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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 30 May 1934

Vol. 52 No. 16

In Committee on Finance. - Vote 52—Agriculture.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £410,585 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1935, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Talmhaíochta agus seirbhísí áirithe atá fé riaradh na hOifige sin, maraon le hIldeontaisí-i-gCabhair.

That a sum not exceeding £410,585 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1935, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Agriculture and of certain services administered by that Office, including sundry Grants-in-Aid.

The gross total less Appropriations in Aid, for the year 1934-35 amounts to £615,885 as compared with £488,889 for the year 1933-34, which means a net increase of £126,996. There are three rather large items of increase on the Vote this year which I would like to mention. The first one is the Wheat Subsidy which amounts to £70,007, the second is the Oats Purchase scheme which amounts to £90,000, and the third is in connection with the improvement of the Creamery Industry which amounts to £23,885. Those three items make an increase of £183,000 odd which more than accounts for the net increase I have already mentioned of £126,000. There is only one big item of decrease, £10,300 under the heading of Loans for Agricultural Purposes. The principal reason for the reduction in these loans is the fact that since the Credit Corporation reduced their limit the Department of Agriculture have reduced their top limit from £50 to £30. In other words, loans which the farmers might require ranging between £30 and £50, which hitherto were considered by the Department, are now not considered by the Department but referred to the Credit Corporation for reconsideration. There are certain new sub-heads since last year. There is only one new sub-head appearing in the Estimate in addition to the sum that appeared during the year on Supplementary Estimates. It is a new sub-head, Special Agricultural Schemes in Congested Areas in North-West Cavan. That means that these certain areas in North-West Cavan are brought under the congested district schemes. The Department of Agriculture will pay for these schemes half the cost in addition to providing the expenses of an agricultural overseer.

The sub-heads which were provided last year but which did not appear on the original Estimate were M (6), Scheme of Loans for the purchase of Heifers, £1,184; and a contribution of £1,000 to the Credit Corporation for administrative expenses representing 2 per cent. on the amount which it is estimated the Credit Corporation will advance for these loans. That will enable the Credit Corporation to make such loans at 4 per cent. instead of the usual charge of 6 per cent. charged to the ordinary borrowers. These loans are repayable if under £30 in three annual instalments; if between £30 and £50 they are repayable in four annual instalments, and if over £50, in five annual instalments. Borrowers under the Heifer Loan Scheme are required to make a deposit of 10 per cent. of the cost of the cattle.

Another new sub-head is M (7), Oat Purchase Scheme. The oat purchase scheme provides that the Department will take over on the 30th June all stocks in excess of 50 barrels in the merchants' stores at 10/6 per barrel. That is to say, from those merchants who participated in the scheme of last October by which merchants undertook to pay 9/- a barrel for white oats bushelling 40 lbs. There was provided in the Estimate £90,000 for this oats scheme of which it was expected £57,000 would be unexpended. In other words, it was contemplated that we would lose under this scheme £33,000. This is, of course, absolutely improbable now. In fact it is impossible to contemplate now that there will be any loss because it is not likely that any merchant will offer us good white oats bushelling 40 lbs. at the end of June seeing that at the present price it is worth 16/- a barrel.

M (8) is the next sub-head. It is a token provision of £5 for the Butter Purchase Scheme. It is not possible yet to say what the loss on this will be. In this case the Dairy Disposals Board took over a certain amount of butter during the winter from the holders who were not able to hold all the butter owing to financial difficulties; and there was a possibility that they might break the market and reduce the price if somebody did not come to their aid. The Dairy Disposals Board took over this butter and relieved the price. I am not sure yet what loss they may have sustained in keeping this butter on during the winter without having a possibility of making any profit on it but they had to hold it at any rate.

The next sub-head is O (9), Agricultural Produce (Cereals) Acts, 1933. The principal item is the bounty of £120,000 on wheat. The Estimate is based on a crop of 60,000 tons of which about two-thirds will be sold by December 15th. That will be entitled to a bounty of £3 a ton roughly. That is, of course, only an estimate. Possibly it is an underestimate and I think it is more likely to be an underestimate than an overestimate. Then there is a further item of £3,500 advance to seed merchants who sold seeds to farmers on credit under this scheme. If a merchant sells wheat on credit to the farmer the Department will advance him half of the price of the seed sold to the farmer on the production of a form authorising the farmer to pay. The Department will pay the merchant on a similar authorisation the other 50 per cent. out of the bounty to which the farmer is entitled.

There is another sub-head, O (10), Agricultural Products (Regulation of Export) Act, £18,065. Last autumn there was a considerable amount of bacon in the country and we had a certain quota to fill which we could get easily filled at that time during the months of September, October and November. But we foresaw that we would have considerable difficulty in filling the quota allotted to us during the months of February and March. We asked the bacon curers to keep over a certain amount in cold storage so as to be able to supply the home market and to fill our quota. The bacon curers were rather reluctant to fall in with the scheme, being somewhat dubious of the result. We induced them to do so by guaranteeing them that if they suffered any loss under the scheme we would make up the loss. Now the maximum which we were asked to make up by way of loss was 10/- a cwt. It was expected at that time by those who would be regarded as experts in the bacon market that the Department would have to bear this loss of 10/- a cwt. We find now that there will be no such loss—that the loss will be nothing like £18,000 but that it will be much nearer to £2,000 or £3,000.

The next sub-head is O (11), £3,086, Musk Rats Act. The officer in charge has made a survey recently of the district from Limerick City to Banagher and extending five miles inland from each side of the Shannon. He considers that the menace has been largely checked.

O (12), Acquisition of Land (Allotments) (Amendment) Act, 1934-£4,000. Under the Act which was recently passed by the Oireachtas it was estimated that about 2,800 allotments with one-eighth of an acre would be provided for persons who are anxious to take these allotments. A grant is to be made to the local authorities to cover the cost of providing seeds, manures and instruments to work the plots.

Apart from these new sub-heads, the ordinary sub-heads, which have appeared in the Estimates from year to year, will not, I think, give any great trouble to Deputies. The only thing about which I want to draw attention is sub-head (A)—Salaries, £123,885. That does not include all the salaries paid by the Department. For that the total provision is £228,229. There are, for instance, salaries paid to the technical and outdoor staff which is employed more particularly for special branches of the work. They are provided for on the sub-heads relating to those branches. The same thing would apply to sub-head (B).—Travelling Expenses, £11,500. The total travelling expenses incurred by the officers is £31,225. I do not think it is necessary for me to draw attention to the other sub-head at the moment. If any Deputy has any difficulty at a later stage I can deal with it.

Deputies will probably expect to hear something more about agricultural policy, as I incurred severe censure last year for not giving a review of agriculture when introducing the Estimate, and I should like to speak of some particular aspects of agriculture, and especially with regard to the prices of commodities. Firstly, taking the tillage side of agriculture, we have provided, as Deputies are aware, a price for wheat of 23/6 to 25/- per barrel, according to the time of the year at which it is sold, and as a result of this wheat policy we increased our wheat acreage from 22,000 acres in 1932 to 52,000 acres in 1933, and I think there is very little doubt that the acreage in 1934 will exceed 100,000 acres. There is one really significant thing about this wheat policy, and that is that we have demonstrated, once and for all, to a very doubting public and, I may say, to a very doubting Opposition, that wheat can and has been grown in this country.

We spent very valuable time in this House for many years on this very question of whether wheat could be grown or not, and we have proved that wheat can be grown to advantage and with profit to those who have undertaken it under this scheme. The fact that after one year's trial of the scheme we have at least doubled our acreage is sufficient to show that the farming community, at any rate, believe in this scheme of wheat growing. If this policy had been adopted when it was first advocated, say, six years ago, it is quite possible that we might now have reached the growing of practically our full requirements, and by their obstinacy and ignorance in regard to this policy the Opposition, who were the Government at the time, might very well be accused of having deprived the farmers of an income of about £5,000,000 a year at the present time. The Opposition, however, have now, I understand, adopted the wheat growing policy in their greed to swallow the whole Fianna Fáil programme, so that the farmers, who have set themselves out to operate that policy, part of which is the growing of wheat, can be assured that, whatever Government may come into office in this country in the years to come, the wheat policy will be continued.

The world price of wheat during the last year would probably average 14/- a barrel when the Irish farmers were getting a price of 23/6 to 25/- a barrel. The other cereals, barley and oats, were dealt with in a different way under the legislation that was introduced here in 1932. At that time we considered that if we were to provide a market for barley and oats, we would have done all that was necessary to deal with these two commodities. We found, however, that last autumn a crisis arose here with regard to prices, and oats were sold at 6/6 and 7/- a barrel in many cases, and in some cases perhaps lower, whereas I saw a quotation yesterday, which had been accepted, of 17/6 a barrel. Barley was somewhat better; it did not slump as badly as oats, but I am quite sure that a good lot of oats was bought last autumn at a price as low as 12/- or 12/6 a barrel. Barley is being bought fairly freely now at 22/6 a barrel, and I have been told by one buyer that he had to pay as much as 25/-. That is a state of affairs that should not be allowed to continue because it would be impossible to administer this cereals scheme if that were to continue over another year, and a Bill is in preparation to ensure that the grower, at any rate, will get his fair share of the price of these cereals in years to come.

That terrible slump in oats and barley would not have been necessary if the propaganda which was carried on had not been carried on. Every day during those months of October and November I read, when coming into town, on the posters of the Independent and the Irish Times such things as “The Oats Muddle” and “Dr. Ryan's Dilemma.” Those papers appeared day after day pointing out that we had lost the English market for oats and barley and that there was no other market for it, and commiserating with the poor farmers who had to get rid of their oats and barley at any price. I called meetings of the maize millers and merchants on several occasions, and I asked them to arrange to give a fair price for oats and barley at that time. The maize millers said they had no storage, and my Department put up a solution for that problem by asking them to give contracts for a year's supply to the merchants who had stores, and giving the merchants an order for a certain quantity to be delivered monthly throughout the year, and stating the price they were prepared to pay. The merchants said if that was done by the maize millers they could get the corn and store it and would carry out agreed contracts on that basis. The maize millers, however, refused to do it because they had no faith in the scheme and throught that the amount of oats and barley in the country could not be absorbed under the scheme. Having failed with the maize millers, we asked the merchants to adopt a scheme of paying a fixed price for all oats, and some adopted the scheme and some did not. On the whole, it was rather unsatisfactory so far as the farmers were concerned.

However, things were not as unsatisfactory as they might have been if we had this world market about which these papers were talking at that time, because the farmers were probably getting a better average than 12/- per barrel for barley while the price of barley landed in Great Britain, on a free market, was about 10/6 per barrel, so that if there was a free market here for barley, and if there was a free market for our barley in Great Britain, we would not have done as well as we did last autumn, although we did badly. In the same way the price of oats landed in England was lower than it was here, so that, in the first place, there was no foundation whatever for the terrible propaganda that was carried on, and, in the second place, instead of embarrassing the Government, which, of course, was the object of the propaganda—and it may be that it did have that effect, to some extent, but the Government, at any rate, got over it—the net effect was to deprive the farmers who had grain to sell of a very considerable amount of money and much more than would pay the outstanding rates all over the country at present. The farmers, therefore, ought to beware in future of these Press propagandists and Opposition speakers when they speak of the hard lines of the farmers and of alternative markets.

On account of the protection in the market, potatoes have considerably increased in price, but only of course, during the last few weeks, and at a time when the big majority of those who had potatoes for sale had disposed of them. To such an extent indeed has this price gone up that there is great difficulty in preventing the smuggling of potatoes from across the Border. It is rather a commentary on the contention by some people that there are such great prices to be got for farm produce in the British market, that we have the Six-County farmers trying to smuggle potatoes, butter and other things across the Border into the Free State.

Did you say butter?

Dr. Ryan

Yes—butter.

And cattle, I presume?

Dr. Ryan

No; we had to put a tariff on the cattle.

Had you calf skins coming over?

Dr. Ryan

We had to put a tariff on the calf skins too. Apart from the temporary increase in the price of potatoes here in this market for the last month or so, there is undoubtedly a surplus of potatoes produced in the Irish Free State for our own needs, but it is only a small surplus. I think it amounts to only about 2 or 3 per cent. of our total production. When we had a free market without any tariffs or any restrictions against us I think we never exported more than 2 or 3 per cent. of our production, but even 2 or 3 per cent. of a surplus is quite sufficient to depress prices, and something must be done to deal with that surplus. There is, of course, a quota to Great Britain, and a certain amount of potatoes have been sent out to other markets. On the whole, there has been no great slump in the price of potatoes during the last two years, but it would be well if the price could be improved. In order to remove a surplus from the market the advisability of starting industrial alcohol factories has been considered. We are now hopeful that one group of factories may be in course of erection before very long. Deputies are aware, of course, that there are three new beet factories in course of erection, and with the original factory at Carlow they will be capable of dealing with about 52,000 acres of beet when they are running smoothly. I think that the acreage which they will be asked to deal with this year will not be very much in excess of about 40,000 acres. There were applications amounting to 30,000 acres from the area which up to this supplied Carlow. This goes to show that the farmers who have grown the beet, and who have experience of beet, consider the ruling price to be satisfactory and remunerative. As regards tillage crops, fruit and vegetables have, of course, been protected, and there is a considerable increase in the acreage under fruit. The planting of fruit trees has been encouraged by the Department, and we mean to continue to encourage the planting of fruit trees as much as possible during the coming year.

As regards tobacco, the grower of tobacco during the coming year will realise an average of about 1/5 per lb. There were, in fact, applications at a price of 2d. a lb. less, because it was increased by 2d. in the Budget. At 1/3 a lb. there were applications for 8,500 acres, but only about 1,000 acres could be allowed for this year. Even on that basis it will probably be necessary to include quite a high percentage of the tobacco in plugs and pipe mixtures during the coming year, and quite a small percentage in the cigarette tobacco. There will be a Bill introduced in the Dáil, I hope within a week or two, dealing with the whole tobacco situation, and it is hardly necessary to delay further on it at this stage. Eggs have fallen in price very much since the year 1929, but the big fall in price took place from 1929 to 1931. Let us take the price on the 19th May last; it was better than for the 19th May, 1932. The 19th May, 1932, was a date before any tariffs were imposed against the importation of eggs into Great Britain. Eggs, according to returns made by the Department of Industry and Commerce, were 8d. a dozen on the 19th May, 1932. On the 9th May, 1933, they were 7¾d., and in 1934 they were 9½d. These are the average prices at markets in Saorstát Eireann.

Where were these prices taken?

Dr. Ryan

They were taken from a number of towns.

What was the price of eggs in Wexford on the 19th May? They were 5d. a dozen.

Dr. Ryan

Then if you can get the eggs there you will make your fortune.

The eggs are there for you if you want to make your fortune. The fortune and the eggs are there for you.

Dr. Ryan

You would make your fortune on them at 5d. a dozen.

They are there for you.

Dr. Ryan

Then you are losing your time here.

Two of us are losing it.

Where were those prices taken? Was it at the ports?

Dr. Ryan

No—at towns in the Saorstát.

Not seaport towns?

Dr. Ryan

No.

Wexford is not a seaport town now!

Dr. Ryan

It was in 1932 anyway. The list of towns is as follows: Athy, Dublin, Dundalk, Kilkenny, Wexford, Cork, Limerick, Tralee, Waterford, Ballina, Galway, Sligo, Cavan and Monaghan.

What is the price?

Dr. Ryan

9½d. is the average price.

Can the Minister say what they were in Clones and Longford, when are the two principal egg markets in Ireland?

Dr. Ryan

I have not got that figure.

That is strange, considering that they are the two principal egg markets in Ireland.

Dr. Ryan

It is a pity the Deputy has not corrected the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Irish trade returns in these matters. At any rate, whether Longford and Clones are there or not, the towns from which those prices are taken were under the very same conditions on the 19th May, 1932, so the same position holds anyway. Clones and Longford were never included, and are not included now. In this connection, there have been some complaints with regard to the delay in the payment of bounties, and it has been represented to me that eggs would be a better price if bounties were paid promptly, so that dealers would be in a position to go out and compete against one another without standing out of their money. I am taking steps to have that position remedied as soon as possible.

So these prices were regulated by the British price.

Dr. Ryan

No, they were not.

What do you want a bounty for then?

Dr. Ryan

They were not. I was thinking that the Deputy might raise that.

It is sticking out.

Dr. Ryan

The British prices have gone down instead of up during those two years.

Are they below those prices?

Dr. Ryan

Yes.

Then why, in Heaven's name, are you paying a bounty to send eggs to a cheaper market than you have here?

Dr. Ryan

Because we did not see that our farmers could live under starvation conditions which the British farmers are living under.

And you are paying a bounty to send them over.

I presume the Deputy will participate in this debate later.

Dr. Ryan

I thought the Deputy would be a little more responsible after he moved to the Front Bench but he is not.

It is hard to be responsible among irresponsibles.

Dr. Ryan

That is true, but what can you do? You have to put up with them now. During the same period, from 19th May, 1932, to 19th May, 1934, the price of eggs in British towns had gone down by 1d. per dozen, while it had gone up by 1½d. here.

What were the actual figures?

Dr. Ryan

From 10½d. to 9½d.

What was the British price on 19th May this year?

Dr. Ryan

9½d.

The same as here?

Dr. Ryan

The very same. They were 2½d. higher in 1932. The Deputy probably cannot understand that, but there is quite an obvious explanation for it.

I am afraid the Minister is getting mixed.

Dr. Ryan

With regard to poultry, the price during the last few months has I believe been satisfactory, ranging around 1/3 per lb. I cannot get any export price for poultry because there are practically no exports at present except of old hens. The Poultry Bill which is before the Dáil at present will enable us to have certain diseases eliminated which have been very destructive on our flocks during the last three or four years, in fact the last five or six years. I know I was driven out of poultry producing myself about 1929 by all these diseases.

You should have applied to us and we would have cured them for you.

Dr. Ryan

I did not know you so well that time. If this Bill is capable, as I think it should be, of eliminating some of these diseases, such as bacillary white diarrhoea, completely from the stock in this country I am assured by some experts in this business that we have the best stock in the world practically and that if we were free from disease here we could get a very good reputation, with a little advertising, perhaps, for breeding stock. There may possibly be some trade to be done in that in the future in addition to what we are doing at present. The next item I have here is wool. Wool is quoted at 7-5/8d. per lb. as the average price in the Free State at present. I keep a few sheep and I had to keep the wool for about three years and I only sold it at the end of last year when prices had improved somewhat. They are a little better now even than they were at that time. So that comparing it with 1932, that is the pre-economic war period, which is held out as the time of milk and honey for the farmers, wool is at least twice as good as it was at that time for the farmers.

Twice as good?

Dr. Ryan

Yes, at least twice as good. I think it is a little bit more than twice as good.

Did you keep the sheep too?

Dr. Ryan

I might keep them for nine years if Cumann na nGaedheal were there. I could not sell the wool.

What did this Government do to increase the price of wool?

Dr. Ryan

Nothing, but still I say wool is better. What did the last Government do to increase it?

World prices have gone up?

Dr. Ryan

Yes. Neither Government is responsible for that. I am stating the fact that wool prices are better. I am not saying that this or any other Government did it. Then we come to butter and milk products. Last year, during the eight months from the 1st April to the end of November, butter was 102/- per cwt. at the creameries, and during the other four months of winter creamery butter was worth 132/- to them. During that 12 months world prices varied, making an average of probably about 80/- per cwt. Other milk products, of course, followed more or less in the same relation as the Free State, and world prices varied for butter. During 1933 the Free State farmer supplying a creamery received on an average about 4¼d. per gallon for milk. If world conditions had obtained here, in other words, if we had no such things as bounties, subsidies or tariffs, or no economic war, absolute free trade between Great Britain and Ireland, the creamery farmers would have received about 2½d. per gallon for milk.

As a result of this levy and bounty scheme, of course, certain difficulties arise. One of them arose rather acutely towards the end of last year, and I am afraid it will have to be dealt with in the very near future. That difficulty is, that while creameries are paying a levy of 3½d. per lb. for the privilege of raising the price of butter by 6d. per lb., the farmer who sells his own butter is getting the advantage of that rise in price without paying any levy. The result is that suppliers to creameries in districts bordering on farmers' butter areas are inclined to leave the creameries and go into the production of farmers' butter, for which, of course, they get a better net price, because they get the price from the grocer without paying any levy. In order to see fair play between the creameries and the farmers it will be necessary to try and get a levy off the butter produced by the farmers.

Apart altogether from the inequality between the creamery producer and the farmer who is producing farmer's butter, there are two classes of farmers producing farmers' butter. There is an injustice being done as between the two classes of farmers inside that category. One farmer supplies lb. rolls made up for consumption to the grocer, and the grocer pays him the best price he can in order to keep his custom. The grocer sells that butter to his customers. Another farmer brings in a lump of fresh butter and sells it to a factory proprietor or agent. The butter sold to the factory is realising 4d. or 5d. per lb. less than the other butter, which is sold by the farmer for direct human consumption. If this levy which I have suggested were put on farmers' butter, it would go into a pool, and out of that pool the factory which exports butter would get the bounty. That would have the effect of raising the general price level of farmers' butter, so that the man who is buying fresh butter for the factory would be able to pay 2d. per lb. more. The farmer, however, who is selling butter in rolls to the grocer would get 2d. per lb. less. That would be the net result of the whole scheme—to my mind a very fair scheme.

Robbing Peter to pay Paul.

Dr. Ryan

It does not matter whether you rob Peter to pay Paul or rob Paul to pay Peter as long as you try to equalise it. Whom would the Deputy rob? You must rob somebody. Speaking on this matter of butter production, the residents in a number of areas comprising very poor land, practically in congested districts, in the County Kerry, for instance, believe that they would be able to do very much better from the agricultural point of view if they had creameries. The Department of Agriculture is more or less inclined to agree with that view, that creameries would be a great boon to some of those areas, but they are very scattered areas and probably would not be able to maintain economically the ordinary creamery with the ordinary auxiliaries around, because an auxiliary creamery is not an economic unit unless it gets 1,000 gallons a day. The only way we could see of getting over the difficulty was to invent a travelling creamery, which has proved successful on trial. I think it will be possible to overcome the difficulties which have hitherto been met with in these areas by having the travelling creamery operating, but a Bill will have to come before the Dáil to legalise travelling creameries, and I need not say anything more about it now.

There is another matter that will have to be dealt with by legislation. There are what are called farmers' dairies being set up in some parts of the country. I was asked a question about this matter, and I said it would be dealt with by legislation as soon as possible. The legislation is being prepared, but, as the amendment to the Creamery Act was being drafted, it was discovered that there were three or four other matters which it was also necessary to include in the Bill. This has delayed it somewhat, but I expect it will be ready in the very near future. It will be necessary to get after these people who are setting up farmers' dairies and to make them apply for registration. They are not applying for registration. We know very well who owns them, but we have not sufficient evidence to bring them before the court to prove who own them. In this Bill we will be able to deal with that particular matter.

With regard to pigs and bacon, the prices for pigs and bacon are the best since the 19th May, 1932, the date which I quoted before in relation to prices. On that date bacon pigs were 51/9 per cwt., and they are now 57/9 per cwt., an increase of 6/- per cwt. On the same dates in Great Britain they increased from 65/- to 70/6, a difference of 5/6 per cwt. Early in May, of 1933, I brought forward a motion to set up a tribunal to inquire into the bacon industry. The proposal was freely ridiculed by the Opposition and treated as a bit of a joke, but I think everybody, even the most irresponsible people in the Opposition, will admit now, if they have read the report of that tribunal, that it is one of the finest reports that has been produced by any tribunal set up to deal with a similar subject. It deals very intelligently and very fully with the whole bacon question. A Bill is in preparation on the lines of the report, and I hope to have that Bill also here this session. It may be possible, as a result of this legislation which we hope to bring in, to prevent some of those very big slumps in bacon which have occurred in the past, slumps which practically ruined farmers who had large numbers of pigs.

As regards sheep and lambs, fat sheep, on the 19th May, 1934, were quoted at 37/9 a cwt. In 1932 they were 38/3 a cwt.; that is to say, they are 6d. a cwt. less than in 1932. Fat lambs were quoted at 50/9, as against 51/9, a shilling less than in 1932. I find, on going back to the prices of sheep and lambs for every week during the last three years, that there was a short period during the spring of 1932 in which sheep and lambs were a little bit higher than at present. With the exception of that short period of two months or so during the late spring of 1932, sheep and lambs are higher now than they were since the middle of 1931. I can therefore say that, with the exception of cattle, which I need not go into now, the farmer has not suffered as a result of the economic war. As a matter of fact, I think it can be shown that in many of the commodities which I have mentioned he is getting better prices than if he were in the position of having an absolutely free market in Great Britain—no tariffs, no bounties, no subsidies or anything else, but just a free market between the two countries. He would not be getting such a high price for some of his commodities, certainly not for milk or some articles of which we have not a surplus—fruit, vegetables and things of that sort. If Deputies will go back I think they will find that the fall in the prices of some of the commodities I have mentioned was much more severe from 1929 to 1931 than it had been at any previous period or any period since, and probably prices at the end of 1931 were at a level at which the farmer was finding it almost impossible to carry on.

As regards cattle prices, fat cattle, on the 19th May, 1934, were 23/3. That is the Dublin market average. Compare that price with 44/- in May, 1932, and you have a reduction there of 21/9 per cwt. In order to get a true picture of the position we want to see how cattle prices have gone in Great Britain during the same period so as to find out whether there is a general fall in cattle prices in Britain and other countries. In Great Britain cattle prices fell from 49/10 to 39/8, or by 10/2. The difference between the two falls would be 11/7 per cwt. In other words, the net fall of fat cattle on the Dublin market would be 11/7. Stores from one to two years in the Free State fell from £12 3s. 3d. to £6 2s. 9d., a difference of about £6. During the same period the same class of cattle fell in Great Britain by £3 5s. Two to three year old animals in the Free State fell from £15 9s. to £8 1s. 9d., a fall of £7 7s. 3d. In the same period in Great Britain they fell by £3 5s., so that the average net reduction—the reduction here over and above what the reduction was in Great Britain for this class of cattle—was:—Fats, 10 cwt. beasts, £5 17s. 6d.; two years old, £4 2s. 3d., and yearlings, £2 5s. 6d. The net fall in the price of milch cows was £3 8s. 9d. Comparatively speaking, the cows have suffered less because there was no quota. That is the point I am coming to, that as long as the tariff was there the fall could be almost measured. As a matter of fact, all the time it can be put more or less at the tariff less the bounty. That was just about the difference in the fall here, but from the time the quota was imposed quite a different position arose here, and where the quota was very restricted, as in the case of fat cattle, the fall was more severe, whereas where there was no quota, as in the case of cows, we still maintain that position of a fall amounting to the tariff less the bounty, and then in the case of store cattle, where there was a less restrictive quota, the position remained about the same as in the case of cows.

Are the prices that the Minister took for fat cattle for Dublin, the prices that ruled for licensed cattle?

Dr. Ryan

No, that was the average price.

Licensed and unlicensed?

Dr. Ryan

Yes. Taking an average amount, therefore, of the fall in the case of cattle it works out somewhere about £3 8s. 9d. on the average.

What kind of cattle?

Dr. Ryan

The average kind of cattle—taking them all round, yearlings, two years old, cows and so on, they average somewhere about £3 8s. 9d. I have not taken calves into account because if I did the prices would be lower.

But no price that you mentioned is less than the average.

Dr. Ryan

Yes. I mentioned yearlings—£2 5s. 6d.

I do not think so. I would like to see the Minister's speech.

Dr. Ryan

If the Deputy would have patience he will hear what I have to say and if he has more patience he will be able to read my speech to-morrow. However, what I am referring to is the difference between the fall here and the fall in Great Britain. It is doubtful if the loss on cattle on that basis would exceed the benefits which were given to agriculture by way of the decrease in the land annuities and the other benefits that were given. Now the important point about this whole matter is that the quota has made all the difference and that, unfortunately, the quota is permanent. Whatever we may think about the tariffs, I think we had better assume that the quota is permanent. The quota is really the serious thing and what we in this country have to deal with is this question of the restriction on the exports of cattle and to see if that situation can be met or if we can find any solution for it.

When the quota was imposed on cattle on the 1st of January we had a fair idea in the Department of Agriculture of the number of cattle in the country and we did say—I said it publicly on three or four occasions and some of the cattle dealers have been generous enough to admit it since, although I suppose it would be too much to expect Deputies opposite to admit it—that if they only had a little patience and held on we would be able to get rid of all our fat cattle by the end of May. However, they did not have patience. They did not have patience because they were stampeded by the usual cry about the farmers being ruined and the terrible condition of the country and so on. We had the same position with regard to oats. The same propaganda about the ruin of agriculture and so on was used and the result was that farmers were prepared to sell their produce at any price they could get for it. If there had been a little hardening on the part of the farmers at that time they could have insisted eventually on getting as good a price as was being got abroad.

Does the Minister mean as good a price as they would get in England?

Dr. Ryan

Yes, if they had only had patience they could have got as good price for the cattle whether under licence or without licence.

As a farmer, I cannot stick that sort of statement from the Minister.

Dr. Ryan

I can understand that there might be an argument made in the case of oats—that the farmer could not hold over his oats, but in the case of cattle the position was that he had to hold his cattle, and as he had to hold his cattle I advised him to hold out for as good a price as he could get.

Even if he held out, he would not get it.

Dr. Ryan

Why not, if he insisted on it?

Because there was a dozen cattle to fill the one job.

Dr. Ryan

What was done with the rest? Did he not have to hold on to them in any case, and was there not the home market?

Oh, balderdash!

Dr. Ryan

That kind of remark shows the level of intelligence of the Deputies opposite. The cattle would have been used in any case by our own butchers or exported under the quota. So, there was no advantage in rushing to sell them, only that they were stampeded by that sort of propaganda of the United Ireland Party that the farmers were ruined. However, giving way to that propaganda cost them dearly.

You have broken the farmers, and you cannot deny it.

Dr. Ryan

Deputy Belton put down a motion asking us what we were going to do with the 58 per cent. of cattle. They are gone now.

It is out to grass that they have gone.

Dr. Ryan

They are not.

Why did not the Minister meet that motion of Deputy Belton's?

Dr. Ryan

I could not reach it, because of all the other motions that were down in the names of various Deputies. I would have been delighted to meet the motion if I could have done so.

Does the Minister not think now that it would have been worth while to meet the motion?

Dr. Ryan

I would have been glad to meet it if there were time.

The Minister makes the case now that the cattle could have been got rid of, but he did not meet the motion.

Dr. Ryan

I can produce for the Deputy many public statements I made at the time to the effect that we could get rid of the cattle by the end of May.

The Deputy had the opportunity of coming here to the House to tell us that.

They gave them away.

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy says they gave them away. My point is that they need not have given them away.

Supposing a man had a great many cattle. The Minister says that he should have held on to them and that he would have been able to get rid of them by the end of May. How was he to keep and feed these cattle in the meantime? The Minister knows the country as well as I do.

Dr. Ryan

I do not like to question the Deputy, but if he thinks over this he will see that whatever the man did he either sold the cattle under a licence for export or he sold them to the butcher at home.

Or he left them out on grass.

That might be all right if a man was in a position to feed his stock, but the Minister knows that it is impossible to keep and feed them. It is all very well for the Minister to tell the man to have patience, but how is he to carry on in the meantime?

Dr. Ryan

Many farmers wrote to me—some of whom I know well-about the end of January. They had a number of cattle, perhaps 20 or 30 head, and one particular man had 65. They told me they had no feeding for their cattle. I wrote back and told them that I could not help them with regard to licensing; that I could not give them any more licences than they were entitled to, but that the home market was open to them. These men did not dispose of their cattle, although they said they had no feeding. They held on to their cattle and, as a result, they eventually got a good price. In the beginning, if the leaders of the Opposition had had a little bit of concern for the farmer, and if they had gone about the matter in an intelligent and helpful way instead of all this talk about the farmer being ruined and his markets being destroyed, and all this propaganda and this kind of talk that certain newspapers are always ready to use about black bread and so on—if they had been a little more helpful, the farmers would not have been stampeded and would have been able to get a good price.

Will the Minister deny that we told him what to do—to give licences to the farmers—and that he did it on our advice?

Dr. Ryan

Post factum advice. However, we will hardly agree on this point....

I am sure we will not.

The Minister may take that for granted.

Dr. Ryan

Well, as I say, we will hardly agree on this, but I want to make an appeal to Deputies opposite to try to approach this question in a helpful way.

You want to try to make the farmers believe what is not true.

Dr. Ryan

No, I would not do that. However, I am going to try to get down to something we will agree on. I want the Deputies here to be helpful. We have a formula here with which I think everybody will agree. If the quota is permanent and everybody believes now, I think, that it is permanent, there is but one solution. If Deputies opposite think that the quota can be changed I think they are very foolish, because New Zealand and Canada and other countries have made attempts with the British Government to get away from these quotas and they have not succeeded, and any Government here cannot succeed in that.

We do not agree at all with that point of view.

Dr. Ryan

I do not know how the Deputy can deny it, seeing the pressure made by New Zealand to get rid of that.

Did not the Minister for Finance point out the other day how much stronger bargaining assets we had than New Zealand?

Dr. Ryan

That is right. At any rate, until we come to this bargaining with stronger assets, the quota is there and we believe that as long as that quota is there we have too many cattle and that is what we have to face now. We have in this country 1,200,000 cows. That is, I believe, the number. We want, of course, probably about 900,000 cows in order to supply our own needs in beef, butter and other milk products.

Would the Minister repeat the figure of our cow population?

Dr. Ryan

I think it is 1,200,000 or 1,300,000.

If these figures are correct it must have gone down.

Dr. Ryan

It may have gone down. I think 1,300,000 would be nearer the mark. We must drop 20 per cent. or 30 per cent. of our cow population, and if we want to be self-sufficient in milk products the lowest number of cows necessary to supply our requirements would be about 900,000. If, in fact, we were to give our own population as much milk and butter as they would like to use we would want more than that number. We would want all the cows we have. There is not much room for the policy of getting rid of cows. Even if we got rid of 200,000 or 300,000 cows we would still have 900,000 cows. The most we could use in the way of beef would be 250,000. Then you would have 550,000 cattle surplus, which must go somewhere or other. Seeing that those quotas are progressing, and they may be progressive from year to year, it is well to take the precaution to see that we have not too many cattle in the country.

It is a good thing!!

And the fluke was a blessing.

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy only got in by a fluke.

The Minister got in by a fluke, but it will never happen again.

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy is very cocky now. I did not think O'Duffy's letter would make him so terribly proud of himself. We have a surplus of 550,000 cattle. These quotas are progressing and we may not have a foreign market for these cattle. Therefore, we must get down to the economy of using some of our own meat at home and take our cue from other countries. We have to solve the problem and consume veal rather than beef. We should encourage the consumption of veal here. The giving of a bounty on calf skins is referred to by people who do not agree with us as a sort of atrocity. Killing calves is said to be an atrocity.

Yes, it is.

Dr. Ryan

I wonder where does the Deputy draw the line? A calf is a calf up to the age of four months. A calf is baby beef at eight months.

And what is a calf two days old? That, surely, is not beef, and it is not veal.

Dr. Ryan

It is in Cork.

The foxhounds even will not eat it.

Dr. Ryan

Deputies talk about an atrocity. I would like a definition of it. At some stage or another you pass from an atrocity to good agricultural economy. I do not know where the line is.

You are right, you do not.

Dr. Ryan

If the Deputy would tell me, I may be able to meet him.

Will the Minister say in what countries do they kill calves, and what breeds of calves?

Dr. Ryan

In France.

What breed of calves?

Dr. Ryan

French calves.

In France they breed French calves, and in Ireland Irish calves!

Dr. Ryan

Sure. The next difficulty that is put up by the Opposition people is that if we have a loss of cattle, it will be impossible to have more wheat or more grain. I think again if Deputies would look to France and Germany they will find that those countries do not export any cattle or live stock produce. They import more than they export, and that is particularly true of France. I think Germany last year grew all the grain, or nearly all the grain, required, 98 per cent., and France grew more than she wanted, so that they are regulating their agriculture on that basis. They can grow all their grain, and they do not export either cattle or any meat products. Yet they are able to balance their agricultural economy and they are rotating their crops. That seemed to be the big difficulty—the rotating of crops.

Surely the Minister is beyond the baby line.

Dr. Ryan

It is a pity I am. I might stay a little longer with the Deputy. How did they do it in this country some years ago? We then grew more grain. When we look at the statistics for the last ten or twenty years we had a ratio of root crops to grain crops of one to one where it might have been two to one, or perhaps three to one. I have seen tillage being done in my county at a ratio of four to one. That is four grain crops to one of roots or potato crops. I do not see, therefore, that that can be put up as a serious difficulty. We ought to get down and face this thing of dealing with the cattle, and not talk of the difficulty about the rotation of crops. In the first place, we are preparing a scheme for the elimination of diseased cattle. This is a favourable opportunity of getting rid of those diseased cattle so that we will have our cattle as healthy as possible. It is necessary to bring in a Bill for that purpose, and that Bill is in course of preparation. It will be introduced into the House in a week or two. Then, the second thing which I wish to mention is this: that we have old cows that are not diseased. They do not come under the Tuberculosis Order because they are not diseased. Still we want to get rid of them. We are also preparing a scheme for dealing with those cows and disposing of them in the way of meat meal.

At what sort of price —what are you prepared to give for those old cows? They can get 10/- for them in the kennels for feeding the hounds.

Dr. Ryan

We can give more than that.

But you will take it from us before you give it to us.

Dr. Ryan

I will not take much from the Deputy.

Not if I can help it.

Dr. Ryan

Unless he commits himself again. However, we mean to bring in a scheme for the disposal of these old cows for meat meal, and I can promise the Deputies opposite that they need have no fears that any part of these old cows will be allowed to be used for human consumption in this country.

We have too much good beef for that.

Dr. Ryan

With a continuation of the encouragement of the consumption of veal, we may in time reach a position in which our cattle will not be surplus and in which we will have only enough to meet the needs of the home market and whatever quotas we may have. That may be sufficient to deal with the situation in a year or two, if we did it now, but, for the present, we have the problem of a certain surplus of cattle—two year olds and over and cattle fattening on grass and so on— and we have to deal with them. We are preparing a Bill to deal with them also, and I think we will be able to see that, whatever advice the Cumann na nGaedheal people may give in future to the farmers, they will not sell at ridiculous prices. I am beginning to think that the farmers must be saved from these propagandists by legislation, so that they will not be allowed to take this advice.

If the Minister would leave the farmers to themselves——

Dr. Ryan

If only the Deputy would leave them to themselves.

——they would be much better off than they are to-day.

Dr. Ryan

I agree with you. I have given prices and conditions with regard to commodities other than cattle and I think it will be agreed that in respect of every commodity, with the exception of cattle, the farmers are better off than they would be if they had a free market in Great Britain. If, however, we could stabilise the price of cattle or improve it somewhat, we would have done a great deal for the farmer who has suffered very much for the last couple of years. I should like it to be understood, however, that even if we did improve the price of cattle very much—and I do not claim that we are going to improve it very much but we may be able to do something for cattle—I do not believe the farmer would be rolling in riches as a result. He certainly would not be as well off as I should like to see him. That is all I have to say on this Estimate. I am not very optimistic as to receiving any very useful suggestions from the other side but if there is any intelligent criticism offered, I shall be very glad to give it full consideration.

We have heard a long statement from the Minister in moving this Estimate and, from his statement, it is clear that he does not hold out much hope to the farmers or to me, as an individual farmer. I should like to remind the Minister of some of his statements when he was on the Opposition Benches. I will quote a few lines of his speeches from Vol. 27, col. 842 of the Official Debates. The Minister himself, I think, and everybody in this House and outside it, will agree that the farming community is in a much worse position now than it was at the time these statements which I propose to quote were made. The Minister said:

"One would imagine that it would not be necessary for me to prove that there is depression in the agricultural industry...If we examine the figures of what the farmer is getting for his produce and what the farmer is paying for what he has to buy, I think it will be fairly evident to anyone not engaged in agriculture that the agricultural industry is in a very bad way."

That was one of the statements made by the then Deputy Dr. Ryan in 1928. Things were bad with the farming community in 1928, according to Deputy Dr. Ryan. I do not want to read all the speech, but, mind you, it would be a very good thing if it were all read out just to remind the Minister of the sympathy he had and the anxiety he felt when he was on the other side of the House for the farmers. He continues later on:

"We have been assured by the Minister for Agriculture and by speakers from the Government side that dairying is going to be one of the principal industries in this country in the future. How are we to build up our dairying industry if the farmer is to be compelled, through whatever means, to get rid of his cows, or is compelled to keep less heifers for the purpose of replacing those cows? The reason why farmers have got rid of their cows is, I suppose, to keep the sheriff away, to enable them to pay rents or rates or other debts that could not otherwise be paid."

That is exactly true of the present situation although it was not true then and the Minister must know that the sheriff has been going around to farmers and seizing their stock for debts they are unable to meet. Let the Minister go into any farmer's house in the country and what will be find are the principal assets of the farmer? They are represented in his livestock, and I think nobody will deny that. It is foolish to be debating a subject here, which is, to my mind, of very great importance, without facing up to facts. I suggest to the Minister that the principal asset of every individual farmer is his livestock, and, mind you, if you compare the capital value of the poultry and pigs in a farmer's place with the capital value of his cattle, the poultry and pigs will compare very unfavourably with the cattle. His cattle mean everything to the farmer and the only hope held out to us is to kill some of the cows along with the calves. I should like to remind the Minister of a statement he made some time ago, as reported in the Irish Press of 30/6/33. It was:—

"The Government has been accused of being in favour of tillage and out for the destruction of livestock. The person who made that accusation was either a knave or a fool for, if they till they must have livestock, otherwise the farmers could not use up their barley, straw and other products or get manure. We must maintain, at least, the amount of livestock that we have."

That was only 12 months ago. How does the Minister stand over a statement like that to-day? Is it not a strange thing, for Ministers particularly, to be making statements like that and going back on them in a short time? Now, the only policy is to slaughter the calves and to slaughter the stock. We have a Livestock Breeding Act which provides a premium for bulls. I remember a debate on the adjournment here some time ago when there was a bull sale in Ballsbridge and the Minister for Industry and Commerce interjected a remark relating to the good prices that were being paid in Ballsbridge that afternoon. What are the facts? The Minister must know that it was taxpayers' money was responsible for them and that in respect of probably every one of those bulls that made a high price, there was a premium of £22 a year for three years provided out of the taxpayers' pocket. What is the sense in that? I suggest to the Minister that the skin of a calf from a scrub bull is just as valuable as the skin of a calf from a bull which is being subsidised to the extent of £22 a year from the taxpayers' money, and he must know that. It is ridiculous. He says that if we only grew enough wheat everything would be well in this country. I wonder does he really believe that. Certainly, practical farmers will not believe it. I understand that about 60,000 acres of wheat and 3,000,000 acres of other crops would supply all our requirements, and we have 12,000,000 acres of arable land. What will you do with the rest, supposing it is worked out to a logical conclusion? He talked about the decrease in tillage for a number of years. Why? You need only go out to the gate of Leinster House and look across the street, and you will know why there is a decrease in tillage. I remember the time when oats fell below 10/- a barrel, and there was consternation among the farming community. At that time there was a home market for oats, and the farmers' costs were not nearly so much. What has happened since? You have all the transport in this country run on motive power. In the days. which I speak of and which the Minister spoke of—the days when there was tillage in this country—there was very little of that. The farmers in those days had a market for their oats, and the country was largely tilled. It is idle to compare present day affairs with what occurred in the past in so far as tillage is concerned. What will you till for? As I say, in the days that I mention, there were-hackney cars in every town and city in this country. What is there to-day? Nothing but the motor van, and the only way that will help the tillage problem is if we will grow enough potatoes to produce industrial alcohol. Whether we will succeed in that or not I do not know. The Minister, when in opposition, said: "I believe the first cause of this great depression in agriculture is the cost of government." That was in the days when the Budget was only £23,036,000! In connection with this problem, I can admire the Minister for Agriculture who can sit there and be reminded of the statements which he made when he was over here. If I had to do it I am afraid I would not remain in the House at all; I would go out. I am just taking the Minister's mind back to the time when he had sympathy with the farmers, which he has not now. I think it is a good thing to remind him.

He talks about the price of sheep, pigs, poultry, and so on. I can dismiss those very briefly, but I want to say, in so far as the prices of those commodities are concerned, that they fluctuate very much. He talked about the price of eggs. I know that out of my house this year I sold eggs for 4d. a dozen. It does not matter what the Minister says he got for them, or what they were quoted for in any market. I asked the man who bought them what he would give me if there were no tariff, and he said 6d. Now those are facts. The Minister talked about the price of sheep. Anybody who knows the position of the sheep industry in the country knows that last year and the year before, in August and September, lambs were a very bad price, and they were being killed wholesale at every cross-roads in the country. That brought about a scarcity, and I suppose it has the effect of somewhat stabilising the price now. You could stabilise the price of anything if you killed enough of them. If we killed enough hens or pigs or cows we could stabilise the prices very well, but it is not good policy. According to the Minister's own statement here the person who made the accusation about the destruction of livestock is either a fool or a knave. It would be the duty of the Minister for Agriculture to turn around and develop all those industries, instead of being out for destruction in any branch of our industry. I again say that the live stock of this country represents the wealth of the individual farmer. When your bailiffs went out to make seizures it is cattle that they got, and nothing else. There was no wheat or beet for them to take away. I am rather surprised at a responsible Minister stating that "if the farmers cannot make their lands pay we will take it from them." That is the statement which he has been making around the country. I should just like to remind the Minister that that sort of statement is not good policy. I hope the day will never come when the farmers will be reduced to such a state— although I am afraid they are rapidly being reduced to it—that you will turn around and acquire their land compulsorily. Looking back over history, dreadful things have happened; I hope they will not happen again.

I listened to Deputy Dowdall here the other day saying that a wise father makes provision for his children. I was very much struck with that remark. It is quite true, but what is the case of the wise farmer in the country at the present time? I can produce the accounts of a farmer—I will give it into the Minister's hand if he likes—who in two years has lost £960. Now it is very poor consolation to that man to know that his life savings and energy and hard work are being dissipated in this manner at the present time owing to the Government policy. I am prepared to stand over all those statements which I make. I do not stand for wild statements or remarks such as have been made by the Minister or anybody else; I do not care to what Party they belong. I should like to remind the Minister that in the South Riding of Tipperary the rates in 1914-15 totalled £54,000 odd. In 1931-2 they were £78,000; in 1932-3, £89,000, and in 1933-4, £140,000. How can agriculture stand that? It certainly cannot. There is no good in avoiding facing up to the facts, seeing what the position is and trying to remedy it. It will not help anybody to have the Minister going around the country and saying: "Well, if the farmers cannot make their land pay we will take it from them and give it to those who can." I am surprised at the Minister. I referred a while ago to the price of oats. I saw black oats sold this year at 5/- a bag—not a barrel, mind you, but a bag. It is very poor consolation to that man to know that, according to the Minister's statement here, if he had kept it until now he could get 12/- or 14/- a barrel. That is very poor consolation; he will get no benefit from it. The Minister must know that 98 per cent. of the farmers have very little accommodation for storing cereals. They have got to take the price, whatever it may be, at the time they sell.

If the price of oats has gone up, and the Minister says he has done something to stabilise the price of oats, it has not reached the farmers who have sold the cats. I should like to quote from the speech of the Minister, when he was Deputy Ryan, and when he said "We have profiteering." This is what Deputy Ryan, as he then was, said:—

"The report of the Tribunal on Food Prices stated that the retail price of beef and mutton is between 1½d. and 2d. per lb. higher than it should be. That is to say, the farmer who rears up a beast from the time it is a calf until it is ready to go to the butcher gets at present prices for a 9 cwt. beast £17 10/-, but the butcher who buys that beast and disposes of it in three or four days gets £4 more than he should get according to the Food Prices Tribunal."

Just imagine Deputy Ryan, as he was at the time, talking about the condition of the farming community and grumbling at a 9 cwt. beast realising £17 10/- in this country. It is idle for the Minister to try to convince the farmers. Documents have been produced in this House by Deputies who are thoroughly acquainted with the cattle industry and the actual difference in price between here and Belfast was quoted in this House some time ago as 100 per cent.

As to the licences which have been given, I looked for a licence for a farmer who had a decree for his rates, and I presume that went before the Minister's Department. He had nine cattle, and he got a licence for one. He killed another and sold it around the district. The rest of the cattle had to go out on grass. The Minister's policy is a policy of "live horse and you will get grass." Once a bullock reaches a certain stage and is in prime condition, any time that he is kept over that he is a loss to the farmer, and the Minister ought to know it.

The Minister always refers to the dairying industry as something that he can always stand over. He claims to have done something marvellous in connection with the dairying industry. I pointed out to the Minister before that, notwithstanding what the Government have done in connection with the dairying industry, the farmers got less for their milk last year than they did for many years preceding. I wonder will the Minister agree with that.

That cannot be helped. These are world prices. What is the price of cattle across the Border?

Ask Deputy Davin.

The Minister admitted to me on more than one occasion in this House, that it cost 5½d. to produce a gallon of milk. I say that the farmer is entitled to the cost of production. If any other industry was in the position in which the farming industry is at present there would be more noise about it than there is. I want to discuss the dairying industry with the Minister. When I quoted some time ago from the balance sheet of the creamery with which I am connected, the Minister said that probably it was a bad creamery society. I ask the Minister to produce some of the balance sheets of his own creameries and I bet that people have got a worse price for milk last year than 4d. per gallon. I want to tell the Minister in connection with the prices that I am quoting that the price the year before was 4.48d. The year before that again it was about the same—4.50d. I want to point out that whatever the Government are doing, and they claim to be doing a lot, we are still not getting the cost of production.

Mr. Flynn

What is the Deputy's remedy?

I will tell you. I put it up to the Minister before to take off his levy and stabilise the rearing of young stock.

What are you going to do with them when you rear them?

Open the market for them which we had before you came into office. Get up and make a speech.

I want to put the plain facts before the Minister in the hope that he will realise the position of the farming community. I do not know whether he will or not. I suppose he will not. I suppose it is idle to be talking to the Government or anybody on the opposite benches. I pointed out to the Minister before that if we had no levy or bounty the average price for butter would be 13.4d. per lb. Inclusive of levy and bounty the price is 11.54d.

Mr. Flynn

What was the price in 1931?

Deputy Flynn can make a speech afterwards.

4.40d. was the price of milk. My creamery society paid in butter levy last year £5,256 and received in bounty £2,430. I will give the balance sheet to the Minister if he wants it, or to anybody else. These are the facts so far as my creamery is concerned anyway. If we had no levy or bounty and were left on our own we would be better off.

Mr. Flynn

Your creamery.

It might probably be the case with others. The Minister said that my creamery was a bad one. I do not know that it is. With all this talk about creameries, the fact is that the price which the farmer is getting at present for his milk is worse than it has been for years. This question of quotas and licences is a very serious problem at present. The quota system had its origin in the failure of our Government to make a trade agreement with Great Britain at the Ottawa Conference. The quota system for Great Britain had its origin there. The Minister must know it, because he was there. The failure of the Government to secure a quota for the people of this country has its reactions at the present time. If the President had the same attitude of mind that he has at the present time it might have been done. The Government are prepared to make a trade agreement with Great Britain at the present time. In those days there was nothing about it, and hence the quota system, which is bringing dreadful hardship on the farming community. There are many more aspects of the problem. The only thing that gave me any consolation in the Minister's statements—I hope I am right—is that he suggests that loans on behalf of the Agricultural Credit Corporation be reduced to 4 per cent.

Dr. Ryan

Only for heifer loans.

I think that is very regrettable. Take the farmer who got loans some years ago to stock his land, even before you came into power. What position is he in now?

I thought they did not want loans in those days.

According to the Minister for Agriculture, those were the bad times. I am not to be taken as suggesting that the farmers were heretofore in a very prosperous condition. I have had experience of farming for many years, and I know that farming has been getting gradually worse; but the present state of affairs is absolutely hopeless. The principal asset which the farmer had was his livestock. Now the farmers have to borrow money even from the Government Departments in order to buy stock, and the Minister must be aware of the condition of things. Representations are being made every day to that Department for some alleviation, some postponement of the repayment of these loans. I have had many letters dealing with the matter, and certainly the Minister cannot truthfully say that the position of the farmers now is as good as it was before Fianna Fáil came into power. Such a statement would be ridiculous, and Fianna Fáil Deputies surely know that. There must be intelligent men over there, and they must know that the position of the farmers at the present time is desperate. Perhaps some time or other there might be a lot of wheat grown. I do not know if there will be, but I do know that even if the policy of self-sufficiency is pursued by this Government to its logical conclusion we will still have any amount of land which cannot be utilised other than for grazing young stock.

The Minister talked about tobacco. There has been a good deal of dissatisfaction over the tobacco industry. When some of us mentioned that the Minister for Finance had made a promise about growing 10,000 acres of tobacco, he said that ultimately it was the intention of the Government to reach the 10,000 acre stage. He got out of it like that. That is merely what I would call the Kathleen Mavourneen system—it may be for years. I suppose that ultimately the Government intends to have 600,000 acres of wheat and so on. Representations have been made to me by some people who went in for the growing of tobacco plants that they had been very badly treated. They have a surplus of plants which they are unable to dispose of. It would be wise for the Minister to recognise the position of the farmers and not go around the country as he has recently done, saying, "If the farmers cannot pay their rents or rates we will take the land from them and give it to those who can make it pay." The farmers are hard-headed businessmen. In the past they made decent livings for themselves and their families and it ill becomes the Minister for Agriculture or any Minister to say to these people that because their life's earnings have been dissipated they will be put out and their land taken from them. I hope I will never see that day. It will be a bad day for this country if it ever comes about.

I find a certain amount of difficulty in discussing this Estimate, because the Minister was dealing for the most part with future promised legislation. There were several Bills mentioned. One is to deal with what the Minister considers the unfair advantage that certain farmers have got out of the present butter levy. He referred to farmers who do not sell their butter to the creameries. I presume that applies to those who have no creamery to send it to. The Minister proposes to mulct those farmers and they will have to pay. He referred to certain poor districts that have no creameries, districts in which, owing to their geographical formation, creameries would be uneconomic. He suggested they might solve the difficulty with a travelling creamery. He said the experiment had been tried, but he did not indicate where or under what conditions. So far as I can see it does look as if these farmers in very poor districts, many of whom have been severely hit owing to the fact that they are not able to sell their cattle at anything like an economic price, are to be faced with the certainty of a levy on their butter and, as compensation for that, they can have an experiment in the shape of a travelling creamery. I wonder, notwithstanding the long and occasionally jocose speech of the Minister whether, beyond a few expedients adopted from month to month and quarter to quarter to deal with the changing situation, there is any really settled agricultural policy for Fianna Fáil except this: "We must get into the wheat growing, the people must be cajoled into it, got into it, and if that fails they must be forced into it. We must get out of cattle rearing, and again, if the hardships of the economic war are not sufficient to overcome the experience of the people in this respect, they are to be forced out of it!" That seems to me to be the one thread of unity that runs through the whole Fianna Fáil agricultural policy from the years before they took office to the present time. To nothing else do they seem to be constant, or to nothing else have they any real solid attachment from the time that the President, in 1927, up in Donegal, indicated quite clearly that the destruction of the cattle trade was something that he looked forward to as a policy that this country ought to go in for and when he objected to this country becoming a cattle ranch or a playground for John Bull.

Hear, hear!

That was in 1927, and the one thing that they have been consistent in since then is the determined destruction of the cattle trade. I see that that gets the full approval of Deputy Donnelly. Therefore, neither the quota system nor the economic war is responsible. These are merely the excuses. They are used to save the face of the Fianna Fáil Party. The policy was there all the time. The excuses, as I say, change from month to month or from year to year, but there has not been a change in that particular policy. The raising of cattle was unpatriotic before the Fianna Fáil Government took office and it is unpatriotic to-day! It must be made uneconomic. Hence, again, the consistency. Hence the paæans of joy with which the economic war was greeted occasionally or generally—not always, of course, because the farmers have to be conciliated sometimes, and, therefore, the pretence has to be made that it is the other side that is responsible—but hence the paæans of joy, as I say, with which the economic war was hailed, and hence it was described, on many occasions, as a blessing in disguise.

It is unpatriotic, apparently, to utilise to the full the special gifts that nature has bestowed on this country. What have we now as a policy? Bills, Bills, Bills! One Bill after another to remedy the various problems, many of which have been caused by the policy of the Government themselves. I suggest to the Minister, and I suggest to the House that you cannot solve a very serious situation of this kind merely by Bills and by Acts of Parliament, or by economic or political tricks of any kind. You will not be able to do so as long as you shut your eyes to some of the main factors. The mere surrender to every chance suggestion that may come across from other countries, such as the destruction of our agricultural produce, will not and cannot solve the problem that is facing this country. Anything, apparently, will be received joyfully by the Ministry and by the Government as long as it promotes or helps along one particular policy, the policy that I see is joyfully greeted as their own by the Fianna Fáil Party—the policy of the destruction of the cattle trade, the policy of the destruction of the farmers' main source of wealth, before any other source of wealth has been fully discovered and before any other basis of wealth has been firmly established.

That is the serious thing—the destruction of the existing source of wealth whilst, at the very best, the substitutes that the Government intend to put in its place are yet in an experimental stage. What you are sacrificing is the real economic wealth of the country and, at the best, all you are offering in exchange is a problematical benefit from some of your lines of policy. Each and every expedient is grasped at. Apparently, because there is a destruction of wheat in certain countries, that is a sufficient excuse for this Ministry to follow their example and to go in for the deliberate destruction of the cattle trade, not merely that the trade must be destroyed for the present, but for the future, so that in the future there will be no danger that we will have too many cattle. The Minister made that quite clear here to-day. He made it clear when he was talking a couple of months ago in this particular House, and every threat that is issued by some of the Minister's colleagues points in exactly the same direction.

The Minister quoted certain prices here. We have listened often to the Minister's prices and we have listened often to the President in his quotation of figures. We know that again and again they were able to prove that in reality there was no price whatsoever for cattle in England; that the prices for cattle in England were lower than in this country. At last, now that the economic war is no longer the chief thing to blame, and now that the quota is to be the excuse, it is acknowledged by the Minister that there is this difference in price between the price of cattle in England and the price here, namely, the difference between the amount of the tariff and the bounty; that is, the tariff less the bounty, running anything between £3 and £4. If the Minister will look up some other figures he will find that there was a question asked in the British House of Commons quite recently on the question of smuggling, not from the Six Counties to the Free State but from the Free State to the Six Counties. Naturally, if you keep up artificially, as we are doing, the price of butter in the Free State there will be the tendency to smuggle butter in here, but there is, in the case of cattle, the allegation made that there is smuggling from the Free State to the Six Counties. Why is that? The Minister for Agriculture was asked the difference in prices and he made the comparison of the prices in the Six Counties not with the prices in County Kerry, but in Naas, where the prices of calves would be much better than in my native county of Kerry. The Minister will see considerable differences in prices between those that prevailed in the Six Counties and those that prevailed in Naas, both on the same day. Even the President, who, of course, when he sets out to prove a thing can prove anything, was able to prove that a cow was worth 8d. in reality and apart from the economic war. He was able to prove that on one famous occasion. What is the real mind of the Executive Council in this particular matter? What is the real mind of the Ministry? We had a statement here a couple of months ago, on the 22nd March, I think it was, in which the Minister said—the following is the quotation from Vol. 51, col. 1,503:

"Deputy Holohan raised the point that we were advocating more tillage and less cattle. That is quite true."

Undoubtedly here to-day his whole contention has been "more tillage, less cattle." And yet, we had that passage read out by Deputy Curran where, 12 months ago, according to the Minister, it was high treason to suggest that any such policy was the policy of the Minister. Even later than 12 months ago, on the 9th June, in this House the Minister twitted some members of the Opposition, Deputy Brennan in particular, because they did not see that the policy of the Minister and the policy of the Government was more tillage and, therefore, more cattle. Jibes—and the Minister will admit that he is rather prone to jibes in this particular matter of agriculture—were hurled by the Minister at Deputy Brennan because he did not see that. As reported in Volume 48, col. 396 of the Official Debates, the Minister has said: "I have been accused of not seeing that point some time ago—that increased tillage will mean increased live stock." Then he goes on: "We referred to it in our Minority Report" (that is, the Economic Commission), "we referred to it in our Minority Report and we pointed out as plainly as could be that the extension of tillage by way of wheat growing or anything else would inevitably lead to an increase in the number of live stock."

They should burn all those books.

Now, which is the policy of the Government? Is it the policy enunciated by the Minister on the 22nd March last, or the directly opposite policy enunciated by the same Minister with the same assurance and with the same jibes at the Opposition for not understanding him, enunciated on the 9th June previously? He admitted on that occasion, in answer to an argument I brought up myself, that increased tillage would mean increased cattle and, therefore, meant a market for that. On that day the Minister admitted that. The whole question of the rotation of crops was involved. We are told to-day that we need not take that too seriously. Which is the real policy which represents the mind of the Government and which represents the mind of the Minister for Agriculture—increased tillage, therefore, more cattle; increased tillage, therefore, less cattle? For which is he standing? Not being the President he cannot have it both ways. He must make a choice between one and the other-either increased tillage and more cattle or increased tillage and less cattle. That extraordinary reversal of form on the part of the Minister in the space of a few months has taken place. As Deputy Curran pointed out, 12 months ago it was knavery on the part of anybody to suggest that their policy was "more wheat, less cattle." At that time it was treason to suggest such a thing to any farmer. Now if the farmer does not accept that he will have his farm taken from him. He does not know how to run his farm.

We had the President speaking at Cork some time ago, and this was his appreciation of the position of the farmers of the country. We had the head of the Government saying "There is no use, however, in denying that a section of the farmers who used to live on the fat of the land were not now in the happy position they used to be in. It is not the Government's policy that the large ranchers should be allowed continue at all." The reference to the fat of the land from the particular platform from which it was said was hardly a happy one. There were many more people on that platform living on the fat of the land than the unfortunate farmers. I wonder is it the President's conception or his picture of the actual state of affairs that the large ranchers are the only people who have suffered —that they are the only section of the community who have suffered? If it is, it shows that he has less responsibility than could be expected even from him in dealing with a situation of that kind.

Sneers of that kind at a hardworking community that has been brought to the verge of ruin by the policy of the President and his Government do not come well from the President. It is not the rich ranchers, wherever they are, who have suffered. It is the small hardworking farmers, even in the mountainous districts of County Kerry, who have suffered, and suffered severely by the fact that they have not been able to part with their cattle at an economic price. I would like to see the members of the Fianna Fáil Party put to work growing wheat on some land in County Kerry on which the cattle are now unsaleable. I wonder are these the farms that are to be confiscated under the new dispensation? These are the people who are hit, the ordinary farmer. I am speaking for my own constituency, and it is the ordinary farmer, the small farmer, the hardworking farmer who has been hit the hardest.

Even coming from the President dealing with the sufferings of the people, a statement of that kind is excessive cynicism. Take a statement of that kind in conjuction with the statement of the other wild man of the Fianna Fáil Government. I refer to the statement made in Dundalk last Sunday by the Minister for Defence—"Bullock-Worship."

"A lot of the farmers"—according to the Minister for Defence—"who were carried away by political prejudices refused to accept the facts of the situation regarding wheat-growing-that we can produce more per acre than Canada and they have refused to develop the wheat policy. They could not have patience with these farmers any longer."

That is the policy. When it was obvious that the Fianna Fáil Party would have determined to plunge this country into considerable expenses in connection with their wheat policy a number of people on these benches said: "All right, try the experiment; it will cost money, but possibly the only way of finding out whether wheat on a large scale can be grown in this or any other country is by trying it." See the way it is to be tried now. The bailiff and the battering-ram are to be used against the farmer who will not go in for wheat growing. At one time we were told by the Minister for Agriculture that there would be no compulsion but there are various kinds of compulsion and other countries and other Governments have found it out in dealing with farming communities. That distant European country that the present Government are so fond of faithfully imitating has found it out. You can subsidise those who fall in with your views. You can tax the others who do not. You can make the present system of farming economy impossible, as you have made it impossible, and that is coming very near compulsion. The first, you may say, is not compulsion, but the other is coming near it.

That, however, does not satisfy the out-and-outers of the Government. They could have patience with these farmers no longer!

"These people," he said, a little later on, "had followed the Cumann na nGaedheal policy so far that they had begun to worship the bullock."

The next sentence—I am quoting from the Irish Press merely because I presume it cannot be so easily called in question by the members of the Government—is

"If the farmers who had land at the moment would not use it, they would see that farmers were put in who would use it."

That is the next sentence after the reference to the bullock. That is the new policy, the new jack-boot policy of the Government against the refractory farmers who will not be taught wisdom, who will not see that, in reality, wheat growing is a practical proposition for the farming community in this country, who cannot realise the tremendous success of that policy in 12 months in that, as a result of bounties, the amount of wheat growing has been doubled! I am quoting the Minister-in fact, it has more than doubled—but it is really only 30,000 acres extra—far away still from the 800,000 acres. I have no doubt that if we had grown only 10,000 acres, you could say that it had been quintupled and yet the increase would not have been very great.

The actual increase, considering the amount of money spent, is not so remarkable, and I suggest to the Minister that it is absurd, with the limited experience we have, to speak of its success having been proved. It is still in its experimental stage and what I object to is that, for a policy which at the very best is still in its experimental stage, the solid wealth of the country is being deliberately and has been deliberately destroyed by the policy of the Government, a policy which they refuse to reconsider. If we listen to some of the Ministers representing possibly the more extreme section of the Cabinet, such as the President and the Minister for Defence, we realise that they are all out for the destruction of the cattle trade, with no mercy so far as they are concerned, but when we come to some of the other Ministers, we find that their minds are not quite so clear. I have already dealt with the unfortunate Minister for Agriculture. His mind, apparently, is quite capable of receiving any impulse if it comes from the high quarter. As I said, last June "more tillage, more cattle," and last March, "more tillage less cattle." But there are other Ministers who, apparently, think that it would be a good thing if the economic war did come to an end and occasionally they are used to fool the farmers whenever there are elections about. If you cannot have a general election or a by-election, the county council elections are rather important and, therefore, these other Ministers, the tamer members of the Cabinet, are utilised to fly the kite of talks of a settlement.

I think it is about time we heard some talks of a settlement. We have not heard them for a long time and the county council elections will be on soon. Why not now utilise the fact that the Minister for Industry and Commerce will be on his way to and back from Geneva to give a certain verisimilitude to that unconvincing narrative about a settlement? The President himself utilised his visit to Geneva on a celebrated occasion to start talks of a settlement and now that the county council elections are coming on, I suggest that it is time that the rumour-mongers got busy and suggested that a settlement would come. There may be a number of farmers in the country who are still to be fooled by talk of that kind. I suggest to them, if they hear talks of a settlement of that kind, that they wait until they see the settlement made before they trust again this talk of a settlement that is always dangled before their faces on the eve of an electoral event in this country.

Apparently, as I say, some of the Ministers regard the destruction of the cattle trade as not altogether so healthy and not altogether such a blessing to the country as the Government sometimes seem to pretend and even the Government's own policy in this respect is rather difficult to follow. It is quite obvious that the only real consistent thing about the Government's policy is the destruction of that trade and when I pointed that out, it was received with assent and full approval from the Fianna Fáil Benches and yet, for that trade which they are determined to destroy, the taxpayer has to pay heavily in the way of bounties to keep it alive. Neither in the statements nor in the conduct of the Government is it possible to find anything like a consistent attitude on that most important of the various things that affect the farmer. The only thing they can point to is destruction—destroy in all spheres and, like the President does in constitutional matters, as he pointed out here, destroy in order to build up. The unfortunate farmers of this country have experienced the destruction. They have seen the Government destroy and the building up is still very much in the experimental stage. The economic war was not fast enough, so far as the work of destruction is concerned. The Minister, who last June was breast high for an increase in cattle, now thinks that the only salvation of the country is to destroy. The economic war, in the natural course of events, if it continues, the force of economic circumstances and the economic consequences of that war will not operate swiftly enough! He must use other methods and we have the famous policy of the destruction of the calves.

He pointed out, incidentally, that we had a surplus of potatoes and that it was necessary to deal with them. I expected that the next thing he would do would be to pay a number of people to cut the eyes out of a certain number of the potatoes so that they could not produce further potatoes in future, and we could get rid of the surplus in that way. That would be quite a heroic parallel with what he is going to do with the calves but, apparently, he is more merciful. There is not enough blood in the potatoes, apparently, for the Fianna Fáil Party, and instead we are going to get a Bill. Alcohol is to solve that particular difficulty for the Irish people, and it is to be the salvation of the potato industry. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, in one of his modest moments—they do not occur very often, and, therefore, we might as well recognise them when they do—acknowledged that the industrial alcohol project was merely in an experimental stage, but it is to be the salvation of potato prices according to the Minister for Agriculture.

The Minister referred to the quota. Arguments do not matter to the Ministers. It is the conclusion they want. They change their arguments from month to month, and from year to year. The cattle trade must be destroyed, and the people must be persuaded that the cattle trade is no good. They start a propaganda that there are no prices for cattle in England; that the prices for cattle in England are as low as they are in the Free State. Gradually the people, thinking over matters, wonder if that is so why they have to pay £6 and still sell their cattle in England. Therefore, a new argument must come out: "Whatever we do, whether we settle the economic war or not, our cattle trade is doomed." That is not because of the economic war any longer—that argument was good enough 12 months ago—but now it is on account of the quota system! The Minister, in all his blandness, gets up and asks the Opposition to accept the statement that the quota was unavoidable; that it is fixed and cannot be changed. That is an argument which the Opposition had no intention of accepting, because it was quite clear to them—as it was quite clear to the Minister's colleague, the Minister for Finance, when he spoke here a couple of weeks ago—that there were considerations that put this country in an extremely favoured position, even in comparison with New Zealand or the other Dominions mentioned by the Minister for Agriculture. Those who were at the 1926 Imperial Conference know that that position was accepted. The quota system need not have operated so badly against this country were it not for the misconduct of the Government in not utilising the position they had, and agreeing to make a bargain. I do not believe that that quota is fixed, and is the last word so far as we are concerned. After all, the Minister for Finance is supposed to be one of the most important members of the Cabinet; he certainly occupies one of the most important positions in the Cabinet, and those consideration are sound that he has mentioned, namely, that it would be madness on the part of the British Government not to realise the advantageous position which we are in. That was perfectly sound, but it knocks the bottom from under the case built up here by the Minister for Agriculture about the permanency of the quota system.

We have embarked on a policy, and kept to it no matter what the country has suffered, no matter how the farmers have suffered, no matter how obstinate they were in not growing wheat in their little mountain valleys; keeping the cattle and trying to sell them, and suffering severely. We kept to that policy, and apparently the Government is quite blind to all that the farmers have suffered. It was pointed out here that if any other industry in the Saor-stát had been treated as that industry had been treated—and remember it is more important than all the other industries put together—a great deal more would have been heard about it. There was laughter from the Government Benches at the idea that the farmers were not talking enough. There was the old laughter, and the suggestion apparently that the farmers were always complaining. In that connection, I will quote the Minister for Defence on a previous occasion: "Smile; be merry; do not grouse." That is excellent advice to offer to the poor, unfortunate farmer in County Kerry who has been brought to the verge of ruin by the policy of the Minister and his colleagues. "Smile; do not grouse"—very easy advice to offer during the destruction of the main source of wealth and the main industry of the country. It is treated last, and almost as an afterthought by the Minister. He tells us that the price of pigs is up, while everybody knows, of course, that there is continual fluctuation. Pig population increases and diminishes with extraordinary speed, and, therefore, there is great fluctuation. We are told that the price of pigs is up, and there are a few little remarks about cattle at the end. We are asked to help the Government in killing the calves, and inducing the people to eat veal. What is to happen until then? He fled to France on this occasion for an example. Dealing with the economy of this country as it is at the present moment, and the economy of France as it is at the present moment, does anybody suggest that a comparison can be made between the economic systems of the two countries? You may say: "France has a better economic system, and, therefore, we ought to try and get to that position." A better balanced system, it is called. But it will take years to do it, and what is to happen in the meantime? The Government apparently do not think it is worth while giving any attention to that. To compare the present economy of France with that of Ireland is an extraordinary thing for a man in the position of the Minister for Agriculture to do. He admitted last June that you cannot have more tillage unless you have more cattle. That argument is sound, and, apparently, as the Minister pointed out, it was for years accepted in the Fianna Fáil Party. It was admitted, at all events, by the Fianna Fáil Party—nay, boasted —that they had seen it, and seen it clearly. They taunted the Opposition with discovering for the first time last June that that was the Government policy. Yet, nine months afterwards, the same Minister comes forward with a complete reversal, a new gospel. Each gospel, apparently, must be accepted without question by the people of this country and the farmers of this country, or else out they go from their farms: "They are not using them correctly"!

The time really has come, even apart from county council elections, not merely to spread vague rumours at the cross-roads and elsewhere about the imminence of a settlement, but to make a settlement. By delay you do not gain the possibility of a better settlement. Our position gets weaker from every point of view. We are showing off our weakness. Now is the time for a settlement. Let the Government cease killing and trying to explain away and justifying their killing of the principal source of revenue of the principal industry of this country.

The Minister for Agriculture admitted when we were discussing this Estimate last year that the question of outside markets for our surplus produce was a vital one. I wonder is he of the same opinion still. Then he announced quite gaily that he had found them. He would not tell the Cumann na nGaedheal Party or the Centre Party or other Deputies where they were, but he had found them. It is a pity that the farmer has not found them since. We have all this talk about markets. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is not without hope; he is quite optimistic so far as the finding of markets is concerned. On the other hand, the President does not see any hope of markets and says the farmers had better face up to that position. The Minister for Finance thinks that it is a horrible thing that the British should try to destroy our cattle trade, which the President thinks is an excellent thing. The Minister for Finance thinks that the British are not really hurting us, but are hurting themselves. It goes to the heart of the Minister for Finance to see the awful position the British are letting themselves in for in time of war if they destroy our cattle trade. "Markets— they cannot be got; we have them; we are going to have them." Even the Minister for Finance told us 18 months ago that there were very good prospects of getting markets, but they never materialised.

I have no doubt that if the Government go about getting other markets than Great Britain for certain articles of produce and pay for them they will be able to get them. I ask the people of the country, however, before they, so to speak, cheer that achievement on the part of the Government to wait and see what the value of those markets is in the long run, and the permanency of those markets. I ask them to wait and see not whether certain countries can be induced in return for certain business considerations to take a certain amount of our surplus agricultural produce off our hands, but let us see whether other countries besides Great Britain are in a position and are willing to give us markets that are economic, that will pay us, and that will take the larger share of our surplus agricultural produce. When the people see other markets of that kind established, then they can pay some attention to the conflicting statements of Ministers about markets. So far as these markets are concerned, the only thing that the ordinary man ought to ask himself when he reads Ministerial statements on the matter is this—do those Ministers ever consult? Surely they must have discussed the position of agriculture. Surely they must have discussed the possibility of alternative markets. Why then do they come before the people with these conflicting statements—"excellent prospects"; "poor prospects of markets." Which is the mind of the Executive Council, if there is any corporate mind at all on that particular matter?

I did not intend to go into some of the details on this Estimate. I prefer to deal with the general policy and with what I consider are the main outlines of whatever policy the Government have, if the have any. I see very little hope of any real change of heart—I will not say anything about change of mind—on the part of the Government. They are still sneering at the farmer and covering that sneer in whatever way they can; threatening him and cajoling him and ruining him at the same time.

As a farmers' representative I cannot allow this opportunity to pass without making some remarks about farming. I possess a fairly large tillage farm. I till about 40 acres of land; perhaps as much as any farmer in this House. I think I should have some experience of farming. I have been working that farm for thirty years and I think I can say that I have served my time. From my experience I say that the policy of the Government has killed farming. If it continues we may go where we like. The President stated that our markets had gone and gone for ever. If that is so, I think we may go with them. We are told that we have a surplus of cattle in this country. The Minister for Agriculture tells us that about 250,000 cattle would be quite sufficient to supply the home trade and that, on last year's quota, we will have a surplus of about 600,000, which we have to get rid of as we have no market for them. As far as I can learn, the Minister's idea is that the surplus is to be got rid of by slaughtering the calves and the cows. If that is the policy that the Fianna Fáil Party has to put up to this country, I say, God help this State of ours. I never thought that I would live to see such a policy put through by any Government. I say that the Fianna Fáil policy is ruinous to the farmer. I wish the Minister for Agriculture could in some way or other benefit the farmer. As Deputy O'Sullivan has said, it seems that the farmer is only to be sneered at. It is said that the farmer is ignorant of his job. I can tell you that the farmer is not ignorant of his job. The farmer is as wise, as intelligent, and as hard-working a man as there is in the community. If he had a market for his stock or his produce, he would not want any Minister for Agriculture to tell him what to do. He is quite alert and quite awake to his own interests.

We have been told that the English market is of no use to us now. I have attended the Dublin market on many occasions, and I have observed there recently how a licence is worth £5 to a beast. I saw five cattle being sold, and the worst of them had a licence. I saw that beast making £14 while the better cattle that had no licences had a price of £9 each put on them. If we put £6 in tariffs on that it makes £11, and if we calculate 50/- for travelling expenses it will make £13 10s. on each of those beasts before they enter the English market; and yet we are told that the English market is of no use to us. I am speaking now from experience; I am not quoting any figures from books or anything of that sort. They tell us that trade is bad in England. It may not be quite as good as it was, but still there is no doubt there would be a good market for our produce were it not for the ruinous policy of this Government. I can give proof for everything I say.

As regards the activities of the Labour Party in the constituency I represent, I observe that Deputy Davin came to Leix recently and he said that by smuggling a beast across the Border it was worth £7. The same day, at Ennis, the President said the English market was no use to us. I will ask Deputies to decide for themselves who was right and who was wrong. Was Deputy Davin right or was the President right? I say that Deputy Davin was right. Speaking as a farmer with experience, I would like people to take a sensible view of things and to look the situation straight in the face. We have the bailiffs roaming through our countryside a few times a week. You all know that at the present time no farmer is capable of paying rents, rates or anything else. Even if he takes out his stock to the fair he cannot make any money on them. I am not buying any live stock. I am trying to sell the few I have. Any cattle that are brought to Irish fairs at the present time are taken back home the same day. In fact, you can almost tell the cattle now to go home and they know the way so well that they need not be driven home; the position is that the farmer need not bother about driving them home. I think I mentioned before that I saw in Rathdowney two-year-old bullocks selling at £3 5s. each. How can any farmer replace his live stock?

I believe that in a few years from now the Minister will not have an opportunity of skinning calves because the live stock trade will die out gradually. Any man who sells cattle gets £3 or £4 a head for them, and where is the use of restocking his land? It will soon be like the heifer scheme; there will be people going to the Department of Agriculture looking for loans to buy live stock. I am a member of the Leix Committee of Agriculture. I say it is a pity that the work of agricultural committees should be so hampered by this foolish policy on the part of the Government. Those committees in the past did much useful work for the live stock trade. I am afraid that because of the Government's ruinous policy the Department of Agriculture and the Committee of Agriculture will soon be useless bodies. Why should a man pay 100 guineas for a pure bred bull at the present time? He would be better advised to pay £5 or so for a scrub bull, because the calf skin in both cases will be valued at the same figure.

The Department of Agriculture ought to pay more attention to the needs of the farming community. I dislike having to speak this way, but I must state the facts. Personally, I do not like to be listening to people who are always making the poor mouth, but at the moment I am merely indicating to you the condition of things in the country as I see them. I am giving you my impressions backed up by 30 years' experience of farming. I would like the Minister to direct his attention to the position of farmers. If he does not act very soon the day may come when it will be really a very difficult job to restore our live-stock trade. It is the Government's duty to aid the farmers in every possible way and, however small the assistance, it will be very welcome.

One would imagine from the remarks of the Minister for Agriculture that the position of the farming community was quite satisfactory. I found it very hard to avoid interrupting the Minister while he was making that statement. I did not want to say anything that might have been disrespectful. I must, however, tell the Minister that, judging by his statement in this House, he seems to know practically nothing about farming conditions. From my own experience and from the experience of the farmers living around me the position is such that we find it almost impossible to get the necessaries of life, not to talk about paying rates, rents and land annuities. In the past we paid our rents, rates and annuities and we met all our other obligations and we are prepared to meet them again if we are allowed to carry on and work our farms in the best interests of ourselves and our families. The means we had to do that in the past were principally from the live-stock trade and dairying. I till a very considerable number of acres— about 50 or 60 acres—and I feed everything grown on that in the way of tillage to the live-stock and the cows on my farm. Once that branch of the trade and of our industry is being interfered with in such a way we will find it very hard and almost impossible to meet our obligations. The live-stock trade was the principal branch of our industry and the more we tilled the more stock we were able to keep. That was our policy and we gave a very considerable amount of labour. We kept the cows, reared the calves and fed them up to one or two or three years old, and our aim was to have them turned out a finished article on the market. Now we find that after feeding them for one, two or three years, when the time comes to sell them, we are asked to sell them at 50 per cent. less than the cost of production and the cost of feeding. How can we possibly carry on under those conditions?

We were told by the Minister for Agriculture that we were going to have a change in the agricultural policy all over the country, that we were going to have beet, wheat and tobacco. I can tell the Minister, from my experience as a farmer who grew wheat every year for the past thirty years, that you can grow wheat successfully for one or two years on the same land but after that time your success is finished as far as the crop is concerned. You can grow a kind of wheat after that period but it will not be worth growing. It is impossible to carry out a full amount of tillage on a farm unless you have live-stock from which to get the farmyard manure necessary to keep the crops going. Any man who is trying to keep his farm in fairly decent condition is trying to manure it and to keep it going in such a way as to show the best return for every crop he puts into it. Our aim is to get the most out of an acre and it seems to me to be almost impossible to get the most out of it without a certain dressing of ordinary farm manure and a dressing of artificial manure as well. Without the live-stock, I can tell the Minister, the farms in this country will be in a much poorer condition than they are at the present time. That has been my experience of crops.

I think that, from the manner in which the Government have pursued their agricultural policy in the last two years, they are making it impossible almost for any of us farmers to carry on and if they continue that policy I can tell them, as a farmer, that they are going to break the farmers in this country and that, whether they see it or not, they are walking the road to bankruptcy. I know the views and opinions and feelings of the farmers, and I can tell the Government that if they do not change their agricultural policy there is very little hope for the agricultural community in this country.

Often, in speaking here or elsewhere, one finds oneself up against the difficulty of dealing with the Government's agricultural policy because the Government has so many strings to its bow in order to justify what it is doing in so many different and contradictory ways. When one tries to look at what their policy is, not regarding very much the little propaganda they put out from time to time, one finds it very difficult. We know that agricultural production in this country represented some figure in the neighbourhood of, let us say, 85 per cent. of the national production before the present Government got into power. I will not quarrel with anyone if the figure is said to be a higher or lower percentage than 85, but let us take it as a fairly good figure. That means that in this country, 85 of its production being agricultural, agriculture was supporting those who were living directly by it and was supporting also, to a large extent, the other industries in the country, such as transport, whatever manufacturing industries there were or are in the country, distribution and so on, to the extend of 85 per cent. of the whole amount. That means that a farmer under those conditions must have been making a profit. That is to say, whatever capital he had, he expended a certain amount each year and got back, not only what he spent, but sufficient to keep his family and to pay for the transport of goods from the farm and for the transport of goods to him that he had to buy.

Now, the Government embarked on a new policy. It said it was going to industrialise the country, in other words to increase the 15 per cent. represented by industries other than agriculture to a very much higher proportion. How did it set about doing that? To begin with, if we were going to abolish agriculture altogether we would have to increase that 15 per cent. by an additional 85 per cent. It does not seem to me to be possible to do that, but what the Government has done is that it said it was not out against agriculture, but that it proposed a different form of agriculture; that so far we had been only sending beasts over to England, and sending them over, presumably, at a profit. The Government proposed the growing of wheat and other cereals, and in order to get farmers to grow wheat and other cereals they proposed to give a bounty. Now the reason for that bounty is, as I understand it, that a farmer to produce a given amount of wheat has to expend more in labour and capital than the wheat, sold under normal conditions, would be worth. The only way, therefore, to get him to embark on that form of production is that he should be given an amount of money to make up for that loss and also to make some form of profit for himself. If we are to produce only things which if sold in the normal way would have to be sold at a loss— getting less for them than they cost to produce—and try to promote that situation by paying out of State funds which come from taxation, what position are we going to get into? It means that, as soon as the accumulated capital—that is to say, the savings accumulated during the past—as soon as that is exhausted, we are going to be in a position of paying more to produce a thing than we can sell it for when it is produced. Does the Government propose, when they talk about the growing of all the wheat we require, that for ever or for an indeterminate period a subsidy is to be paid on every acre of wheat grown? Where is the subsidy to come from?

The figure of production in this country was 85 per cent. agriculture. If agriculture embarks on a course which makes a loss instead of a profit, where are we going to get the money to further that policy once the accumulated savings are exhausted? President de Valera can go around the country and say that prior to Fianna Fáil coming into office only 8d. per head profit was made on beasts sent to England. What is the truth? 85 per cent of the production was agriculture. When we sent beasts over to England, if we only made 8d. per head profit, how is it that the farmers were able to maintain themselves and their families? How is it that they were able to maintain the Government and to pay the taxation for the Government and local services, for the whole distribution and transport services of the country, and for all the rest of it? Where was the money coming from that paid for all this? Because, as far as the distribution is concerned, that is not productive.

A beast is produced in Kilkenny and has to be sent to Dundalk. It costs a certain amount to send it there. If, when it gets to Dundalk, it is sold and profit is made on the beast after the transport of the animal, the transport is non-productive except in so far as the beast is more valuable in the place to which it has been taken than it was at the place of its origin.

The whole theory of the Government's policy is unsound. Before this Government came into power agriculture provided for the maintenance of the bulk of the population and the maintenance of the bulk of the services in this country. But agriculture based upon bounties is not going to assist the country. It is going to break the country. If a farmer can produce a bushel of wheat by getting a large subsidy from the Government, whereas if he does not produce it he can buy that food cheaper outside, how is he benefited?

I admit that in certain circumstances that might be quite good. I remember when we were embarking, as an experiment, upon the beet sugar industry which we have, undoubtedly one of the considerations which were put before us was this, that although we were to give a bounty upon the sugar manufactured, actually the whole production would be a real benefit to the other general industry in the country—to other forms of agriculture. One can say by giving a certain amount of money to the beet sugar industry there was a loss to the State, but then you might be merely producing beet to assist another remunerative industry in the country.

The present Government policy is that as far as all industries are concerned they are to be based upon a system of high tariffs and that they can only hope to continue in existence as long as the manufacturers have farmed out to them the power of taxing the people. Agriculture is going to be put in the same situation, and that means nothing but bankruptcy.

No one is going to say that any particular section in the country is enormously wise or is distinguished by a pre-eminence in wisdom, but it is safe to assume when an industry has become traditional amongst the people—though they may have become conservative— that it is for very good reasons. But one can assume that these people will not persist on pursuing a course which means a loss rather than a profit. They are carrying on their industry to-day without making a profit. Once the profit in any industry is gone the people in that industry must go out of production.

If we are to judge from the speeches of the Ministers the Government seems to assume that the farmers are so purblind that only by the use of coercive measures can they be prevented from pursuing a policy which is not, and cannot, be remunerative and taking up a policy which is. What have we seen? We have President de Valera going to Cork and talking about the farmers who are living upon the fat of the land and saying that the Government is not going to allow them to continue. That sort of talk is appealing to the baser passions of the people. Last week we had the Minister for Defence speaking in Dundalk or somewhere, saying that if the farmers of this country, who owned their farms before this Government came into office, are not prepared to use their farms in such a way as to satisfy the whim of the Government, these farms should be taken from them and given to other people who would be more amenable. What does that mean? If it means anything it means that the farmers in this country who own their land are no longer recognised as owning it. The farmer is occupying it and allowed to use it at the will of the Government, but if he fails to carry out their whims or wishes they assert that they, as the owners of the land, have the power to take it from him because of misuse or non-use of the land according to their theories.

Such a proposal is a completely immoral proposal, and I am supported in that theory by a document from which I have frequently quoted, Quadragesimo Anno. We read therein: “The putting of one's possessions to proper use, however, does not fall under this form of justice, but under certain other virtues; and therefore it is ‘a duty not to be enforced by courts of justice.’ Hence it is idle to contend that the right of ownership and its proper use are bounded by the same limits; and it is even less true that the very misuse or even the non-use of ownership destroys or forfeits the right itself.”

The Government's assertion here is not that the non-use or misuse of the land forfeits ownership, but that unless you use your land according as Dr. Ryan thinks good you forfeit your right of ownership. The Government is driven to the use of a diabolically coercive threat against the farmers of this country in order to get the farmers of this country to embark upon a course which the Government asserts is for the farmers' own benefit. They say we have been, so far, importing so many million bushels of wheat we can grow ourselves. We are to grow all the wheat that we require ourselves, and all the beet that we require as well, and we have to pay the enormous taxation that the Government wants. You have to maintain the transport services and all the Government services as well.

What we have been doing in the past is producing at a profit and by that means maintaining the people, paying for the cost of transport, paying for distributive services and all the other things required. The Government's policy as far as I can see does not contemplate the continuance of an ordinary civilised life in this country. President de Valera said years ago that he thought our standard of living was too high and that it should be reduced. I quite admit that it would be possible to have said to the farmers that they must be content now with less profits than previously. They may have every reason to tighten their belts. But as far as my observation goes, and it is borne out by every person who speaks with any knowledge or authority in this country, the farmers have been pushed to the position of not alone making less profits, but of actually producing at a loss.

One of the Deputies here this evening referred to the fact that apart from paying a £6 tariff on a beast going into England, the farmers are prepared to buy an export licence. At the same time we have members of the Government going around the country saying: "We know your prices are bad but they are just as bad or worse in England." That is the purest dishonesty on the part of the Government. Everybody knows perfectly well that not one beast will be sent from here to England if the price got in England is only the same or less than the price which is got here. Everybody knows that who considers the high tariffs that have to be paid.

Another lie of the Government is to say that somehow or another some abstract thing that they call high nationalism has to take precedence of the life of man and of the means of life in this country and that no matter what suffering or misery may be endured here, we, in the interests of a fight for an abstract Republic, must maintain this war with England.

I noticed yesterday or to-day in the personal organ of the President the great cry that England is not paying its war debts to America though England admits they are legally due. Then we are told that England is waging an economic war on us for not paying her debts to her—for not paying what they say we do not owe. The question arises again: is there an alternative policy to the production of agricultural goods in this country for sale outside this country? Can one outline a feasible and probable economy in this country which will get for us all the benefits we had before and benefits which we had not previously enjoyed? Personally, I have not been able to think out any such policy. It seems to me that no matter what changes and evolutionary process over a long period of time might bring, it was clearly an impossible thing to ask this country to produce an economic revolution in its whole method of production and its whole method of life in whatever short period Fianna Fáil is going to be in office. They set out to try to force the farmers to depart completely from one form of production and to go on to another, without holding out to the country any prospect that the new form was going to be able to support this country in anything like the condition in which it existed previously.

One of the many arguments that the Government are putting around the country is that it is no good talking about the British market, because the British market cannot buy as it previously did. They say that there is no good in thinking of getting back the British market even if Fine Gael comes into office, because the British policy now is to protect their own farmers and produce their own agricultural requirements. In Great Britain, there is a population of about 45,000,000 people, and I should say—and again, I do not guarantee my exact proportions—that the land available for agricultural production in Great Britain would be twice, or, possibly, three times the land available in our own country. That means, according to what we are told by members of the Front Bench, that the British Minister for Agriculture is going to produce a condition in England in which—I do not guarantee the exactness of my figures—an area of land equal to what is available here is going to produce all the agricultural requirements for 15,000,000 people, that is, one-third of 45,000,000 people.

The members of the Front Bench assert through the country that the Minister for Agriculture in England is going to create a situation in which x number of acres are going to produce the agricultural requirements of 15,000,000 of people. Here our Minister is promising a sort of Utopia by getting x number of acres here to produce the agricultural requirements of 3,000,000 of people. That means, if what the members of the Front Bench say about the British is true, and if our Minister were to do his job as well as the British Minister, he would be able to produce all that is required in the way of agricultural products for our population, and have an excess equal to four times the amount required to be consumed by our people here, which would mean that once we are getting all our agricultural requirements produced in our own country, we would have four times as much more to export.

I refer to that only to show the absolutely shameless dishonesty of the stories that are being put out by the Government. We know perfectly well, as every intelligent man must know, that the British Government, as long as it maintains its present population over there, would not embark on any policy that presuppose that in Great Britain they were going to produce all their agricultural requirements, which means that the British Government, no matter what British agricultural policy is at the moment, know and must recognise that they must continue to import an enormous amount of agricultural products which their people have need of. That means that the British are going to continue to import. We are told that it is no good trying to get back to the British market, because they have now a policy of tariffs and, whatever happens, we will have still to pay the tariffs to get our goods into England. I referred here previously to the Imperial Conference of 1926. Up to a few years ago, the British Government's policy was generally free trade and particularly free trade with regard to agricultural imports. The Government, at the time of the Imperial Conference, in 1926, had made up its mind to change its policy to a policy of tariffs on imported agricultural products. They did not turn to us, as a friendly Government, as a member of their own Commonwealth, and say "We have to do this because we have decided that it is the necessary and right policy for our people but, at the same time, we recognise that it is going to inflict hardship on you."

Quite the contrary. Their line was "Although you were a member of the Commonwealth and although Imperial preference prevailed, we admit that previously, as you are an agricultural country, you got no benefit out of the situation, because, as we charge no tariff on agricultural produce coming from foreign countries, we could not charge less on what was coming from Ireland, and, therefore, your price was kept down in our market by the competition of all the countries in the world playing freely in that market." They said to us: "Now that we propose embarking on this tariff policy, it means that we shall be able to give your produce a preferential position in our market; we shall now be able to do for you what was not possible previously—we are now in a position to enable your farmers to get better benefits out of our market because whereas their competitors in foreign countries will have to pay a tariff to get into that market which, presumably, must affect the price, and your goods will come in free and will have that advantage over their foreign competitors." Immediately after that there was a general election. The British Government changed and a new Government came into power—a Labour Government with Mr. Snowden as Chancellor of the Exchequer and a Government committed whole-heartedly to a policy of free trade. The new Government coming into power, according to what Ministers here tell us, should have turned to us and said: "It must be a great relief to your mind to know that that appalling policy of putting tariffs on agricultural goods coming into England is now abandoned." What the Ministers tell us is that the British policy is a policy of tariffs on agricultural goods and, therefore, no matter what happens, no matter what government comes into power, no matter what settlement is made with England, the farmers have to face up to the fact that they will have to continue to pay tariffs to get into the British market. The Labour Government, when it came into power did not take that line with us. Their line was: "We admit the benefits that you had every right to expect, following on your conversations with our predecessors in office; we admit that our change of policy is going to deprive you of those benefits which our predecessors gave you reason to anticipate." They admitted it quite frankly and they admitted it so frankly that they said: "In order to make some adequate amend for the loss you suffer, we are going out of taxation which we raise from our own people, to spend millions of pounds of money in starting an organisation, known as the Empire Marketing Board, the purpose and function of which will be to put advertisements all over the country constantly urging our people to give a special preference of their own free will to Commonwealth products, including the products of the Irish Free State." The British Government spent millions of money in putting up advertisements, advertising Irish Free State and other Dominion goods, in order to make amends for the loss we were suffering, because they were continuing that policy of free trade instead of carrying on what had been promised— the policy of protection in relation to agricultural goods. Since Fianna Fáil got into office the British Government have gone ahead with the policy they previously had in mind, namely, the policy of tariffs in respect of imported agricultural goods, which means that, whereas all the time we were in office our goods going over to England had to compete on completely equal terms with the goods of our foreign competitors in that market, now, if this Government and the British Government can settle what is called the dispute, the British Government have what they had not before, if they had the will, the power not merely to put us in as good a position as we were in before, but to put us in a more favourable position than was ever possible while the Cosgrave Government was in office here. Those are the facts of the matter.

When the Government gets up and says: "The British policy now is to protect British farmers against competitors," they know perfectly well that any British policy must advert to the fact that England must continue to import agricultural goods into England. The Government, if they have the full Reports of the Conferences, Imperial Conferences and otherwise, have only to look these up to see that on every occasion the British Government were ready and willing to give our country very special consideration, and to give us a very privileged position in their market. That has always been their policy. I was challenged here some time ago by Deputy Moore, I think, and asked whether it was sentiment induced them to do that. We dealt with that at the time. A certain amount of sentiment does enter into it. Our geographical position does enter into it. The fact that we are strategically important as their food producing country in time of war enters into it, and the fact that we are a very big customer for English produce is also important. As far as one can judge in this hypothetical position, it seems to me perfectly clear that we can get back into the British market. There is every reason to believe that that market can be restored to our people under more favourable conditions than previously existed, even when we were in power. There is every reason to believe that, granted agreement between the two Governments, the British Government would go out of its way and do its very utmost to try to assist our people to draw particular benefits from their position in that market. What are we about now? Has anybody ever got up and explained the policy fully? It appears to be the protection of agriculture by means of bounties, which means producing under conditions in which the cost of production will exceed what can be got for the produced goods, unless the Government comes in and gives a dole to the producer. That can lead nowhere but to bankruptcy. I am perfectly satisfied that the Government can continue to collect money in this country to keep it going, even with its present wild expenditure, for quite a fair amount of time. I am quite satisfied that last year the Government underestimated the return of taxation. The Minister for Finance gets up and asks how can anybody say that this country is going to bankruptcy when we are able to get money in so rapidly with all this taxation which we are putting on. This country had an enormous amount of accumulated wealth. That wealth had not merely accumulated during the ten years of the Cosgrave Government; a large amount had accumulated long before that. At the present time we are living on that accumulated wealth.

The Government is going around now and telling the people to kill their calves. The Government gives 10/- for the skins. Does the Government give that 10/- for the skins because they are actually worth 10/-, or because the Government, having paid the farmer 10/- for the skins, will be able to dispose of them at 10/-, or a higher amount of money? Nothing of the sort. In other countries when there was a plague of rats the Government has paid so much per head for all rats' heads brought in, not because the rats' heads were of any value to the Government, but because each rat's head indicated a rat dead, and the more rats that were killed the less loss there was to the country. You have had the same thing in regard to wolves. You had it with regard to locusts. In some countries when they became a nuisance, the Government paid so much per bushel for locusts. In this country, calves are regarded as were the rats in other countries when the rats became a plague. The farmer is told: "Look at all the Government is doing for you. If you will only destroy your calves you will get 10/- for the skins, not because they are worth 10/-, but because their absence is worth 10/- to the State." The destruction or non-existence of a calf is worth 10/- to the State. That is practically typical of the whole Government policy. The Government is proposing that in industry and in agriculture we should embark on a policy of producing something which costs more to produce than it is really worth when produced. The Government then gets indignant because the farmers complain. The Government is indignant because there is a little more difficulty than usual in collecting the land annuities, rates, and so on. I think myself it would be quite legitimate for the Government, as long as the farmer had sufficient residue or sufficient margin over and above keeping his family in the condition in which he has a right to keep them, to pay those charges out of profit, to insist that those charges should be paid. You will notice that the Government does not say: "We insist that every farmer, out of the profits he has made during the year, and after he has maintained his family, shall pay, out of what remains, rates, annuities, taxes and so on." Instead, the Government says: "As long as the farmer has the money he must pay it"; that is to say, that the farmer has to sell his very means of producing and living in order to pay those charges. To my mind that is a completely unjust and unjustifiable attitude of the Government. The Government have no right to impose those charges upon the farmers, when their imposing them, as they are doing, means denuding him of his patrimony.

The whole action of the present Government with regard to the agricultural community is economically disastrous, and morally completely unjustifiable. As I said before, the farmers are the largest producing community in this country. I am not saying that actually farmers are a majority in this country. I myself am quite satisfied that, if it could be demonstrated that the actual farmers in this country had a majority of the votes, the Government policy would be quite different. The Government policy seems to me to have been worked out quite carefully. It is: "The people who are likely to be won by promising them goods belonging to their neighbour are in the majority. We can buy them, not by paying them out of our own pockets, but by robbing one section of the community to buy political support from this majority."

Clearly that has been the Government policy. We had President de Valera just about a fortnight ago down in Cork—with, mind you, Deputy Hugo Flinn on the platform, and Deputy Dowdall on the platform—getting up and denouncing farmers as a class, saying they had lived on the fat of the land, and, therefore, it was justifiable that they should be denuded of their possessions. This was underlined a bit this week when the Minister said that the land will be taken from them and given to other people. This is a scandalous proposal. Just note: with men on his platform able to buy and sell a dozen farmers in this country, and probably not miss the money, the President gets up and denounces the farmers as a sort of plutocrats. Though having nothing like the plutocracy of Deputy Flinn, or the plutocracy of Deputy Dowdall, he denounces them as plutocrats and as appropriate victims for the Government to expropriate. That was his policy there. Why does he do it? The farmer is in this unfortunate position that his goods, far from being liquid, are absolutely tied up. Many a farmer in this country, if he could do it, would like to pack up his farm and take it across the Border, where its produce would fetch a much higher price, but he cannot do it. His farm is fixed. With absolute disregard for all fair play, and an absolutely cowardly disregard for equity and justice, the President gets up and says: "I can threaten those farmers. I can take their land and all they possess from them, and they cannot escape me. I am not suggesting that they have the plutocracy of either Deputy Flinn or Deputy Dowdall——"

The financial standing of those two Deputies is surely not relevant in this Debate.

Then I will say "of either the A's or B's."

What about the foreigners?

I think there is a dispute about that.

I thought there were three or four of them.

I am not making any statements.

You have not investigated the matter? You left it to the man outside, who appoints the leaders here?

I do not understand the Deputy's reference. As far as the other people are concerned, a man might have £10,000 a year here, derived from outside, and if the Government says, "We propose taking your possessions from you," he says "Thank you," and just telegraphs from Holyhead.

The whole policy of the Government with regard to agriculture is an outrage against justice. Economically it is disastrous. Nationally, what can it lead us to? This country has now embarked wantonly and, as I believe, merely to save the political faces of certain people, upon a policy which, by reducing a section of the community as important in the productive way as farmers are to misery, must necessarily reduce the vast mass of the people to misery. What is that going to lead to? It will lead to a sort of general moral decay. Already the action of the Government with regard to agriculture has weakened the sanctions of the law. I am not saying that in regard to one Party more than another. There is no doubt that, irrespective of Parties, there are farmers who are well aware that the British Government is collecting from them more than they previously paid in annuities. When our own Government comes along and demands from them £2,000,000 in annuities they object strongly. They feel—and it is a fact— that the claim of the Government here to collect annuities is a completely inequitable claim.

The Minister for Agriculture is not responsible for the collection of annuities.

I am just dealing——

With annuities.

——with agricultural policy. If the Minister for Agriculture could produce a policy which would enable the farmers to produce in such a way that they would make sufficient profit to enable them, without hardship to themselves and their families, to pay the demands made by the Government, I have no doubt that what I consider the demoralising situation arising in this country would not happen. But, when a farmer sees his means of production disappearing, sees his patrimony disappearing, sees the property that he hoped to be able to leave to his children, as he had a perfect right to do, disappearing, knows that, having contracted to pay a certain annual amount by way of interest and sinking fund for money lent to him to buy his farm, he is paying that, and paying considerably more that that, through the channel through which it previously passed, and when our Government come along and demand from him a further payment in relation to his farm, it means inevitably that he gets a contempt of law, that the binding force of law no longer convinces his conscience. That is a situation that my own observation indicates is going on all over the country. Previously the farmer owned his land and had to pay an annuity of a certain amount of money. Now, this Government, which never lent him the money, claim that he shall pay, and put the sheriff in if he does not pay, his annuities. That means that, somehow or another, through the action of the present Government in the last year or so, the farmer has ceased to own his land as he previously owned it. It is not the same thing as the previous annuity which the farmer paid.

The Minister for Agriculture does not collect the annuities; neither is he responsible for the collection of rates. The Vote for the Land Commission will be before the House and the Deputy will then have an opportunity of raising that question.

Very well. Unfortunately the agricultural industry is so vital that one feels almost that one can discuss this Vote as one would discuss the President's Estimate.

Deputies should not be led away by their feelings.

I quite understand. Strictly speaking, we should not be asked to vote any money for this Department. The truth is that any man who is not blinded by Party passion, not looking around for catchcries, and who is capable of intelligent thinking, will realise that, strictly speaking, there is going to be no further need for an Agricultural Department here. The agricultural industry is in much the same position as the Seanad—sentenced to death with the knowledge that a certain time is to elapse before death comes about. What are we going to do then? We are going to produce all sorts of things that we should pay less for if it were not for the high tariffs. That 85 per cent. is going to be killed and the Minister for Industry and Commerce is, somehow or another, in a year or two, expected to have an industrial production in this country to compensate adequately for the loss of this enormous industry.

I am not saying that that industry was in its best position when the Government came into office. But it was in a position in which the farmer could produce at a profit and was able to maintain whatever little savings he had, able to maintain his family, able to pay the various charges upon him and, through his industry, able to maintain the major part of the distributing, transport, and the other industries in this country. This Ministery has now put the farmer in the position of having to produce at a loss. They have tried to conceal the facts of the situation from the farmer and from the people by this purely arbitrary method of paying the farmers something out of taxation. Where is the money to come from? We must live on what this country produces. If we are going to produce without profit, this Government will not have any money to give away to anybody. As soon as that situation arises—I am not going to say that it will arise to-morrow—it means that having destroyed the agricultural economy of the country, we are going to be in a position in which that is destroyed and nothing has taken its place. It is going to lead, as I say, to economic and moral disaster. We have the Minister smiling blandly and talking absolute rot to the people, with the tremendous protection, apparently, that he has not even the intelligence to see how unintelligent his own policy is.

Many of us are surprised at the speeches made on this Vote. We had the feeling, as the farmers supporting Fianna Fáil were satisfied with our policy and as a result of the promotion of Deputy Belton to the Opposition Front Bench by the Leader of that Party, who is not a member of the House, and his satisfaction with that promotion, that all sections would be satisfied. We had the feeling that, as the farmers supporting Fianna Fáil are satisfied with us, and as the farmers supporting the Opposition are satisfied that Deputy Belton, the expert, will look after their interests, all would be well and the debates on this subject would not be as prolonged as they were heretofore. That has not happened and, I suppose, will not happen. Deputy Fitzgerald referred to the economic war, to the British market and to the result of our policy. I suggest to Deputies opposite that their speeches would, perhaps, go down fairly well in the country if it were not for the fact that the people have had experience of the agricultural expert over there. They have had ten years' experience of these experts and of the operation of your agricultural policy.

Deputy Fitzgerald talked of the tariffs imposed by Britain and of the quota system that was at a later stage introduced by the British Government. The farmers know that during the Cumann na nGaedheal period in office there were neither tariffs nor quotas, but they are perfectly aware of the conditions that then prevailed. During those ten alleged prosperous years you set up an Agricultural Credit Corporation, and any trouble we have from the farming community in our constituencies arose from those who had to make applications for loans to that institution and from those who adopted your policy. Do you think the farmers of the country are not sufficiently intelligent to realise these things? Is it not perfectly obvious, from the antics you are going on with here and in the country, that you have made up your minds that the majority of the farmers know the truth? You are in despair now. You are not prepared to wait as an ordinary Opposition would. You are not prepared to reason out this thing as an ordinary Opposition should. You are engaging in other antics instead of playing the part an Opposition should play.

Deputy Fitzgerald talks of the killing of the calves and other Deputies have referred to that matter. When we got into office some two years ago we found the creamery industry in danger. It was an industry in which a considerable amount of money was invested. The Minister for Agriculture made the best attempt possible at the time to help that industry over a difficult period. Surely the people are well aware of the attitude adopted by the Opposition? Deputy Fitzgerald, perhaps because he did not represent a dairying district, got up and complained about the position of the consumers. His sympathy and the sympathy of Deputy Mulcahy and other members of the Party, who did not represent dairying districts, was concentrated upon the poor unfortunate consumer, who was going to pay more for his butter. Those of the Party who represented creamery districts took the other view, and some of them voted with us. They did not want to commit the Cumann na nGaedheal Party to any policy one way or the other. They wanted to be able to go to the country and say: "We voted for it because it was a good measure," while other members of the Party who voted against our proposal wanted to have something else to say.

You talk of the killing of the poor little calves, but you never seem to think that if your policy was allowed to continue there was bound to be a reduction in the number of live stock. As a matter of fact, there was then a very substantial indication that the cow population was decreasing. If the prices of milk and butter continued as they were we would not now have to kill any calves because you would have no cows. When the arguments advanced from the opposite side are examined, there is nothing in them. There is a gramophone record that I heard a few times. The song is entitled "Misery Farm." I suggest that when this subject is again being discussed, the members of the Opposition should turn on that record because it represents the type of speech that we have heard from every member over there. "We are miserable, so miserable, down on Misery Farm." That is the way the song goes.

We are not so badly off as the farmers down the country. We are in a different position because we draw our £30 a month, as you know.

Deputy Finlay said he did not want to give the impression that he was begging or appealing for leniency in any way. I do think that that should be the attitude adopted by the Opposition. After all, there are other interests in this country as well as farming interests. There are other people who have to be thought of and provided for. Whenever we are discussing a subject like this, the speeches from the opposite benches refer to bullocks. Surely Opposition Deputies are not anxious to turn our people into bullock worshippers? There are other classes to be thought of. I think the Opposition should not always be crying out about the farmers. We move around through the farmers too. We see what they have to contend with and we know what they had to contend with in the past. Any man knows that the person who works on the land is never paid for his labour in the same way as the man engaged in industry. But the farmers is recompensed in other ways. I think the Opposition should really adopt a more reasonable attitude because we, too, know the conditions of the farmers and we know the effects of our policy. I have heard farmers here talking about the deplorable condition of the farming community. If they only knew what it was to make a living by working a farm of bad land; if they only knew what it was to make a real effort to live——

If the Deputy did he would not talk in that way.

Perhaps the Deputy will come down to my constituency——

And if you would only come down to mine.

——and see the effort the people there have to make to eke out an existence, see the effort the small farmer, with ten, twelve or fifteen acres, has to make there to eke out an existence and to give his family the best education possible. If those farmers had 20 or 30 acres of land these men are talking of, or the land in the counties from which these men come, they would think it was in Heaven they were.

They would grow elephants.

I am only asking you to come down amongst those farmers who have to work, who know what it is to work, who know our policy, who support this Government and will continue to support it.

If you come down with me I will show you something that will enlighten you.

My friend can make a speech when I am finished. If what I am saying is troubling him he has a remedy. Our county is situate along the Border. It borders Fermanagh. I have some idea of the conditions in that county. If it is alleged from the opposite side that farmers are endeavouring to smuggle cattle over the Border it is equally true that farmers in Northern Ireland are endeavouring to smuggle potatoes, butter, eggs and, on some occasions, other commodities into the Free State. We know the conditions in Northern Ireland. Our people know the conditions there, but simply because a large section of farmers are not living sufficiently near the Border to know the conditions for themselves, you think you can get away with statements to the effect that all is bright there. That is not true. While it may be a fact that well-finished cattle are fetching better prices there than here, I would advise Deputies to go down and see the prices which are obtainable for rough, unfinished stores and for the commodities I have cited. Deputies will not get anywhere by being unreasonable or by making unreasonable charges. They will not convince the farmers, because the farmers have more intelligence than they think. Deputies cannot convince them of a state of affairs which they know is otherwise. The farmers fully realise the position. They appreciate the Government's difficulties. They realise, as has been indicated a thousand times in this House, that the Government has a new problem to deal with, a problem different from that which confronted the Opposition when they were in office.

I said at the outset that Deputy Fitzgerald's speech was a fine one. It would be a grand speech if we and the farmers generally had not experience of Cumann na nGaedheal policy. But when you realise that they were in office for over ten years, and that they left many of the farmers in the banks, the speech is not so good. As a matter of fact, half the lands of the very farmers about whom all the shouting is being done—the farmers from the Midlands, from Meath and from the grazing counties—are owned by the banks. Even when the Opposition were in office and their policy in operation, the banks owned half of these grazing lands. If it were not for the banks there would not be in many cases a beast on these lands. The alleged owners—the people in occupation and living on the land—had not a penny. That was the sort of system Deputies opposite supported. It was a rotten system. These are the very farmers—this cannot be denied—about whom the whole noise is being made in this House. Every man with experience of that part of the country realises that what I say is true, that most of the land was not, in fact, owned by the farmers, but by the banks. Even during the term of office of the present Opposition half of these lands would not have been stocked if it were not for advances of money by the banks.

Is it a crime to borrow on the strength of the land?

It is not a crime to borrow at all, but one would imagine that the farmer was so well off and so satisfied with your policy that he would not have to borrow at all.

He probably raised money when he bought the land.

You will raise some hare, no matter where you get it. I am only indicating to you something which everybody knows. If Deputies opposite will not admit it, I cannot make them. Everybody who has been in touch with the situation knows that what I say is true. Sheriffs were mentioned. Deputies opposite would give us the impression that the sheriff was a creation here since we came to form the Government.

Of course he is.

There were sheriffs here even before we came into office, and there were decrees and processes for rates and annuities also. I must say that the number of appeals made to me by my constituents since we came into office is not one-tenth of the number I received when I was a member of the Opposition Party and when Deputies opposite formed the Government. These are indications of what is happening. We are in touch with the people, and in the correspondence we get we are bound to see a reflection of what is taking place in the country. If members of the Opposition have any hope of being given responsibility in this country, they should settle down to work here. They will have to be reasonable because they will not be able to "put over" some of the statements which I have heard made by those on the opposite side who have contributed to this debate.

I wonder if Deputy Smith is quite serious in a great part of the speech which he addressed to this House. I wonder if Deputy Smith, honestly considering the question, would say that the people in his constituency are as well off to-day as they were when the Fianna Fáil Party took office two years ago.

They are better off.

My constituency is made up of holdings of the very class to which Deputy Smith made reference. I might say that my constituency is wholly made up of holdings of 10 or 15 acres, running hardly at all to 20 acres. I say without the slightest fear of the possibility of contradication that the condition of the people there is infinitely worse than it was two years ago. I may tell Deputy Smith— I do not know whether he knows it or not—that there has been a fall in the standard of living of the people there. I am sure that in his constituency the fall in the standard of living is as great as it is in my constituency, and there it is very considerable. I wonder if Deputy Smith knows what is taking place in the rural parts of the country. Does the Deputy know the sufferings through which the small farmers are going? If he does know the condition of the small farmers, then he has no right to get up and make a speech of the nature which he has just addressed to the Dáil.

I know myself that in my constituency there are people who have been living on potatoes and nothing but potatoes for the last two or three months. These people were able to afford a respectable diet a couple of years ago and even less than that. The Government policy is bringing poverty as fast as poverty can be brought to our small farmers. If anybody considers the matter for a moment he must see that is the case. I know that there would have been a certain fall in the price of cattle and sheep below what it was a couple of years ago, but it would have been nothing like the appalling fall which has, in fact, taken place in the last two years. I wonder if Deputy Smith ever attends fairs, and if he has seen big three-year-old bullocks being sold for £4 and £5? That is happening and it gives some idea of the condition to which our small farmers have been reduced. He spoke about the farming community and said the members of it could not earn as much in the past out of their land as other classes were able to earn from the particular avocations they followed. But what is the position at the moment? It is this, that the farming community, and the small farmers particularly, are able to make nothing at all out of their land. A couple of years ago they were able to make what I will call a living wage out of their land: a sum which would enable them, to use a famous definition, to live in frugal comfort. They cannot do that at all now.

I know that in my part of the country—what used to be known as congested districts—the whole policy of successive Administrations, and it was a very sound policy, was to break up large farms and enlarge small holdings: to make them what were called economic holdings. The policy of this Government is to go back on that absolutely and entirely: to see that there is not one small holding in the country which is an economic holding. I say deliberately that at this moment in the County of Mayo there is not one economic holding. I am perfectly certain that in the County Cavan or in any other county there is not, taking a ten acre or a 15 acre holding, one economic holding at the moment. There is not a single holding out of which a man can make a living and enjoy a state of frugal comfort for himself and his family. The effect of the policy of this Government is to undo the work which had been done by successive Administrations, work the purpose of which was to benefit the small struggling farmers. They are making holdings, which were economic a couple of years ago, thoroughly uneconomic. If anybody tells me that in the congested districts there is a single economic holding, one out of which a man can make a living, then he is a person as to whose veracity or ignorance I will say nothing further.

I mentioned here not long ago what the effect was of breaking up grass lands and enlarging small holdings in the County of Mayo. I believe the position is the same in other counties. I pointed out that when the Congested Districts Board was established in the year 1891—that was before the enlargement of small holdings had begun— there were 174,000 head of cattle in that county, and that in the year 1932, the last year for which we have statistics, there were 205,000 head of cattle in that country. Deputy Smith talked about bullocks in an unfriendly fashion so far as the unfortunate bullocks are concerned, but it may interests him to know that the breaking up of these grass farms actually led to an increase in the number of cattle in County Mayo. It was always expected that it would be so. Take the case of a person with a small holding with a £5 or a £10 valuation. Say that he got 10 or 12 acres more. He did not till any more than he tilled before. What he did was he used the extra land he got to raise cattle to provide him with ready money, and the ready money was obtained by the sale of cattle or sheep or pigs or eggs. So far as the small farmer is concerned, that is the only source of getting ready money. Everybody knows that so far as the congested districts are concerned—I believe the same is true of other parts of the country—there is nothing to be made by growing potatoes or oats for sale. Now that the cattle trade has been destroyed through the action of the present Government, the entire profits which these small holders made out of the enlargements to which I have referred have gone. In fact, they have been turned into a loss.

What is the price for three year old bullocks to-day? Farmers are simply getting the price they paid for them as suckling calves. I must admit that in the County Mayo suckling calves were always dear. Two years ago they realised as much as £5 each there. At the present moment three year old bullocks are being sold in the county for £5, which means that so far as the farmer is concerned his three years work has gone for absolutely nothing. Yet Deputies will get up and tell the House that at the present moment the farmers of the country are thriving and flourishing: that they are better off than they were two or three years ago. That was the audacious statement—I can call it nothing else— which we had from Deputy Smith. Not alone have you killed the price of cattle, but to a certain extent the price of sheep. Sheep are at present going distinctly better than last year, but that is due to the fact that sheep last year were sold as mutton at from 2d. to 4d. per lb. in several places. A tremendous number of breeding ewes were killed off and converted into mutton, so that there is a distinct shortage of sheep now. We will not know that until the figures are published. Speaking from my own experience, from what I know of my own neighbourhood—and I believe it is the same elsewhere—it will be found when the figures are published that the sheep population will be very much less than it was in 1932. The slight rise that has recently taken place in the price of sheep is due to the fact that so many breeding ewes were killed during last summer, when black-faced ewes were selling for 7/- or 8/- each. They were sold as mutton at from 2d. to 4d. per lb.

If you take Irish agriculture as a whole, I think it would be a very good thing if this House did a little stocktaking from time to time. Up to this agriculture has been the main source of wealth of the people. Whether you take it that agriculture produces 75 per cent. or 85 per cent. of that wealth does not matter. At any rate it produces an enormous amount of the wealth of this State. When I look round at everything being done by agriculturists I cannot see where any profit is being made. I see subsidies, subsidies, subsidies everywhere. Yet subsidies are not keeping the agricultural community going. There are subsidies for cattle. They may not reach the farmer but there are subsidies and bounties on exports. It is the same in the case of sheep, eggs and butter. If you want to grow wheat under the new policy of this Government it cannot be done without a subsidy. If you take the question of industrial alcohol there are more subsidies. Where are the subsidies to come from when not a single branch of agriculture is self-supporting? Yet agriculture produces the main wealth of the country. If agriculture ceases to be self-supporting where are all these subsidies which are being given to agriculture to come from? The 20 per cent. or 25 per cent. of the wealth of the country which is not agricultural cannot pay them. Surely the Government should seriously consider the situation, should see that agriculture is living upon accumulated capital, that it is draining out that capital, and that the country is being denuded of capital by the excessive taxation of this Government? You cannot carry on if you dry up almost all the springs of wealth. When you dry up the agricultural spring the wealth of the country can only last a very short time. Instead of going along as this Administration has been going, without any thought for the future, surely they should realise that it is impossible for this State to carry on if agriculture declines as it is declining? We have heard a great deal about large farmers being the only persons to suffer. Large farmers presumably are the owners of cattle. It is not the large farmers who own the bulk of the cattle; it is the small farmers. In 1932 the 205,000 head of cattle in Mayo were owned by small farmers, because there are no large farmers of any account in that county.

I heard a supplementary question dealing with my constituency put by a Fianna Fáil Deputy some time ago to the Minister for Agriculture. I see the Deputy on the opposite benches now. He asked the Minister: "Why will you not give a licence for the growing of tobacco in Mayo, because Mayo can grow neither wheat nor beet." That is perfectly correct. I do not know where the Deputy got the information, but I rather gathered that it must have been some resolution that came, not to Mayo Deputies for some strange reason, but from some Fianna Fáil club to Deputy O'Reilly. I take it that is the reason. The Deputy's question was a perfect one from the Mayo point of view. The small farmers in Mayo and in other congested districts must look to the sale of their stock as the only way to get any ready money to pay their shop bills, their rates and their annuities.

I want to look now at the other side of the picture. The Government by its policy has driven down the receipts of small and large farmers. It has put up prices certainly against small farmers. If you take the price of flour in the Six Counties and in the Twenty-Six Counties you will see how flour, which was the main staff of life, has been increased in price. Flour has been put up in price by taxation, and has now become prohibitive to the poorer people, not to all of them, of course, because there are small holders who had reserves, or sums of money on deposit accounts. The people that the Party opposite take not the slightest interest in are the unfortunate people who had no banking reserves, who had no deposit receipts, who had nothing except stock on their lands. These unfortunate persons in the poorer districts in my constituency are the people you are grinding down, yet you tell them that your policy is magnificent for them. Let us take it in another way. I suppose the Minister for Agriculture is aware of the fact that there are practically no potatoes left in the country. I am not going to deal with that problem now, but it is going to be a very urgent one for the persons in my constituency who recently have been eating nothing but patotoes because they have no ready money to buy anything else. Take even the feeding of pigs and the feeding of fowl. How is that to be done? The potatoes, in the main, are gone, and yellow meal has been made prohibitively dear. I believe the price has gone up in the last fortnight by £1 a ton for that strange mixture, maize meal and oats, which has been insisted upon. I was told recently, and told on very good authority, that Scotch oats is at present being imported to be mixed with maize meal. I would like to know if the Minister for Agriculture is aware of that fact, that Scotch oats has to pay this duty coming in to this country, and is being ground and mixed with maize meal and sold to the farmers in this country.

At no time was that policy of mixing oats or barley with yellow meal a sound policy because it was forcing persons who had as much oats of their own as they wanted to buy this mixture. It may have benefited a few farmers in the neighbourhood of mills, but it did not benefit the farmers as a whole. It hit them because it was compelling farmers, who had oats of their own, to buy oats from a comparatively small number of other farmers. But it is worse at the present moment, according to the facts which have been told to me, and which I am satisfied are correct, because I had them from a sound authority, as something like 30/- a ton is being paid for this mixture of yellow meal. If you allowed yellow if you had not these ridiculous regulations that oats should be mixed with yellow meal. If you allowed yellow meal to come into the country without any charge, you would get it 30/- per ton cheaper or probably less. The users, who are entirely farmers or labourers, of this mixture of yellow meal and oats are in the position that they are being charged this extraordinary sum of money in order, I suppose, that the revenue will benefit to a considerable extent by the amount of tax which is being paid on the Scotch imported oats. They are also compelled to pay this sum in order that Scotch farmers may have a sale for their oats. Deputy Smith considers that a magnificent bit of agricultural policy on the part of the most perfect agricultural Government this country has had since the State was established.

What would you do?

I would allow yellow meal in without any tax and encourage it to come in. I would make the raw material upon which people fatten their pigs and feed their hens as cheap as possible. I would make the flour which they eat themselves as cheap as possible and I would not, in a time of scarcity, put up the price of food.

What would you do with the land?

I would use it in a proper husband-like fashion.

You would grow thistles on it.

No; I would rear stock upon it and I would sell them in the profitable English market.

You were busy at it for a long time.

And did very well.

And so did John Bull.

He is doing much better now.

John Brown has done better since.

John Bull has done very much better judging by his quotas and everything else which he would never have had, in normal circumstances. There would be no quotas if there was commonsense at the head of our Administration in this country. After all, every Deputy in this House should have a mind. Every Deputy should be able to think for himself, even Deputy Smith. He should see what is happening around him and he should know that this agricultural community cannot exist, and that the country cannot exist, if there is not a reversal of this ridiculous policy which the Administration has put into force. You may go round for a short time amongst the small farmers and you may be able to give a certain amount of relief work. You may be able to make a few roads or something of that kind but that is not going to keep the farming community going or any part of the community going. These are temporary alleviations. Relief works cannot ever be anything else but temporary alleviations. Your policy holds out absolutely no hope, not a shadow of hope, of improvement in the present agricultural position of the country. According to you, there are to be no cattle, no sheep, and land, for the most part, cannot be used profitably.

The proper, sound policy of farming for this State, or at least for three-quarters of the State—because I hate laying down any general propositions; what suits one part of the country does not suit another part—but I do say that, for the part of the country I do know, the only method in which it can be farmed is the method which Deputy Hogan, when Minister for Agriculture, put before the people. His policy was to feed as much stock as you possibly could upon your land, to feed them as far as you possibly could upon stuff which you grew upon your own land, to till as largely as you possibly could till and to feed the proceeds of your tillage to the stock which you were rearing. That was the policy which again and again was put forward in this House by Deputy Hogan. That always, steadily and consistently, was his policy and that was a sound policy for Irish agriculture.

We have got tremendous advantages over other States. We are the best country in Europe for rearing cattle. We have a climate which is better suited for the rearing of cattle than that of any other country. We have in a great deal of our country, magnificently rich land, admirably suited for the rearing of live stock—cattle, sheep and horses. We ought not idly fling away that source of wealth and say that it is of no importance. Your policy is a policy of denuding this country of live stock, a policy which means that where live stock was being reared profitably a few years ago, the land has to lie idle now, that there are to be no cattle on it and that, therefore, there is to be nothing at all on it. To the joy of Deputy Smith where cattle were raised, thistles will grow in unchecked abundance.

Thistles would be better company for you, I think.

You would look well amongst them.

I think, I would look well anywhere. The policy of the Fianna Fáil Government, as it is carried out, is that you are not allowed to rear live stock. It means that your land is to lie derelict, in other words, that the main source of Ireland's wealth is not to be utilised at all. That is where your policy is bringing you, and any person who will think for himself must see that that is where your policy is driving you at the present moment. If you are not going to use your land, if you are going to have 200,000 calves, or whatever the number is, slaughtered, then your land is going to lie derelict, producing nothing, valueless to the individual who owns it, valueless to the country, valueless to the community. In other words, you are setting to work to destroy what is your real capital. Your real capital in this country is the fertility of your land and the fertility of your land is going to be destroyed by this policy of yours.

Stick to the bad harvest.

I hope and trust there will not be a bad harvest because you are gambling with the lives of the people if there is a bad harvest. If the harvest should, unfortunately, at any time fail in this country it will be the most appalling catastrophe that has happened for generations in this State. I cannot understand how anybody in this State could look forward with anything but fear and trembling to even the possibility of a bad harvest. Our only hope is that that catastrophe will be averted from this country, because a bad harvest would mean famine. You are gambling upon a good harvest and you are gambling with the lives of the people upon that harvest. I would not care to have the responsibilities upon my shoulders which the present Executive have so lightly taken upon their shoulders. They are driving the poorer classes of people, trying to make their living out of the land, into destitution; they are driving them into famine too. If there are lives lost, and people perish from hunger due to the action of the Executive Council, then, for my part, I would not like to have the conscience of the Executive Council.

I listened to the speech of Deputy Curran in the hope of hearing something that might be new and that might appeal to me. I wanted to hear a true version of the case of the farmers and of the prospects of the harvest. I was disappointed. He put up no new argument. He put up nothing that appealed to me, at any rate, or that might appeal to me in the future, as any reason why my colleagues and I should waver for one moment in supporting the policy of the present Government or that would tempt us to say for one moment that we were on the wrong path. Then I heard Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney pleading and advocating and telling us here that the best possible thing for us—the real assets of wealth in the country—was the cattle trade. I could not imagine myself in a national assembly listening to a fellow-Irishman pleading that. I thought that I was in the House of Commons in London listening to one of the old reactionary landlords who put that kind of plea across the country for years as the best policy. We know the echo of that policy; and it was fitting that Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney should end his speech with the word famine. There was famine in this country; and in one particular famine, that of 1847, 1,500,000 of our people went down and out in famine and hunger. Anyone who wants a description of the agonies that the people went through, the little children squealing at the breasts of their famished mothers, ordinary human beings fighting with one another for every morsel of food, will find it in the scenes that occurred during that famine as described by Mitchel. How was that famine brought about?——

The Deputy is going a bit far back.

I am, undoubtedly. But when we are told by Deputies opposite that the grazing ranches constitute the wealth of the country I want to put our side against that statement. Deputy Belton reached his place in Irish public life through Arthur Griffith. Arthur Griffith said that of all things, education and agriculture in this country were the greatest. Certainly. And now we are told that the agricultural industry in Ireland has resolved itself into the cattle trade. That is exactly what happened; and for the way the country was being cleared I would suggest Deputies should read some of the books written by Eamon Bulfin and his description of the grazing ranches in the country. I advise Deputies to read these things and to study the inconvenience, the hardships and the disasters that occurred in this country while the small farmers were being thrown out of their homesteads to make way for the cattle. Let them go down to Meath and Westmeath and there they will find the kind of farmers that President de Valera had in mind when he spoke in Cork the other day.

In Meath and Westmeath, as Deputy Belton knows, you will get ten men who are owners of 1,000 acres each, but you will get 1,000 people who do not own one acre. That is what came to the farmers, and these are the people the President had in mind when he referred to a man sitting in his house on a rainy day looking out at the bullocks, employing no one but a man with a sheep dog to look after his cattle. That was the type of farmer and rancher that was in President de Valera's mind when he talked of people who were living on the fat of the land. But that day is gone and gone, I hope, forever.

I, for one, am delighted, and my colleagues are delighted, to take part in such an Assembly as this. I fearlessly and candidly admit that so far as my vote and voice and influence are concerned I shall do all I can to stop the cattle trade and the system of grazing ranches in this country. We heard Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney's argument. I believe myself that Deputy Belton does not approve of that line of argument. I believe that whether Deputy Belton admits it or not. Deputy Belton is a tillage farmer; he does not go it for ranching; there is nothing in common between the Deputy Belton type of farmer and the farmer that President de Valera referred to in Cork. I believe Deputy Belton would never become a rancher.

Neither will the Deputy.

Let me say a word about my activities as a farmer. I was not blessed with many of this world's goods. I am one of those who came out of an humble home in the country. I rejoice, and many others like me rejoice, that I was brought up in a labourer's cottage, the son of a labourer; and I have yet to realise that there is any Deputy on the opposite benches low enough to taunt us that because we are now owners of land we have not intelligence enough to know what good agriculture means in this country. Surely that day is past—the inferiority complex is gone and gone forever. There were figures given by Deputy Curran here to-day. I had an open mind while hearing Deputy Cur ran speak, and I hope to hear Deputy Belton later on.

Deputy Curran talked of the number of cattle exported in certain years and so on. But does he and others who hold his views ever take the trouble to look at more significant figures than those. Do they ever, take the trouble to look at the number of people exported? I have figures which were given on the 14th December, 1914, in relation to the year 1871 by Arthur Griffith. I am not quoting these for any political purpose. It is a record of facts. The fact is that the system of economy in every country has changed and we want to get back to something a little bit more prosperous than our friends on the other side might like.

"Be it remembered," said the late Arthur Griffith, "that Ireland has increased in population in one direction only."

And this was the development of the grazing ranch and the cattle trade.

"In 1841, there were 4,000,000 cattle and sheep and 8,500,000 human beings in Ireland. To-day"—

and this was on 14th November, 1914—

"there are 8,500,000 cattle and sheep and only 4,250,000 human beings."

And that was taking in the entire 32 counties.

That was a splendid system on which to work the agriculture of this country or on which to carry on industry in this country. It is to end that system and to carry out the policy of Arthur Griffith that the policy of this Government is aimed at—to get back to the times when there was a native Parliament here, a Parliament working for the people, which tried to establish a system whereby both the agricultural and manufacturing industries should go hand in hand, both working for the benefit of the people, and endeavouring to stop emigration by giving employment to the people here. That is the general policy, as I understand it, that the present Government is aiming at.

Deputies on the opposite side get up and tell us, as they have told us time after time, that the country is going to wreck and ruin. When Deputy MacDermot tells us of the lack of prosperity in this country, I should like him to take note, before he speaks again, of the amount of money on deposit in Irish banks as on 19th January, 1933. This quotation that I am going to give is a summary of all the bank balances. Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney tells us that we are going rapidly to destruction, that the only industry we have is about to perish, that there is nothing but ruin, bankruptcy, and general collapse ahead for the country—disaster and the collapse of the nation in all branches of industry in the nation, including agriculture. Here is a summary of the deposits in the banks.

Would not this speech be just as relevant to the Vote for the Department of Industry and Commerce as to that for the Department of Agriculture?

It has been suggested, Sir, by Deputies opposite that the country is in a state of collapse as a result of the destruction of various branches of industry in this country, and this is one branch of industry. That was a general statement by Deputies opposite, and I hold that I am entitled to read this quotation in reply to the general statement made.

If it has reference only to the Agricultural Estimate, that is so. If it has reference to agricultural produce and such things, it would be relevant, but bank balances may be quoted with just as much relevancy to one Estimate as to other Estimates.

If it is applicable to any Estimate, Sir, surely it is applicable to this?

I do not think it is applicable to any of them.

I do not wish to be irrelevant and I am only bringing this forward in reply to a general statement made. I only wish to quote a figure. All I wish to say is that, according to the summary of the bank balance sheets, as quoted in the Irish Independent on January 19th, 1933, the total amount of money on deposit in the Irish banks was returned as £194,860,826. That is a very poor country, is it not? From those figures it would appear that we are on the verge of disaster, and, as Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney said about the County Mayo—why, all your arguments are a mass of contradiction—the County Mayo is a terrible place at the moment. The people are living on potatoes and salt in the County Mayo, according to Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney —potatoes for breakfast, potatoes for dinner and so on. Strange to say, the record of the County Mayo has been quoted here as an outstanding example in the payment of rates and is able to show a clean sheet as regards the payment of rates and annuities. I have not heard any extraordinary cases of hunger from the County Mayo at all, and I am sure that if there were in existence the cases of semi-starvation that we have heard so much about from Deputies opposite we would have heard about them.

I was also a little bit impressed by Deputy Minch when he interjected a remark while Deputy Smith was speaking about making a comparison between the farms down here and those in Cavan. He said "it would grow elephants." I expected more from Deputy Minch. We had a by-election in the Deputy's constituency and one of the main arguments we put up in support of our programme was the agricultural policy of Fianna Fáil that we would pursue when we came into office. We made one statement—the candidate made it in his speech, and it was made in other speeches and I think we put out a leaflet——

You put out a lot of leaflets.

——to the effect that the grass lands in North Kildare were being over-run by bullocks and that the poor people had been driven from the good lands of Meath and Kildare into the bogs of Allenwood. There was no point in Deputy Minch's interjection or interruption except that in the county itself, at a by-election and on a straight fight, we received a verdict and we will always receive that verdict as a result of that policy. I heartily agree with Deputy Smith in the advice he tendered to the Opposition to come along with us. Nobody ever suggested or expects that we are supermen on these benches here at all, and when Deputy Smith makes a suggestion of that kind to the Opposition it ought to be accepted in the spirit in which it is given. I, for one, heartily agree with that. Come along with any reasonable constructive alternatives to any policy of the Government. You ought to have brains—although some might not agree with that—it is a matter of opinion. You had ten years' experience before we came into office. Most of your Party had ten years' experience. You had the experience of Deputy Cosgrave and the benefit of his advice. You had the experience and advice of all the ex-Ministers over there. You had the benefit of the advice given by certain people—I will not mention them as I do not want to strike any more personal notes here because I think there are too many personalities here and we can do much better without them—you had the benefit of all this experience and advice and can you not, by deliberation at least, contribute something that will help the Government to carry through the programme it has undertaken?

Take the case of Allenwood. We found the people there in the bogs and they could not live. I believe that Deputy Belton is one of the most practical men on the opposite side. I will ask him what did he meet any night on the roads coming from the County Kildare? You met the poor people, the small farmers, with their little loads of turf coming into Dublin, sleeping on the side of the road at night and going through all that hardship in the hope that they might get 2/- or 5/- for their turf. There was that lonely procession coming in night after night to Dublin from Deputy Minch's own constituency to try to make a little. We tried to bring in a system of economy whereby industry and agriculture should go hand in hand and we had to go down to the bleak places like Allenwood to help the people to do something that would make their lives a little better. Is not that something?

Of course, it is.

Even if we are only helping to make life a little bit easier for one, two, three or four people to advance in the right direction, is not that something? Possibly Deputy Belton might not agree with that. The Deputy might think that they should be taken out of the bog. Please goodness we will eventually get to that stage, too, but we will never treat agriculture and the farming community of this State in the way in which it was treated by the Cumann na nGaedheal Government. I do not forget that Deputy Belton was in opposition when there was a Cumann na nGaedheal Government in office. I do not know whether he had a seat in this House at the time or not, but I know that he was the most active man in this State in opposition to the Cumann na nGaedheal Government.

I remember as the result of a general election that a Deputy representing the farmers of South Tipperary was elected to the Dáil. The Deputy came along here, and what did the Cumann na nGaedheal Government do? They were astute politicians. What did they do? They immediately set about this leader. He was an able man. He had education and he had brains, and he knew what he was talking about. Cumann na nGaedheal immediately smelt danger from this gentleman, and he was immediately made a Minister with a job in the Cabinet.

Is not this wandering very far away from the Estimate?

I am comparing our policy with the policy adopted by the Opposition when they were the Government.

Not surely comparing it by making personal references to a Deputy.

I did not mention his name at all.

It is very easy to know whom the Deputy meant.

To come back to the subject, the Farmers' Party in those days were deserted by the leaders of the Party, and that was the contribution made by Cumann na nGaedheal to agriculture at that time. But what happened subsequently? They went to the country. They are not the Government now. The agricultural policy fathered by Fianna Fáil and what we stand for as regards agriculture was put before the people. I went to more meetings possibly than most Deputies, even those who were most active at the time. That policy is being implemented by this Estimate now. We put that policy to the people, and I do not think that even Deputy Belton will deny that we did get a verdict from the people.

At the last general election the two sections on which we most relied and whose entire support we got, are the two sections that never deserted or let us down. We could go back to them to-morrow and get the same result. We were put here as a Government, and Dr. Ryan is here as Minister for Agriculture as a result of the votes of these two sections of the community. These are the workers of the country and the small farmers. The ranchers never voted for us, they never supported us. No matter how many people were killed in this country to take the eyes of Irishmen from across the Channel, we could not help this peculiar outlook. We have people here whose hopes and whose safety lie in one place and in one place alone, and that is in the British market. Candidly and frankly, as far as I am concerned, I hope the Minister will push on with greater speed than at the present moment until we succeed in taking the eyes of every farmer in this country from having anything to do with those people across the water regarding agriculture or anything else.

The position in this country is the net outcome of what has been going on since we had a big population, when we had two arms, an agricultural arm and an industrial arm. There was a deliberate system fastened upon this country by British statesmen to put this country beyond all hope of being a trade rival to Britain. Any reasonably-minded man will accept that as a political factor. Somebody interjected here to-day—I think it was Deputy Curran—that if every section of the community were treated as harshly as the agricultural section there would be much more noise now. If every section of the community who had a grievance were led with the same energy, the same skill and the same enthusiasm as the farmers are led, particularly the grumbling section of them, by Deputy Belton there would be nothing in the country, morning, noon or night, except noise. We have got a rehash of all these grievances from which they are suffering. They are suffering from misery. As Deputy Smith said, every sort of misery is preached about them. There is not money even for the chapel on a Sunday morning. There is no hope for anything, nothing at all; the people are down and out.

Now Deputy Belton does not believe that—does not believe one word of it. The Deputy was on the right road at one particular period of his career but he did not stay there. If he did he might be introducing this Estimate now instead of being, as he is, a shadow Minister. He is a shadow Minister in a shadow Cabinet under a shadow Leader. That is the position the Deputy is in and I admire his pluck and the skill and energy he has put into his work. He is putting the farmers' case with considerable zeal and considerable ability. I do not know any man in Ireland to-day who has more admirers than Deputy Belton, and so few followers. He remembers that. He can always keep calm, cool and collected, and if he goes on as he is going he will yet reach Ministerial rank—if the people ever become insane enough to send the Cumann na nGaedheal or the Fine Gael or the National Guard Government back to office. But they will not. The farming community, we are told, have been badly treated. They have been getting bad prices for cattle, sheep and bacon. I do not think it is necessary to labour the subject of the bacon industry. The official figures we have had are enough for that. When I was a boy I saw bacon being sold for whatever could be got for it. Then the farmer went into a grocer's shop and brought home some kind of bacon, perhaps Chinese, or something like that. The people are to-day getting food and proper food as a result of the policy that Dr. Ryan, the Minister for Agriculture, and the present Government are pursuing. There is a bounty given to the farmers on poultry, eggs, butter, milk products, bacon and everything in fact. Every assistance is given to the agricultural community. That policy has not begun to-day.

I remember reading a speech delivered by somebody with a very keen sense of humour in the South during the last election campaign. That speaker described Deputy MacDermot as the Parnell of 1933. The Parnell of 1933 will, I sincerely hope, never have to do what the Parnell of 1879 had to do—to take farmers out of the miserable position in which they then stood. The position of the farmers is improved. We have heard talk from their representatives. I do not know whether any of them are now in the House. I think there are not, and that is just typical of them. I would ask the farmers to remember, as Deputy Smith said, that there are other people in the country as well as the farmers. There are agricultural workers.

The agricultural workers of the country stood by the farmers through thick and thin in the evil days of the land struggle. These workers helped the farmers' organisations with their sixpences and shillings in order to enable them to retain hold of their farms. They helped the farmers in every conceivable way. I am not speaking with any disrespect to the farming community, but they might look with a little less self-consciousness to the general situation of the country and be a little more generous in their outlook on other sections of the community. I know that everybody wants to see agriculture thriving. It is the only thing in the community upon which everything else is built. The general prosperity of the country is determined by the prosperity and success of agriculture.

But we all know that everybody in this country cannot be a farmer; everybody in this country cannot own land. Numbers of people must have other means of livelihood. They must follow other occupations. There are in the country professional people, business people, and the ordinary workers. They have all to be linked up together in one nation. If we are to make this into one whole nation and build up a prosperous State all the people must be linked up together. Deputy Belton knows that as well as I could tell it to him. He knows that the time has arrived when the nation must be linked up together. Deputy Belton, as a matter of fact, does not represent an agricultural constituency at all. He represents an urban constituency. He represents North City Dublin and does not Deputy Belton know that there are people living in single rooms in tenement houses——

Is the Minister for Agriculture responsible for this?

No, but I am drawing a parallel between Deputy Belton as a representative of the City of Dublin——

Is Deputy Belton responsible for it?

We are discussing how the Minister administers his Department.

Yes, under certain conditions, and I can discuss the conditions, can I not?

The Deputy cannot discuss agricultural conditions with reference to tenements and flats.

With all respect, Sir, I was referring to the position the farmers are in at the moment and I meant to develop the point on the lines that they pay a certain amount of money annually for their property out of which they get their living. Deputy Belton represents a different type of constituency, the population of which pays equally as much and have no land.

That has nothing whatever to do with the Estimate.

It has something to do with the position the farmers find themselves in as compared with other sections of the community.

The position we have to discuss ought to be perfectly clear to every Deputy. A certain amount of money is voted for the administration of the Department of Agriculture for which the Minister for Agriculture is responsible. That is what we have to discuss and not who Deputy Belton represents or what he does.

If I may say so, with all respect, Sir, I represent an agricultural constituency in the main, but I also represent certain towns in that constituency. Deputy Belton represents one of the constituencies of the City of Dublin in the main and he is a farmer himself. I was trying to make an analogy between the position of the farmer in the country and the ordinary worker in his constituency.

The Deputy has rambled a good deal, and I think he knows it. He ought to come back to the way in which the Minister administers his Department.

Very well, Sir; I bow to your ruling. Deputy Curran took the Minister back to some statements he made when he was in Opposition. It is an extraordinary thing that in all the years we were in Opposition, from 1927 to 1932, the Deputy could find only about three sentences which he could hurl at the Minister. Again, I say in connection with that, it is serving no useful purpose at the moment. We found the agricultural position in a certain state, as Deputy Smith said, when we took over office. The people believed a change was necessary, and we told the people that, if returned as a Government, we would go in for a system of intensive tillage. We put that to the people and they accepted it. Surely it is not the idea of the Opposition at this moment that we should reverse that and start into a policy of what?—of developing the cattle trade still further? Surely you never expected that from us? We never at any moment suggested that we would do it and we were frank and candid about the whole business. We are simply putting into effect the promises we made under that heading.

We have been told that under our system of agriculture we have destroyed home markets and all the rest of it. There is nobody doing more to establish markets for the farmers at home than the present Government and nobody is working harder than the Minister for Industry and Commerce, in conjunction with the Minister for Agriculture, to see that the Irish farmer has first call on the home market and that a state will arise in Irish industry that will provide that market for the home farmer. I absolutely approve of and agree with that. There were other little complaints made and this was where again we found ourselves in a clash with other sections of the community. We had the outcry last Christmas all over the country that prices for poultry, turkeys and everything else were bad. Last year was an exceptional year. Everybody knows that. It was a bountiful year, and as everybody who lives in the country knows there was plenty of food, and as a result of the policy of the Government and the policy we are carrying out— Deputy Belton laughs; he probably knows what I am coming to—there were people in his constituency who ate turkeys last Christmas who never ate them before and possibly never would have eaten them but for the type of Government that is in office at the present time. I would say to Deputy Belton: "Never begrudge your humblest constituent a good Christmas dinner."

That is all I have to say on the subject. I am whole-heartedly in favour of the present policy, as enunciated by the Minister when introducing his Estimate. It is the policy we have stood by and it is the policy we intend to stand by while we are in office. It is the policy we have put to the people and it is the policy which is being implemented in every branch of the Government by every Minister of the Executive Council. We will go on to implement it, please goodness, during our term of office until we will have very little left to do and, in fact, we ought to be able to complete our programme and possibly go ahead in the three and a half or four years left. If Deputy Belton has to wait for the end of these four years, so bad will the case be—and it is bad enough now, goodness knows—that even the shadow will have disappeared by that time.

It is with some feelings of embarrassment that I rise to speak on the Agricultural Estimate after hearing the wide range of views of the many experts who have gone before me. I am afraid that the rosy picture of the future of this Government painted by the last speaker tallies very poorly with the forlorn, defeatist speech of the Minister in introducing his Estimate. I do not share the opinion I have heard freely expressed during this year and up to the present that we are on the eve, or approaching, a general election. Many people did express the opinion that this year would not go out without a general election. I never shared that opinion, because I did not see what would bring about an election. Now, I am prepared to bet even money that the speech of the Minister for Agriculture delivered here to-day and the picture of agriculture which he has put before the country cannot but mean that, unless the people of this country are bereft of all sense of responsibility and of the condition to which they have been brought by the Minister and his Government, that we are to have a general election this year to put out this Government of inefficients—and I will not put it more strongly than that.

I will have the bet.

There would be some element of sportsmanship in it if I accepted your bet yesterday, but there is none to-day. It is a certainty to-day, and I do not want to take your money for nothing. After all, Deputy Breathnach and I may cross words now and again, but we understand each other, and although no matter who won the bet we would both enjoy and share the proceeds of the bet, I do not like to have a good evening altogether at his expense. The Minister for Agriculture in an agricultural country should be the protector and guard of agriculture.

Dr. Ryan

You are getting down to your business very quickly.

Even the last speaker, Deputy Donnelly, went so far as to say, when he had left the tenants alone, that we were all depending on agriculture, and I would much prefer to deal with this matter of agriculture as agriculture instead of as something that peculiarly belongs to and is owned by any section who are called farmers in this country. When you speak of the farmers' interests you speak of the interests of a class. When you speak of the interests of agriculture you speak of an industry that is of concern to every citizen. I would much rather speak of this Estimate as what it is, an agricultural estimate, and not a farmers' estimate. It would be well if Deputies opposite considered agriculture as agriculture instead of something that was peculiarly and solely the farmers' interest, and then when they had established that position endeavoured to drive a wedge in between farmers who carried on different types of farming and farmers with different sized farms.

The whole policy of the present Government in agriculture, as in everything else, has been to start a class warfare, to put the small farmer against the big farmer, to put the labourer against both, and to put the urban population against all of them. Agriculture is 80 per cent. of the whole of productive industry. It is the economic foundation of the country. It is on that foundation that the whole superstructure of industry and commerce in this country has been reared and must be maintained. If agriculture is not in a healthy condition, it is a matter of concern not only to those immediately living out of agriculture but to the whole nation. We see the Minister for Agriculture standing idly by while agriculture is being ruined, while sheriffs' sales are being carried out for debts that are not due, while agriculture is taxed to pay the Attorney-General a large salary and to maintain a Department to seize for alleged arrears of rates and annuities that have already been collected. When these seizures are made and the stock impounded, the forces of the State are used to protect and even to buy the stock at these sales. The stock are then secreted away under the protection of the forces of the State and, in all probability, smuggled across the Border. When the Minister for Agriculture supports that policy, then one despairs of the interest of the Minister in that phase of agriculture. The Minister for Agriculture was not present yesterday when I raised a matter on the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Dr. Ryan

I am sorry I did not know that.

I will remind the Minister of it now and he will have from this until Tuesday next to consider the matter. I asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce yesterday if he, or any colleague or his, was in a position to contradict the statement of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer that in the financial year ending 31st March last the British Government had collected by their special duties or, if you like, seized by their sheriffs, the Customs officers at Birkenhead and other ports, £4,500,000 out of agricultural produce exported from here. Is the Minister for Agriculture, or any responsible spokesman of the Government, in a position to contradict the British Chancellor of the Exchequer? Is the Minister for Agriculture aware that the President publicly stated that the total amount collected in that year by the British, through these special duties, was only roughly about £3,500,000? The President was only £1,000,000 out.

Dr. Ryan

Do you prefer to believe the British Chancellor of the Exchequer?

In the matter where there is a discrepancy in statements——

Dr. Ryan

You take the Englishman's word.

Has not that discrepancy been going on for the last 130 years, since the time of the Union, and you only just discovered it?

You have not wakened up yet. The Minister for Agriculture has thrown over the jibe that I prefer to believe the British Chancellor of the Exchequer. Does the Minister prefer to believe the President?

Dr. Ryan

Of course I do.

The Minister believes the President's statement that only £3,500,000 was collected last year through the British special duties.

Dr. Ryan

I do not know whether he said that or not but, whatever he did say, I believe it.

Whatever he did say you believe. I quite agree that you are 100 per cent. "yes-man."

Dr. Ryan

You are 100 per cent. "no-man."

You would never have sat on these benches if you had a mind of your own.

Dr. Ryan

I went to Mass anyway.

You did when I opened the door for you. You were ordered to stay at home until I said I would go and then the President and the shadow Minister——

We thought you were a "no-man."

Dr. Ryan

He is a "yes-man" to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

There is no use in entering into a serious discussion with the Minister for Agriculture. He is prepared to believe all the statements of the President, no matter what the President says. We cannot expect a Minister of that type to defend agriculture if, in the defence of agriculture, his position may be in danger. It is, however, a matter of no small importance to us that close on £5,000,000 per year is seized from agricultural produce and no attempt is being made by our Government to restrain the British from seizing that. Instead of that, a new police force is recruited and a new army is built up to help the sheriffs to seize it again from agriculture. I ask Deputy Donnelly to think over that—that after the British have collected £4,500,000 on foot of an alleged debt, our Government send out their sheriffs and bailiffs to collect it again and the Attorney-General gets up in this House and says it is the law and asks Deputies are they going to disobey the law. This is the House where law is made. This is the House where law can be unmade and we should not discuss matters of this kind here from the point of view of legality. We should consider them here from the point of view as to whether the law, as it runs at present, is just or unjust. There is no need for Ministers or Deputies opposite to stand behind what is the law through a freak to-day. If that law is right, hold on to it; if it is not right, then amend it and do so at once. Yesterday we had the Minister for Industry and Commerce complaining that the present Government inherited laws relating to factories here, but that these laws would have to be amended; he recognised their injustice. Why is not the same attention given to unjust laws relating to agricultural conditions? If the Government have the right—I am not so sure whether they have or not, but they claim to have the right—legally to collect the annuities, even though the British have collected them——

A speaker on this side was ruled out of order for referring to the collection of rates and annuities. I would like to have the ruling of the Chair about their introduction now.

A speaker on the Opposition Benches was precluded by me from pursuing that line of argument earlier in this debate. The repercussions of the economic war on agriculture may be referred to, but the collection of annuities may not, as the Minister for Agriculture is not responsible for their collection; neither is he responsible for the collection of rates. It is not in order on an Estimate to advocate legislation, nor is it in order in this House to criticise on an Estimate legislation passed by the Oireachtas.

Of course I accept the ruling of the Chair. I am merely seeking information. Is any member of this House, then, precluded from referring to a law or the want of a law governing certain conditions in the sense that the law may be unjust or that there may not be sufficient law to control certain conditions as they exist and that more law or amending law would be necessary?

The unbroken practice of 12 years has been that Deputies may not advocate legislation when considering Estimates.

You said you ruled out a Deputy——

I do not want the Deputy to misunderstand me. The burden imposed on agriculture by the payment of annuities may be adverted to, but the merits of the annuities dispute may not be discussed. The Deputy was proceeding to deal with the merits of the question.

I thought the repercussions of the economic war on agriculture was a matter that could be discussed on this Estimate.

The Chair, of course, does not invite the Deputy to discuss that.

But the Deputy had to some extent invited himself.

Tell us your policy; that is what we want to hear.

If the Deputy wants to know my policy, let him come out to my farm and I will show it to him.

Dr. Ryan

Rhubarb!

All crops, what one would not see on the Minister's little spot down in Wicklow. I will show also my wages book with the trade union rates—what the Minister cannot show.

Dr. Ryan

That I do not pay trade union rates?

Dr. Ryan

The Deputy will please withdraw that or, if not, I would like him to say it outside. I deny it and I ask the Deputy to withdraw.

The Minister need not challenge. If the Minister says he is paying trade union wages I will accept his statement. Does he say so?

Dr. Ryan

I do say so.

Then I accept your statement.

Tell us your policy as the shadow Minister for Agriculture. That is what we want to hear.

Ministers and Deputies opposite do not like to hear about the repercussions of the economic war on agriculture.

We could sing them through listening to you.

If the Deputy over there were following his usual avocation of trying to make a living trading calves from fair to fair, as he used to, he would find very quickly what the repercussions of the economic war are now.

What harm is that?

None whatever, only he would not have so many smiles on his face as he has now when he is drawing his £1 a day here.

Sure you are trying to make a living by employing old women.

This Deputy has made many insulting remarks here. I would not mind anything if it were true, but the fact is that I employ men and women at trade union wages.

The avocation or personal methods of farming of the Minister or of any other Deputy are not relevant.

But the interjection is thrown in and it must be contradicted. The repercussions of the economic war on agriculture, particularly when agriculture has to bear double the burden it had to bear before, are a very serious problem. We have to pay to the British 100 per cent. of the annuities and £2,000,000 over that, and our Government here is insisting on collecting 50 per cent. of the original annuities. The Minister, in his opening statement, referred to that 50 per cent. that our Government is insisting on collecting as a concession to agriculture, as a reduction in the annuities.

Dr. Ryan

It was the other 50 per cent. I was referring to.

What other 50 per cent.?

Dr. Ryan

The 50 per cent. that was forgiven.

We would all welcome that if it were true, but what about the 100 per cent. the British are collecting? Does the Minister deny that they are collecting it? I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again on 5th June.
The Dáil rose at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 5th June.
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