech. The Minister for Finance will get up and move the closure. We know all that, but the Minister himself gets up and deliberately wastes the time of the House without having attempted any defence of his Department.

Now, surely, if there is any part of this country to which this particular Administration have done injury it is to the Gaeltacht. Everybody knows that. Everybody who lives in the Gaeltacht, and I live in the Gaeltacht, and I know conditions there, knows that there is no part of this country which has suffered so badly under this economic war as the Gaeltacht has suffered. That is perfectly plain and obvious, because the people who live in the Gaeltacht rear sheep and cattle, and have to sell them as store cattle.

On a point of order, surely the price of cattle in the Gaeltacht is not in order on this Estimate.

The Deputy so far has not proceeded to discuss the price of cattle.

Deputy Smith is very annoyed. I would suggest to Deputy Smith that he should try to contain himself. He is very annoyed because he knows the Government have bungled everything. He is very loyal to his Party, and he wants to get them out of their difficulties. I have spoken to the Deputy more in sorrow than in anger, and now I come back to where I was. I say nobody in this country has suffered more than the people of the Gaeltacht. The people there have suffered most, because they are deprived of the opportunity of rearing their young cattle. Everyone who lives in the Gaeltacht rears cattle, to a certain extent, but they cannot finish them. Everybody knows that, but possibly the Minister for Finance may not know it.

Surely a discussion as to the price of cattle in the Gaeltacht is not in order on this Estimate?

The Deputy has not said one word about the price of cattle so far. He says that the people in the Gaeltacht are suffering more than the people in any other district. Surely I must give the Deputy an opportunity of expressing his opinions in regard to the Gaeltacht.

Some of us would like that you would be as rigid——

Deputy Smith cannot challenge the ruling of the Chair, even by implication.

We will suffer on.

I do not mind Deputy Kelly or his remark. As I was saying, no part of the country has suffered more than the Gaeltacht, owing to the depression of the prices of cattle. Other parts of the country can buy store cattle. If people lose their fat cattle, they can replace them at a cheaper price than others would be able to replace them. It is the margin between what they sell as their finished cattle and the price at which they can replace them that means their profit in the long run. But people in the Gaeltacht, who rear cattle, and buy none, must bear the entire loss themselves. As far as cattle is concerned, owing to the attitude of the Government, terribly bad conditions prevail at the Gaeltacht at the present time.

What about fish?

I am coming to that. Also sheep rearing has gone in the Gaeltacht.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary responsible for the price of cattle in the Gaeltacht? Has he anything to do with it?

The Government as a whole are responsible, and the Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister he represents are responsible as the whole Government are responsible.

We have had the economic war, and the price of cattle on various Estimates. The Parliamentary Secretary answering for this Vote is responsible for certain things in this Estimate. I cannot allow the Deputy to proceed on the lines he is now proceeding dealing with the price of cattle.

Surely in summing up all this I am in order in pointing out that the policy of the Government is pressing more hardly upon the inhabitants of the Gaeltacht than on any other portion of the community, and I could develop that and prove it.

I only said I could prove it. You ruled I am not in order in proving it, and I shall not proceed. Now here is another matter. There is no part of the country to which the Government and their supporters made more definite and clear promises than to the people who live in the Gaeltacht. Every part and portion of the community, I might say was lied to by Fianna Fáil propaganda, during the last election, but to no section of the community were more lying and false promises made, than to the people who live in the Gaeltacht. In view of the promises made everyone who represents the Gaeltacht was entitled to expect that very much better treatment would be meted out to persons who live in the Gaeltacht this year than any other year. The very opposite has happened. A terrible lot of promises were made to the people of the Gaeltacht: everything was to be done for them. Three gentlemen were appointed at very large salaries—I do not know what their salaries were—to report on what was happening in the Gaeltacht, and then the Government was to carry out all sorts of improvements. Heaven only knows what mountains were to be planted, what lands were to be reclaimed and divided up. We come here this evening to see how the promises that were made are being carried out by the Fianna Fáil Government, and how they are being kept to the people. But we find simply that they have been successfully deceived.

I find every single thing that the Government has done shows a falling back from what was done before. The Minister for Finance talked at very great length about the Gaeltacht Housing Act. He attacked Deputy Lynch because Deputy Lynch, as Minister for Lands and Fisheries, having had a certain amount of money at his disposal, expended it in the Fíor-Ghaeltacht and the Breac-Ghaeltacht, and because he expended it quickly. Having got a Vote of £250,000 Deputy Lynch, when he was Minister, allocated it there and then, and did everything to have a Gaeltacht housing scheme carried out quickly. The Minister for Finance gets up here and says what a terrible thing this was. The Fianna Fáil Government has done nothing for the Gaeltacht, and the whole scheme for the Gaeltacht is a dead letter in their hands. The excuse of the Minister for Finance is, that Deputy Lynch, when he was Minister, was too active, and got through his work too quickly, and spent £250,000 in improvements in the Gaeltacht. That is the head of Deputy Lynch's offending. He did his work too quickly and too expeditiously, and, therefore, we have to let the Gaeltacht housing come to an end. What a very melancholy picture we got from the Parliamentary Secretary in his opening statement this evening. There was not a single thing he touched upon that was not bad. This is bad; that is bad; and the other is bad; and one thing was worse than another. We started off with industries bad; then we have fishing—very bad; we come on a little bit further and we come to kelp—very bad, a very sad story we have to tell about kelp. Then we come on to carrageen—worse than anything else. There was not one single thing in the whole of that statement which he made to the House which showed that one thing was thriving under his administration. His cry was "Nothing new"; he attempted nothing, but he had the opportunity of building upon foundations that had been well and truly laid and in respect of which all the spade work had been done for him. His sea fisheries organisation was in existence. There was the Gaeltacht housing scheme; kelp had been put on a firm basis, and carrageen the same. The whole of the foundation was laid, and he had nothing to do except to build upon it, but he attempted nothing new himself, and yet, we find that instead of improving matters or keeping them up to the level on which they had been, he has allowed every single thing to slip back.

It is no wonder at all that the Government are very displeased at having this Estimate debated at all. It is no wonder that they postponed it and tried to have it taken later. They hated the idea of having it discussed. They have shown incompetence all round, and they have shown inability to govern the affairs of this State all round, but nowhere have they shown greater inability to make good the promises which they made to the people than with regard to the people in the Gaeltacht. It is no wonder they wanted to keep it back—no wonder at all. These promises will work for a little time and will deceive the people for a little time, but they will not deceive them any longer, and I think that, by this time, no matter how much you may strive to stifle discussion in this House, you will not prevent the people of the Gaeltacht from recognising what they themselves are suffering and from recognising that every single source to which they looked to for their livelihood has been rendered less profitable to them, and that you have made the cost of living to them as high as you could make it.

Needless, to say, I was particularly glad to hear the Parliamentary Secretary say that £5,000 were being made available for the erection of a mussel purification tank in Dublin Bay. We are interested in the mussel-fishing industry in County

Meath. We have, for a long time, been looking forward to the erection of this tank so that mussels can go through a process of purification and be placed on the market in a fit state for sale. The population of Mornington and the surrounding districts along the Boyne have been engaged in mussel fishing for generations, and, during the winter months, when the close season for salmon fishing comes along, these men engage in fishing the mussels and, for some years back, they have been unable to sell them in the English market, because medical gentlemen on the other side claimed that there were some germs in the mussels that rendered them unfit for consumption.

I would urge the Parliamentary Secretary to speed up the erection of this purification tank. I should like to point out to him that the mussel fishing should commence in the beginning of October, and if the tank is not erected by the beginning of October, the fishermen in Mornington, and, I take it, in other parts of Ireland, will be idle. The Parliamentary Secretary said that the plans are well advanced. No doubt, the plans are well advanced on paper, but I should like to see the foundations laid and the work well advanced. I presume that this money will be given to the Sea Fisheries Association to expend, and I am not too certain that that body can be accused of being a very speedy body. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will have the matter speeded up when it is put into the hands of the Sea Fisheries Association.

It was mentioned by Deputy Lynch that the mussel-fishing industry has been killed on account of the tariff imposed against it in England. I suppose that is just as true as the other statements in connection with the economic war and its effects on the products of this country. The mussel-fishing industry has not been killed, and, if it was not a paying concern, if it was not an industry that could pay its way, I should not be standing up here this morning asking the Parliamentary Secretary to speed up the matter for us. With regard to relief grants—

It is yesterday morning the Deputy is talking about.

Mr. Kelly

Deputies on the Opposition side may laugh. They gave relief grants to the idle fishermen because they could not fish these mussels and did not provide a purification tank for them. We appealed last year for a relief grant for unemployment in that district, and, this year, we shall have to do the same, unless the purification tank is erected. Furthermore, a relief grant will be necessary, because of the accumulation of mussels. The fish will accumulate to such an extent that they cannot afterwards be fished unless they are removed from the spot in which they accumulate. It is not relief grants that should be given down in that part of the country, because they have there a potential source of wealth. They have an industry which needs no loans and no overdrafts, and is an independent profitable industry.

Another matter I would like to refer to is the salmon fishing on the Boyne. Has the Parliamentary Secretary power to have the system of trapping salmon on the Boyne discontinued. As far as I can find out, these traps on the Boyne are held by vested interests under some sort of charter given them hundreds of years ago. Salmon running up the tidal water a few miles from Drogheda enter the first trap, and when the water is low if they are lucky enough to escape it, they fall into the second trap and very few will get five miles further up. People living along the river have licences to fish with nets from 6 a.m. until 8 p.m., except on Saturdays and Sundays. Traps can be laid from six o'clock on Monday morning until six o'clock on Saturday evening. The time for fishing with nets is shortened, but those who catch the majority of the fish have a longer period. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to see if he has any power to have the system of trapping fish discontinued, and to look into the question of shortening the period during which traps can be set. Fishermen on the upper reaches of the Boyne at Trim, Navan and Kells, complain that, although they pay for licences to fish for salmon they are unable to have satisfactory results in these areas, owing to the operation of the traps. I suggest that if the vested interests interfere with the wishes of the people, the Parliamentary Secretary should keep the matter in mind, with a view to having legislation introduced to deal with it in the near future.

My colleague, Deputy Kelly has anticipated a great deal of what I intended to say in connection with the Mornington fishermen. I notice, however, that he disagrees with the statement of Deputy Lynch that the 40 per cent. tariff has interfered with trade out of which fishermen lived for years. The Deputy is quite right in urging the Government, and the Department concerned to hurry on with the construction of the purification tank at Howth. He is not right, I think, in blaming the Cumann na nGaedheal Government for the delay about that, because, I think I am right in saying that a great deal of the delay was caused by differences of opinion existing between the Mornington, the Clogher Head and the Howth fishermen as to the best place to put the tank. In any case, the tank is not yet constructed.

I agree with Deputy Kelly that he has a grievance there, but it is against his own Government. What is the use of constructing a tank for the purification of shell-fish when the market for that shell-fish has been destroyed? These Mornington fishermen earned £3, £4 and £5 a week raising mussels. They sold these mussels across the Channel, the market being mainly in England. Assuming, owing to the exhortation of Deputy Kelly, that this tank is constructed at Howth, and that the mussels will be brought there, what is going to happen to them afterwards? There is no market for them in England. Other industries, such as the cattle-trade, butter, and so on, have been helped by bounties. I am entitled to ask that the Government should provide a bounty for the shell-fishing industry. All the people in Meath are not ranchers. As Deputy Kelly pointed out, there are some fishermen there, and they existed on this mussel industry. Instead of getting £3, £4 or £5 a week they were getting about 24/- to 30/- a week last winter working on the roads. I admit that that was better than nothing. Even if the purification tank is given to Howth, their industry will not be given back to the mussel men.

Surely the Jews have not got that industry.

I would remind the Executive Council that if the cattle industry is to be built up with bounties, and if it is necessary to keep the British cattle market, it is also very necessary that the men in Mornington should get the mussel market. I strongly urge the Executive Council to help these unfortunate men by providing a bounty for mussels and other shell-fish.

Deputy Lynch tried to make the case that under his administration the Gaeltacht and the Government services, generally, were better attended to than under the present Government. I entirely disagree with the Deputy there. What was the position when this Party came into office? Fianna Fáil Deputies from the Gaeltacht have experience of it. We received representations regarding applications for housing in the Gaeltacht, and when we visited the Government offices here we found that the money had been allocated. To whom was it allocated? In 90 per cent. of the cases it was allocated to supporters of the late Government.

Mr. Flynn

I stand over that statement, and I can prove it. That is my reply when people ask if there is no money available to the present Government for dealing with the housing question in the Gaeltacht. It could not be a coincidence that all the money was ear-marked for a certain type of people. I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary that there should be a complete overhaul of the Sea Fisheries Association and other Departments under his control, as that would serve a very useful purpose. The planting of mussels in the

Cromane district of Kerry, which is one of the main centres in this country for that industry, has been neglected. During last season the Sea Fisheries Association provided in or about £30 for planting operations. That amount was entirely insufficient.

It should have been, at least, £100. There, again, politics played a very large part. This is the first time in any statement I have made in the House that I have referred to politics or to the practices that have been carried on under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government, but here, again, in this district, politics played a leading part. It is all very well for the ex-Minister to say he did not directly take part in practices of that kind but he had agents in areas —and particularly in that area—who saw to it that in this particular peninsula the supporters of Fianna Fáil were isolated. The mussel-beds adjacent to where they were residing were neglected. They were not planted for the three, four or five years previously. I have submitted a map, which is marked, to the Secretary of the Sea Fisheries Association, pointing out the areas that have been neglected. Under the British régime——

On a point of order, it was ruled before in the debate on this Estimate that Deputies must deal with the period under review. Deputy Flynn seems to be getting back to the British régime. I ask if he is in order.

That is not a point of order.

The Deputy is not entitled to go back four or five years. He should refer only to preceding years by way of contrast. He should not deal mainly with them on the Estimate before the House.

He is not an astute Parliamentarian.

Mr. Flynn

I referred to last year, particularly, and, by way of elaboration, I pointed out that, during former years, through this process of victimisation, the beds adjacent to where our supporters resided were neglected. I intervened to make sure that fair play would be given to all persons in those areas. I have submitted a map to the Secretary of the Sea Fisheries Association in order to have the matter rectified. I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary that, at least, £100 should be provided for planting operations in that locality during this season.

In regard to the question of lobsters, the main point is to concentrate on the development of the Continental market. It is a strange proceeding when we find that in the western district, in the Dingle area, and, on the south coast, around Cahirdaniel—the Frenchman has agents. He has an agent in the Blaskets purchasing lobsters. We have the Sea Fisheries Association which should have seen to that and developed the lobster fishing for the benefit of the poor fishermen of that district. It is very strange to find that the Frenchman can come in and keep a man working for him at a profit and that we, with an expensive administration and an expensive Sea Fisheries Board, do not realise the importance of the lobster industry in that area. By way of suggestion, I would point out to the Parliamentary Secretary, that there is at Castlecove, near Cahirdaniel, a natural inlet that could be utilised as a storage tank for lobsters. One of the inspectors concerned visited the area some time ago and reported favourably in regard to it. At the nominal expenditure of a few hundred pounds, an absolute barrier could be erected whereby lobsters could be stored in this little inlet. That would be of great importance in regulating supply and demand because you would be able to cope with the market. You would have a supply available on all occasions.

There is one other important point I would like to mention, and it has relation to the oyster beds in Tralee Bay. In order to prove that I am not trying to score from the political point of view, I will mention this much, that an inspector in my own area, a nominee of Deputy Lynch's, took it on himself to develop the oyster beds in

Tralee Bay. There was no official planting carried out in that instance. There was a voluntary system in which the fishermen co-operated with the inspector. What happened? In 1923, when he took over these oyster beds, there were four boats operating, and in 1931, when he finished, there were 24 boats operating. What has happened since? Through the lack of a little assistance from the Sea Fisheries Association and the Department in the matter of planting, the oyster beds are going back and, in another year or two, they will probably go back to the state in which the inspector, Mr. O'Dwyer took them over.

I have shown what can be done in a small way with very little expenditure. All these theories, such as sterilizing plants, etc., are all right, but the people interested in the oyster business know their own requirements. We are in close touch with the fishermen who are intimately concerned with the business. They have had years of practical experience and, in their own way, they could enlighten some of the experts in the different Departments. It would be well for the inspectors concerned if they gave serious consideration to some of the suggestions put forward by fishermen along the coast, particularly in the south and the west.

With regard to the Gaeltacht housing question, I would like to suggest that, if at all possible, the applications that have been investigated and approved should be transferred to the Local Government Department, and, in order to save time and expense, the report of the engineers who have approved of particular plans for the Gaeltacht houses should be adopted by the Local Government Department. There is very little difference except in this sense, that the loan could be obtained on more favourable terms under the Gaeltacht scheme. I understand it could be obtained at 5½ per cent., while the other works out at 6 per cent. I am sure that matter could be very easily adjusted. I merely make that suggestion to the Parliamentary Secretary.

The Cumann na nGaedheal Government provided money for the training of nurses from the Gaeltacht districts, but they never at any period put their scheme into operation. When I went into the offices, the inspectors informed me that the scheme fell through because the matrons of the hospitals in Dublin would not cooperate. I persisted last year and, with the co-operation of Mr. Bradley, the Richmond Hospital did take in a few girls from the Kerry Gaeltacht. We are not satisfied that the scheme has received the consideration which it should receive. An effort should be made to provide an adequate sum for the training of girls from the Gaeltacht. It would be a great opening for brilliant girls who might otherwise have no facilities for training. I suggest the scheme could be operated quite economically and it would be of great benefit to many young girls in the Gaeltacht.

Badh mhaith liomsa focal nó dó a rádh ar an Meastachán so. 'Nois, labhairim mar Theachta as an Ghaeltacht a thuigeas gléas beó na ndaoine annsin agus deirim go bhfuil muinntir na Gaeltachta ag gearán go géar agus ag casaoid go trom ar an Rialtas so. Ar dhóigh eighinteacht bhí ionntaoibh iongantach agus dóchas láidir ag muinntir na Gaeltachta as Fianna Fáil. Ní gan ádhbhar. Gealladh an domhain cruinn dóibh ag an toghadh mhór agus chreid siad sin gan amhras. Acht mealladh iad mar mealladh go leór sóntachan eile ar fud na tíre. Cuireadh dalla mullóg ortha uilíg nó cuireadh faoi draoidheacht iad. H-innseadh dóibh nuair a bhéadh Fianna Fáil i dtreis agus ag rialú na tíre seo nach mbéadh tart ná ocras ar aonduine; go mbéadh mil-bhuidhe ag dul le fánaidh ar na cnuic againn, go mbéadh an uile lá mar an Domhnach agus an uile Dhomhnach mar Dhomhnach Cáisc. Gealladh dóibh go mbéadh againn arís "aimsir aoibhin Airt" nuair a bhí naoi chnó ar an chraoibh agus naoi chraobh ar an tslát.

'Nois, tá Fianna Fáil i dtreis suas le dhá bhliadhain agus nach fáda o'n chréach an ceirín? Cá bhfuil an fiúntas agus an fháirsineacht, an fliúrsacht agus an fláitheamhlacht a gheall Fianna

Fáil dúinn? Ní fheicim-se anois san Ghaeltacht acht an leán agus an leattrom, an t-ánas agus an t-ocras. Deirim ó bhliadhantaí dúbha an drochshaoghail nár fhulaing muinntir na Gaeltachta oiread ánais agus leathtruim. Níl luach acu ar an bhó, nó ar an chaora, nó ar an ghamhan atá le díol aca. Ní bhfuighthear acht unnsa tobach do'n tseanduine ar dha dhoisín uibheacha ó fear an tsiopa. Ní thig le fear an tsiopa iasacht ar bith a thabhairt dóibh mar nach bhfuigh sé féin é. Mar sin de, is minic an ghorta ag stánadh sa tsúil ar an Ghaedheal bhocht san Ghaeltacht. Ma gheibh sé obair míosa ar na bealtaigh móra o'n Rialtas caidé is brigh sin dó-fhéin agus dá mhuirighin ar feadh na bliadhna. Agus deir gach páirtidhe san Teach so gur uasal an oighreacht atá aige—teanga agus béasaí ár sinnsir —agus gur chóir tárrthail a thabhairt air agus faoiseamh a thabhairt dó. Níl san méid sin acht plámas agus béal-bán gan ionnraiceas. Da mbéamuis i ndáiriríbh fa'n cheist seo—agus cuimhnigh gur ceist tábhachtach náisiúnta í—chuirfidhe níos mó airgid i leaththaoibh do'n Ghaeltacht gach bliadhain. I n-áit an Meastacháin so a ghearradh 'nuas agus a ghiorrú mar táthar á dhéanamh i mbliadna, badh cheart agus badh chóir é a dhúbailt. Ní thig le molta Coimisiuin na Gaeltachta cur i bhféidhm ar ghann-chuid airgid agus tá muinntir na Gaeltachta ag dréim go gcuirthear iomlan na molta sin i ngniomh. Tá na mílte agus na milliúin ag dul fa choinne monarcan siúcra agus nidhthe eile san Ghalldacht acht níl iomradh dadaidh mar sin a chur ar bun san Ghaeltacht. Cad chuige a bhfuil Aire an Airgid a labhair comh binn-bhéalach ar ball chomh truaillighe agus chomh ceachardha fa ghnaithe na Gaeltachta agus chomh scaipeach, scaoilteach fa ghnaithe eile? Cruithigheann sé rud amháin go soléir ar scór ar bith: sin nach bhfuil Fianna Fáil i ndáiriríbh fa cheist na Gaeltachta. Dá mbéadh, ní ghearrfaidh anuas meastachán na bliadhna so a bhí ró-ghann mar bhí sé.

Ní aontuim leis an cainnteoir deireannach gur mealladh an Ghaedhealtacht le plámás. Admhuím go bhfuil clamhsán agus casaoidhe ach táid sásta a gcion féin a dheunamh ar son na tíre agus na náisiúntachta. Tuigeann siad sgeál agus tuigeann siad cé h-iad an dhream atá ar thaoibh na tíre agus ar thaoibh na naísiúntachta. Mar a deirim, táid sásta a gcion féin a dheunamh. Tá rud eile 'sa sgéal leis. Nuair a bhí Cumann na nGaedheal í gcomhacht annso bhí an imirce go h-Ameiriceá ar suibhal ach tá stad curtha leis anois ó thainic an Rialtas so annso agus tá na daoine óga ag eirighe suas agus tá an cheist níos deachre ach táis aca go bhfuil an Rialtas seo ag deánamh a ndicheall dóibh. Tuigeann na daoine go bhfuil an Riaghaltas in á ríribh mar gheall ar an méid a ghealleadar do'n Ghaeltacht, Rinne an cainnteor deireannach tagairt do thuarasgabháil Comisiún na Gaeltachta ach tuisge nár chuir siad fhéin í bhfheidhm é? Sin a bhfuil le rádh agam mar gheall ar an méid dubhairt an Teachta Michéal Og Mac Phaidín. Tá an Teachta O Loingsigh tar éis labhairt ach labhair sé as Beurla toisc go bhfuil an Beurla an teanga atá ag furmhór na daoine a bhí ag éisteacht leis, agus labhró mé as Bhearla a freagairt air.

Deputy Lynch said that the Gaeltacht housing scheme operated mainly as it was designed to operate, that is, in the Fíor-Ghaeltacht, and that nobody except those who spoke Irish would benefit by it, and in the Breac-Ghaeltacht, equally those who knew Irish and who spoke Irish as a rule, where it was known, would get first preference.

I challenge that statement absolutely, and Deputy Flynn has challenged it so far as it applied to Kerry. I will give one concrete example to any Deputy who disbelieves the protests that we make. There was a case, which I can prove, of a large family, whose house was bad, and who spoke Irish habitually; in the same district there was a family of equal size, living in a house of equal condition—a house in which no Irish was spoken or known. The Irish family was turned down and the "English" family was given the grant. How would you characterise the application of the Act in that case? Those cases, in Connemara at all events, are so numerous that it would be useless to particularise. If anybody does not believe what I say about it, and if anybody wants to try to make people believe that this Act was carried out impartially, I advise him to go down and make that statement in Connemara. Decisions under the scheme were made entirely on political grounds. I challenge contradiction on that. The thing was notorious in Connemara. I think it just as well that that scheme should be wound up and housing generally operated from one Department. The operating machine, as far as the Gaeltacht Housing Department is concerned at any rate, should be entirely scrapped. I believe it is incapable of operation. The people who are operating it seem to be actuated by political bias, and no other motive. I made a statement to that effect during the 1932 election, when an official of the Housing Department was listening to me. I made it because I saw him there listening to me, either during the meeting or afterwards. He did not challenge the truth of what I said.

Another matter which was mentioned by Deputy Lynch was the appointment of four officers to buy kelp and carrigeen this year, and the removal of the agents. He said that was a very bad proceeding; that the agents had given satisfaction, and were really the best people to buy kelp and carrigeen, as they knew all about it. In Connemara, the people do not agree with that point of view. There is an Act known as the Truck Act, and that Act was frequently broken by the kelp agents in Connemara. No money was handed out to the people who sold kelp. They had to take shop goods. I know a case in which an unfortunate man, after buying the things he required, had a balance of 4d. coming to him; he would not get the 4d.; it was kept to his credit. Those cases were, as I say, too numerous to particularise, but what I say on this question can be backed up in every parish in Connemara.

On the question of the Sea Fisheries Association and Fisheries Development, Deputy Lynch drew attention to the decrease in the amount voted for development purposes. I understand that that is due to the fact that the Sea Fisheries Association is now easing off in the trawler experiment. I think that that is a wise change. I do not agree, of course, with the reduction in the amount for fisheries development. I should like to see more spent on it. Deputy Lynch said that it would be wise to keep on losing money for a couple of years on the trawler experiment. That may be so, but I think if there were any losses to be incurred in fishery development it would be much wiser to incur those losses in trying to develop the in-shore fisheries. I know the Department holds that you cannot stabilise the supplies in this country, except on the basis of trawler fishing. I think that has to be proved yet. I a not in a position to challenge it, but I do not think anybody is in a position to confirm it with any degree of accuracy, because trawling has not been developed to any extent.

As I say, I am not at all enamoured of the Fishery Department. It is a Department that has been largely criticised by Deputy Lynch. I hope to see it greatly altered, or at least, to see it made more adaptable to the needs of the particular district in which it is operating. I do not believe, and nobody in the Gaeltacht believes, that the present operations of the Fisheries Department can solve what has come to be known as the Gaeltacht problem. Kelp, carrageen and such like industries, can never solve it. I admit that when fully developed they would do a good deal to mitigate the position there, but they cannot have any lasting effect until most of the people, particularly in the very congested parts of the Fíor-Gaeltacht, are given holdings elsewhere. However, that is a matter for another Bill.

I have no more to say on this matter, a Chinn Comhairle. I do not usually speak in this House, but I thought it would be too bad to allow to go unchallenged an ex-Minister who for five years, whether it was done with his knowledge or not, allowed corruption of the very worst kind to be carried on in his Department. For that reason I challenged him.

I move that the question be now put.

I am not accepting that motion now.

I should like to make a few remarks on this Estimate. In this Estimate the Government trading is exemplified, and while Government trading may be very successful and very necessary in certain instances, when it conflicts with private enterprise, the Government would have to make up their minds as to which they desired to promote. Looking first at the heading for carrageen development, apparently the carrageen gatherers are going to get a very much lower price this year. Certainly, the Government did not develop the sale of carrageen moss to the extent that it might have been developed. Last year, a matter came under my notice, where a considerable amount of carrageen moss could have been exported if the Government were prepared to let the finished product back again into this country without charging the duties. That may or may not have been a reasonable proposition; but the Government did not see their way to go in for that scheme, and in consequence, certainly in that one instance—and there may have been others—the sale of carrageen moss suffered.

The next matter to which I should like to refer is the activities of the Sea Fisheries Association, and there it seems to me that the Government will have to make up their minds that either they are going to compete with privately-owned trawlers and exterminate them or they are going to make it a Government enterprise altogether. There are, I think, at the present time only about seven steam trawlers left operated by private enterprise, and they catch fish and bring it into the market and distribute it and, presumably, it is disposed of. The Sea Fisheries Association, with the object, presumably, of increasing the supply of fish that is taken by the Sea

Fisheries Association and their distributing machinery from the in-shore fishermen, hired seven trawlers. Four of those trawlers were English and three were Scottish. The development of trawlers seems to be very much in doubt. Some people say that there is going to be a smaller type of trawler operated on the Spanish system, in which two trawlers operate the net between them. Other people contend that the steam trawler will be replaced by some type of motor-driven trawler. If the Sea Fisheries Association had conducted a series of experiments and operated a few boats on the Spanish system and a few others on the motor-driven system, there might have been some excuse, but, apparently, as I say, they hired four English and three Scottish trawlers to reinforce the supply of the in-shore fishermen; and the catch of those seven trawlers and the organisation of the Sea Fisheries Association's distributing machinery is operating in direct competition with all that is left of the Irish trawlers operating a parallel system. It seems to me that the Government ought to make up their minds and come out boldly and have a talk with the remnant of the privately-owned trawlers and tell them that they think they are not operating on correct lines, if they do think so; but this war of extermination ought not to be undertaken. The seven trawlers go back to England to be refitted and, unless the Irish trawlers should get any unfair advantage while they are being refitted in Milford or some other port, the Irish trawlers are handicapped by having to wait for permits for twine and other details like that.

Some speakers have referred to the fact that the trawling activities were reduced. I understand that some member—probably a member of the Government—thought it was not seemly that this considerable expense should go on; or perhaps he discovered the nationality of the trawlers, and the four English trawlers were dispensed with, and the three Scottish trawlers are left. I must say that the Parliamentary Secretary, in introducing these Estimates, certainly gave us very full details compared with other Estimates; but I should like him, in his reply, if possible, to deal with the general principle of how far the Government are going to go in the sea-fishing industry. Are they going to take over the whole of the sea fishing? Other people think that the money that was spent in hiring these trawlers might have been more advantageously expended on the provision of the long-promised patrol boat that was to help to keep the coast clear of foreign trawlers that were poaching. After all, the object of either the Government Sea Fisheries Association, or the privately owned trawlers, is to catch fish, and one hears inshore fishermen talking about foreign trawlers that are, practically, almost trawling over their ground lines. If that is the case—I expect it is a bit of an exaggeration—but if it is the case, it does appear to me that the first object of the Government ought to be to protect efficiently the stock of fish that is around these shores. For that reason, I think that the Parliamentary Secretary ought to give us the details as to what is intended, or if any further provision is intended for patrol boats.

Passing from the sea to the Gaeltacht industries, a somewhat similar position has arisen there. The Government are very anxious, naturally, to promote the cottage industries, but there are also firms that give very considerable employment in the Gaeltacht to people, and it is practically impossible for private enterprise to develop if the present Government policy is carried out.

I suppose most of us are sufficiently conversant with manufacturing conditions to realise that, broadly speaking, the manufacturer has to meet the cost of raw material, wages, and overhead expenses. Presumably the firms engaged in private enterprise in the Gaeltacht have to meet those three items. When we turn to the Estimates, we see a provision of £22,000, or something like that, for raw material. When we turn to the appropriations-in-aid, the sum is exactly the same. In other words, they are going to sell the stuff for the material cost. That may be all right for the Government for promoting cottage industries, but some line of cleavage must come, and I suggest that, when you are also providing £4,000 for power looms, you are getting to a point where the Government must go very much further and private enterprise disappear, or the Government must make some effort to reconcile the two conflicting interests. Private firms that are operating, or someone that is operating in the Gaeltacht, have built up a well-deserved reputation for Donegal homespun tweeds. But with Government assistance there is Donegal tweed supplied the wool of which never saw Ireland until it was imported, and it is carded and spun outside Ireland. If that were done by a private individual, I think there would be a prosecution and that he would not be allowed to describe that material as homespun Donegal tweed. That is another most undesirable form of what I call conflicting interests. The Government, in their anxiety to promote sales, have, I suggest, rushed to a point at which something ought to be done. Naturally, when they begin to supply homespun tweed at a price that only covers the cost of the material, that renders it even more difficult for the other manufacturers to carry on their business at a profit. It is rumoured that the Government are contemplating a very much wider extension of their activities, and that they are going to make cardigans, pullovers, socks, and various other things for the army. They have power machines and various other machines that really belong to factories.

But the real point that I wish to make as to these two items, namely, the Gaeltacht industries and the fisheries, is that the Government ought to reconcile their own manufacturing activities with those of private enterprise. I am not attempting to draw any line of demarcation. I frankly admit that the interests of the Gaeltacht ought to be considered as paramount. At the same time, the Government must realise that they are going to get to a point in which private enterprise will have disappeared. I do not know whether they will then heap reproaches upon manufacturers for not embarking on private enterprise. We heard last night that Irishmen were not sufficiently adventurous in embarking on manufacturing undertakings in their own country. It would appear to me, however, that if manufacturing undertakings in their country are going to be met with Government competition along practically similar and parallel lines, there is going to be even a less field for private enterprise in manufacturing industries. I would ask the Government to take this very seriously into consideration and that the Parliamentary Secretary should, if it is at all possible, outline what the Government's sphere is, and what it is they have reserved for private enterprise.

On the question of the fisheries, I have one word to say. I should like the Parliamentary Secretary to say in his reply whether any inquiry has been made as to the depredations of these foreign trawlers, as to the full effect of their activities on the Irish fisheries. Are they playing havoc with the fishing beds in Irish waters? We know that it is a commonplace with fishermen all along the coast. Every time I go to Arklow I am told that the foreign trawlers are the biggest enemy they have to face, that they are destroying the fishing. I do not doubt that for a moment. What I should like to know is whether the Department has made an estimate of that destruction. Is the Department satisfied that the destruction is continuous and cumulative? Because what makes me more or less independent minded on it is an article that I read written, I think, by a Tory Irish peer in the British Parliament about 1857, in which he mentioned that at that time foreign trawlers were destroying the Irish fishing. That was written, I think, as far back as about 1857, and if that has been going on all that time—because actually it must have been increasing, as I do not believe that steam trawlers were at that time anything like what they are now, it would seem to me that fishing must have been reduced to a very, very low quantity by this time. That is a matter I would like to know, whether the Fishery Department have actually inquired into the extent of that problem.

There is scarcely a month passes without a question appearing on the Order Paper about foreign trawling, and every time I go to Arklow, the fishermen tell me that the foreign trawlers are making profitable fishing impossible, and it should be one of the duties of the Department to say to what extent are the possibilities of profitable fishing in Irish waters being interfered with by foreign trawlers. A great deal of the discussion on the Vote has been devoted to the question of whether there should not be better protection against foreign trawlers, and naturally when we are to decide on that question, we want to know to what etxent is the quantity of fish available for Irish fishermen being interfered with by the activity of foreign trawlers. I think it is the duty of the Fishery Department to give us some idea of the extent to which it is being interfered with, because it will prove a very expensive business adequately to protect the Irish fishing fleets, and in deciding whether that expense is justified or not, or whether the Government's proposals are adequate, we want to know to what extent the fishermen within the Saorstát are being hampered in their activities by the activities of foreign trawlers. I think that is the only question of any importance I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to deal with in connection with this problem, and I say I have to admit that so far as I can learn, the Sea Fisheries Association is not giving satisfaction. It is not doing what it set out to do; it is not gaining the confidence of the fishermen to the extent we hoped it would when we passed the Act which created the Sea Fisheries Association. No doubt it had a very hard task in front of it when it started, and it has a very hard task before it still. It is apparent from the report of the Fisheries in England and other countries that the fishing industry in every country is meeting with hard times at present, and, naturally, in a country like this where the fishing industry has never reached a position of real strength, it should be meeting with difficult times. But at the same time, I think there is room for a great deal more energy on the part of the Sea Fisheries Association. I think now that with the experience they have had, they should be able to do more for the fishermen and the marketing of the fish. They should be able to consider the requirements of fishermen with regard to the position of boats and nets and gear and so on, a great deal more satisfactorily than they have been doing up to the present.

I do not intend to speak for long on this debate, but only a few sub-heads I would like to have answered. Take sub-head H (5) Exhibits of Gaeltacht products at shows and fairs—I see that that Estimate is reduced from £1,600 to £1,100. I would imagine that that is a mistake, because if you advertise Gaeltacht products you will get the people to take an interest in them. I would like that Estimate, if it is possible, to be an increase on last year's Estimate. Take the ordinary country horse and cattle shows. I was last year at some of those shows. I was connected with some of them and interested in them. We asked for Gaeltacht exhibits. The show committees were very anxious to have those exhibits at their competitions, and every committee was willing to make provision for them, but when we asked for the exhibits the answer given was, that they could not send the exhibits because they could not afford it. I would say that was very foolish of the Department, because by advertising your products at those provincial shows it creates demand. I see another sub-head here, No. H (6), which is reduced from £2,500 to £2,000. I think that is a mistake, because we will never get anywhere with our Gaeltacht products until we advertise. There is no use in the Department cutting down on the expenditure of advertising by a few hundred pounds, because that expenditure would result in the buying of thousands of pounds worth of the products of the Gaeltacht. There are a few small matters I would like to refer to also. Take sub-head H (4)— Materials of wool, yarn and other raw materials for industrial centres. I would like to impress on the Parliamentary Secretary that Irish wool should be used as much as possible.

It was not used in Cumann na nGaedheal time, anyway.

Mr. Brodrick

I could tell you something if I wanted to go back to the promises you made before the election, and what is your performance since. Since you came into power, the Gaeltacht services have been reduced by— I cannot get the figures now, but certainly the full figures for Gaeltacht services show reduction, a considerable reduction since you came into this House, so if I were you, I would not boast about what you have done for the Gaeltacht. Irish wool should be used where possible. Now, while we are on this, I want to mention about the Galway Woollen Factory which happens to come into the Gaeltacht. We hear such a lot about the number of new factories and the revival of industries in this country which is supposed to have taken place in the last one-and-a-half years. Some time ago, when the Minister for Industry and Commerce was giving figures as to the increased employment in the woollen industry, he mentioned the Athlone Woollen Factory as working overtime. I mentioned the Galway Woollen Factory, an industry which was established a number of years ago, and gave considerable employment in Galway, about 400 or 500 hands. It has been closed for some years now, but the machinery at least is there. It is really the one industry you have in Galway—the woollen industry—and it is strange to say the Minister months ago told me in reply that he hoped to see Galway factory opened within a few months. Up to the present there is no sign. It is in the Gaeltacht, and I would like now that some move should be made. The population in Galway City is increasing very much, and it was the one industry for years that had been a paying proposition. It gave employment to 400 or 500 people. If that factory was taken in hands again, it might possibly in the course of time employ up to 100 people in the City of Galway. I think Deputy Flynn mentioned about housing, and I think he mentioned he would like to see it going under Local Government, but what I see about Gaeltacht housing problems is that housing is under the Department of Local Government, the Land Commission and the Board of Works. At present you have in the West of Ireland and North-West, four sets of inspectors going around on housing alone. You have Gaeltacht housing inspectors and you have Board of Works inspectors. I believe myself some scheme could be adopted by which all those housing operations could be carried out under one head with one set of inspectors instead of duplicating. You have different inspectors travelling over the same ground day by day, and you might even say you have local authority inspectors, county surveyors and assistant surveyors travelling over this particular ground, and if you could have some scheme by which you could get all those housing inspectors under the one head, and have one standard plan, it would make matters much easier. I would like to see some amalgamation in that respect of Local Government, Gaeltacht, Land Commission and Board of Works schemes.

On the housing itself, certainly, I have been down through Connemara not nearer than last Sunday. I have been in four different places and as far as I could see the people have a terrible grievance as to promises not kept. All the people who have applied and who cannot get certificates in order that they could start their houses, complain bitterly. There is no employment in the Gaeltacht at present. As Deputy Lynch mentioned, all the little industries, carrageen and kelp are at the present time at a standstill and there is no employment whatsoever. I have heard that in three or four different places not later than last Sunday, that even for all the relief work there is no employment given there at present. So far as I could see in the different places things are much worse in Connemara than ever I expected—much worse. To deal with the Gaeltacht housing problems in the Gaeltacht itself, I don't blame the Parliamentary Secretary. I blame the Executive Council and the Minister for Finance. The Minister knows nothing whatsoever about the Gaeltacht. He has proved that and certainly the Parliamentary Secretary is in the position that he knows sufficient about the Gaeltacht. The money should be made available for it because of the promises that were made by every member of the Executive Council including the Minister for Finance and the different Deputies that when they would be the Government, what would they not do? I believe the Government are doing nothing to carry out these promises and I say that the Parliamentary Secretary is a bit too soft for the Minister for Finance. I believe myself that to deal with the housing problem in the Gaeltacht and to deal with the problem boldly would take £2,000,000. At least that sum would be necessary.

Why did you not give that advice to Cumann na nGaedheal?

Mr. Brodrick

What do you know about the Gaeltacht?

More than you do.

Mr. Brodrick

Mind Fianna Fáil. There is no use quibbling at it. It is a very big problem and big promises were made to those people in the Gaeltacht. They were the people who suffered and kept the language and the nation together and certainly they deserve something from us. The expenditure of money on reclamation works I mentioned a few days ago. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance spoke of a sum of money, between £50,000 and £60,000, which may go a long way but it will take a great deal more. The same applies to every other part of the West of Ireland. There is plenty of work in the Gaeltacht in the lands of the West, for lime kilns, such as stone and waste and old rubbish——

Does the Deputy know there is no land in the Fíor-Ghaeltacht? Does he not know that the Gaeltacht is a mass of rock? Surely he does.

Mr. Brodrick

The Gaeltacht extends to where I live myself.

And you know it is solid rock.

Mr. Brodrick

You mean the coast?

Would the Deputy answer one question? Does he favour migration from the Gaeltacht to East Galway?

Mr. Brodrick

I think the Deputy knows much better as to whether the tenant you would send from the Gaeltacht coast would be prepared to stay, say, in Deputy Beegan's area. I am doubtful. Deputy Bartley knows Ballinasloe, as he mentioned East Galway—he might answer whether they might be prepared to go.

I can say you can get a sufficiently large number to occupy the spare land.

Mr. Brodrick

We might have a trial at it. I have seen the erection and burning of lime kilns; I have seen the turf built round the rocks and burned without lime at all; I have seen them going to that trouble; I have just passed through it. There is another matter I mentioned some few weeks ago. Regarding the domestic economy school in Clifden in the heart of the Gaeltacht, I mentioned that at an examination of the pupils in Galway by the Agricultural Committee, out of 15 girls, 13 were more efficient in Irish than English. I learned from the remarks of the Rev. Chairman at the time that there was not a word of Irish being spoken in the Domestic Economy School. That is the statement of the Rev. Chairman at the meeting. He said that it was a disgrace to have young girls leaving the national school with a fluent knowledge of Irish and going into a school to which the Department is giving a grant of over £600, and that from once they go into that school they do not hear a word of Irish. A word of Irish is not spoken to them. I have been informed since that the Department are responsible for that condition of affairs.

That grant was given by the Cumann na nGaedheal Government for the extension of the school.

Mr. Brodrick

The Cumann na nGaedheal Government are out of office for over two years.

A Deputy

You did not take it up at that time.

Mr. Brodrick

You have two years of office now and you were to do an enormous work in 12 months. In eight months you were to have unemployment relieved. You have had two runs of Estimates coming along here, and it was up to the people who claim to be so much in favour of the Irish language to see whether £600 was to be spent on a school in the heart of the Gaeltacht where there was not a word of Irish being spoken. We are accused of being Imperialists and traitors, and, therefore, you could not expect us to have the same interest in the language as some of the patriots over there. I am informed that the people in charge of the school are not responsible. They want a certain number of teachers, and the teachers have to be sanctioned by the Department. Although the Minister for Agriculture sanctions teachers who have not a word of Irish for this school in the heart of the Gaeltacht, those girls who go in there, and who hear nothing but English, are expected when they come to Kilmacud after a few years to speak Irish fluently. Is it any credit to the Government that such a state of things should exist in the Gaeltacht? Deputy Flynn told us that in the case of house building, 90 per cent. of the applicants who received grants belonged to the Cumann na nGaedheal Party. If that is the case in the Gaeltacht, how is it that a Fianna Fáil Government is in office?

So much has already been said on this Vote that very little new ground now remains to be covered. It was amusing to hear Deputy Lynch telling the House about legislation that he had in mind for the improvement of fisheries when he was in charge of this Department. Deputy Lynch, who was then Minister for Fisheries, on January 18th, 1923, promised extra protection for our fisheries. He remained in office as Minister for Fisheries for eight years afterwards, but for the first time on this Estimate we heard of the legislation which he had in mind for the protection of the fisheries.

I should like to draw the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary to a few grievances in connection with fisheries which we have in Donegal. It seems to me that the trawling operations of the Sea Fisheries Association have not been the success that was anticipated. I would suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary and to the Sea Fisheries Association that some effort should be made to devote some of the money for the development of fisheries to the hiring of drifters, steam-drifters, instead of to steam-trawlers. At the present time in Donegal, and in other parts of the country where herring-fishing is pursued, when shoals of herring appear in May and in autumn, there are no local boats available and the success or failure of the herring-fishing on the Irish coast depends on the goodwill of English or Scotch firms who send over their drifters and their curers to look for the herrings. I think some effort should be made by the Fisheries Association to repair, if they can be repaired, the drifters taken to Downings Bay during the regime of Deputy Lynch and left there to rot. Some effort should be made on the part of the Sea Fisheries Association to see if these drifters can be repaired and to obtain the services of competent crews who would be in a position to go and locate the shoals instead of waiting for the English or Scotch drifters to come along to our coast.

The fishermen of Teelin—I put this before the Parliamentary Secretary already—have a grievance in respect of the boundary as fixed by the previous regime. I think that an inquiry should be held into the existing boundary on the Teelin-Carrigan river. This boundary, which is part of several fisheries was fixed 78 or 79 years ago through pressure by the then landlords on the tenants. These people consider they have a grievance, and they are anxious that the Department should take up the matter and have an inquiry into the existing boundary to see if in the circumstances it is fair and equitable to them.

We have at present a dispute in Kildoney area, where the fishermen are being prevented from fishing in the river Erne. That matter has been in dispute for some time, and the fishermen feel that the time has come when some decision should be given in regard to it. The fishermen decided that they would enter the Erne estuary and to fish there, and notified the authorities to this effect. The result was that the men who claimed that they have a right to fish there, although the matter has not been legally decided, have been kept out of the fishing area. I hope that the little publicity that the matter has received by the fact that the Guards are being forced to keep the Kildoney fishermen out will hasten a decision on the question of the Erne fisheries. Another estuary in Donegal known as the Loughras Bay estuary was sold separate from the land to the Congested Districts Board. As the Department is the successor of the Congested Districts Board, I would like to point out that the Congested Districts Board offered to sell to the tenants 16 years ago for £1,000 the fishery rights of the Loughras Bay estuary. No agreement was reached and the Congested Districts Board decided to carry on until the capital expended was realised. Now that the tenants are of opinion that the Department had ample time and failed to realise the capital expended, the tenants should now be entitled to the fishery rights.

Application was made some time ago for a proposed change in the close season by the Moville Fishery Board. Despite the fact that the chairman of the board and several other members as well as members of the general public made what they considered a very good case for the proposed alteration, it appears that the Department did not agree to it. If there is any possibility of having the matter re-investigated I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary that he should have the question of the proposed change of the Moville Fishery Board re-opened.

In the Estimates I notice that provision is made for the establishment of new centres. I trust that in the choosing of the centres this year the needs of the district rather than the political affiliations of the people in the district will be the concern of the Department. It is pretty well known in many districts in the Donegal Gaeltacht, where the people were not thinking politically in the direction that the previous Administration were thinking, that centres were not very lavishly established. I think that Deputy McMenamin will agree with me when I point out that nothing had been done in the Gaeltacht area from Glenfin to Dungloe up to a couple of months ago, when a centre was established in the Fintown district. Despite the fact that my colleague, Deputy MacFadden, wept tears about the Fianna Fáil promises to the Gaeltacht, I should say that I think the Deputy should be the last who should complain about the people in the Gaeltacht, because the part of the Gaeltacht that he thinks about has been well catered for, and in the Deputy's own town or parish every industry under the control of the Gaeltacht Department has been established. There are embroidery, weaving, crochet, and I do not know what else there, and for years equally-deserving places had no branch of the Gaeltacht industry at all. My complaint is that the Department catered for a particular area and did not spread out the industries in the manner in which they should have done.

I am sorry that my colleague, Deputy Dillon, is not here to-night. Deputy Dillon was terribly anxious about the Gaeltacht yesterday morning. But he disappeared after his protest about having to sit here at a late sitting and we have not seen him since. If Deputy Dillon had the interest of the Gaeltacht at heart, as he professed to have, he should not begrudge sacrificing one night's sleep, probably the first night's sleep he ever sacrificed, in the interest of the people of the Gaeltacht. He had the opportunity yesterday morning, on another Vote, of casting aspersions on one of his Fianna Fáil colleagues. I would like to tell him now—and he will probably see it in the Official Debates—that the Deputy on whom he is seeking to cast aspersions was working for the Donegal Gaeltacht when Deputy Dillon was unknown in Donegal.

The Donegal Deputies know the Donegal Gaeltacht at least as well as if not better than any Deputy from Mayo. We are quite capable of looking after the interests of the Donegal Gaeltacht. The Deputy made one aspersion here a couple of months ago about lobster fishing in Donegal. Deputy Seamus Moore mentioned yesterday morning that he had drawn this red herring, as he described the lobsters, across the trail. He accused me of giving information to the Parliamentary Secretary and that that information was not correct. The Parliamentary Secretary for Lands and Fisheries has better advisers than I and I agreed with their advice in this case. Knowing the fishermen of Donegal and knowing the time of the year when they go out lobster-fishing and when they engage in line and salmon fishing I was able to agree that the Minister's information was correct. At that particular time they were not engaged in lobster fishing.

I am sorry for another reason that Deputy Dillon is not here. We heard a great deal in the last few days about alternative markets; Deputy Lynch told us about alternative markets for shellfish. He told us there were markets for shellfish in France. It is too bad that Deputy Dillon is not here now, he would be interested in this fact. I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to consider seriously the point of view I have put before him in regard to herring fisheries. I hope his Department will lose no time in devising ways and means for securing three or four extra drifters for the herring fishery.

I move that the Question be put.

I accept that motion.

Question put: "That the Question be now put."
The Committee divided:—Tá, 54; Níl, 35.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Doherty, Joseph.
  • Geoghegan, James.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael Joseph.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearoid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Traynor; Nil: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Motion declared carried.
Main question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 54; Níl, 35.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael Joseph.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire. Ben.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Doherty, Joseph.
  • Geoghegan, James.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearoid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Traynor; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Motion declared carried.
Barr
Roinn