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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 27 Feb 1935

Vol. 55 No. 1

Local Government (Extension of Franchise) Bill, 1933.

MOTION UNDER ARTICLE 38A OF THE CONSTITUTION.

I submit the following motion:

Beartuítear leis seo, fé Airtiogail 38a den Bhunreacht, an Bille Rialtais Aitiúla (Reacht-Shaoirse do Leathnú) 1933, do chur go dtí Seanad Eireann arís.

It is hereby resolved, under Article 38a of the Constitution, that the Local Government (Extension of Franchise) Bill, 1933, be again sent to Seanad Eireann.

Article 38A of the Constitution declares that whenever a Bill, initiated and passed in Dáil Eireann is, within a period of 18 months after it is sent to Seanad Eireann, either rejected or not passed by Seanad Eireann or passed with amendments with which the Dáil does not agree, Dáil Eireann may within one year after the expiration of such period send the Bill again to Seanad Eireann by resolution expressly passed under Article 38A. If it is then not passed within a period of 60 days, it may by resolution of the Dáil, be deemed to have been passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas.

This Bill was sent to Seanad Eireann on the 28th June, 1933, and rejected. The Bill may therefore be sent again to Seanad Eireann within one year after 28th December, 1934—the day on which the constitutional period of delay expired, and I move accordingly.

When the Minister introduced this measure in June, 1933, he said that the Bill afforded a long delayed opportunity of considering what should be the qualifications of a Local Government elector. The Minister, it is true, had been already warned by discussions in this House as to the position of the general fabric of local government as a result of the economic situation created. The Minister has had more than warnings since then. He has seen the steady increase in the grave distress of the farming community. He has seen the position in which so many local bodies are being placed as a result of their inability to collect from the farming community the normal rates to support the administration of local government. He has seen substantially large sums that normally would be transferred by the Minister for Finance to local authorities to carry on local government administration, withdrawn from their local bodies. No doubt he must be at the present time faced with a very grave problem arising out of the land annuity position, which disclosed itself on the 31st January last. The Minister has seen quite recently a number of county councils—Leitrim County Council and Clare County Council to mention two—discussing quite openly the gravity of their situation. He has commissioners operating for himself in County Waterford, South Tipperary and Kilkenny and in these three places——

And in Laoghis.

He has, therefore, had an opportunity to consider the whole position of local government. He has seen the operations of the Land Commission, and he has seen the value assigned by the Land Commission to lands which they are buying at the present moment. He realises that to a large extent support of the fabric of local government rests on the land which the Land Commission at the present moment has, in many cases, declared as practically worthless. So in putting this motion to the House, the Minister has gone very far beyond the position in which he could simply recommend it to the House as a long-delayed opportunity of considering what should be the qualifications of a local government elector.

I submit to the Minister he is now in a position in which he ought to give to this House the rather long-delayed opportunity of considering what the future of local government should be. This is the time, when a very grave position has arisen in the state of local government generally, that he comes to the House and says: "Paragraph so-and-so of the Constitution says that if the Seanad does not do a particular thing, it can be made to do it." He enters in no way into any of the merits of the discussion that took place here or in the Seanad when he introduced the Bill. Particularly, he enters in no way into what is going to be the future of local government itself, which is a much more vital matter for the people of this country than the question of what the local government electors should be or who they are going to be.

I should like to know what the Minister expects to achieve by passing this Bill to extend the franchise. To my mind, it is an abrogation of the rights of the people who pay and who, ordinarily, have the right to call the tune. I do not think that anything has happened recently which should encourage the Minister to extend the franchise to people who previously had not the franchise in local government elections. We have increased numbers in receipt of home help and receiving doles or State assistance in one form or another. The Minister may think that with conditions like these existing, it is the right, the fair and the just thing to give these people rights which belong to the people who pay for the services, but personally I do not think there is any justice in it. I do not think that the Minister will help either himself or local government by extending the franchise. In fact, I think it will be quite the other way round. I do not think there is any merit in the proposal, and consequently I am opposed to it.

I do not want to say very much on this motion. I am merely tempted to intervene because of Deputy Mulcahy's contribution. The Deputy introduced a catalogue of explanations which had nothing to do with the merits of the Bill.

We have the Ceann Comhairle.

If we had six Ceann Comhairles they would not keep the Deputy to the point.

I submit my statement was relevant to the important matters in the Bill.

This Bill was passed through this House to enable all adult citizens to record their votes at local elections in the same way as they are entitled to record them at national elections. Deputy Mulcahy wants to permit people of 21 years of age to vote for him, to elect an Executive Council, and to elect Deputies, but he does not want the same people to be permitted to elect town commissioners that would be responsible for spending a couple of hundred pounds a year. That is a most illogical viewpoint, particularly in view of the recent evolution in the Deputy's Party. We were told some time ago by the Director-General of the Deputy's Party that he was interested in encouraging youth, and in giving them a full opportunity of taking a part in the councils of the nation. That Party, while still pretending to be interested in youth is not anxious to show that it is the real orthodox party that is looking after the youth of the country. Of course, the ex-leader of the party is trying to organise a separate league of youth. So far as his speeches indicate, he is interested in giving youth its opportunity, but apparently that is not the view of the Fine Gael Party, although they proclaim that they are keenly interested in getting youth to take an interest in the affairs of the nation. One would imagine that they would be glad to see a Bill of this kind. Is all the talk about youth so much humbug? Is it just for the purpose of trying to restore the attenuated ranks of the party opposite? After all the protestations we have had from that party about the desire to establish a Corporative State, and to give everyone an opportunity to take part in the development of industry, agriculture and government generally, I would have thought that Deputy Mulcahy would have had a keen interest in having this Bill passed. Instead of that he comes here to oppose it. and wants to have the youth of the country —in which his Party pretends to have a keen interest—denied the opportunity of taking part in the councils of the nation. Can we have from Deputy Mulcahy a definite statement as to whether his party really stands for the policy of giving youth an opportunity of voting at local elections and taking an enthusiastic interest in municipal affairs? If his party still pretends to believe in that, what is the explanation of the opposition to a Bill which will give these people an opportunity of displaying their zeal in the management of local affairs? Is it the explanation that the proposal for a Corporative State has been expelled from the programme of the party in the same way as its one-time creator?

It was never in the programme.

Does Deputy MacDermot not yet concede that while it probably was not in the programme as he understood it, it was in the other portion?

It was not in the printed programme.

It must not have been in the one you read.

It is not in the programme before the House.

We can thank ourselves for that. It was an ill-assorted document. I wonder does Deputy MacDermot stand for the Labour policy of the Fine Gael Party.

Does Deputy Norton know anything about it?

I would be ashamed to talk about it if I knew as little about it as the Deputy does.

The Deputy knows less than he thinks about the Labour policy of the party. He is far away from it.

There will be an opportunity of discussing that.

Surely I am entitled to ask Deputy Mulcahy whether his action in opposing this Bill is a logical one, having regard to the protestations of his Party that they want to give youth an opportunity to take part in municipal government.

There is nothing in the attitude I took up which would keep a young man or a young woman, 21 years of age, from voting at local government elections, if they had the qualification, of being ratepayers, or the other qualifications that would make them responsible for local government and responsible for paying for it.

That declaration is more illogical than the Deputy's general attitude to the Bill. He knows that only one person in each household can pay rates. If a man lives in a house with his wife and has three or four sons, aged from 30 to 40 years the Deputy knows perfectly well that the wife and the sons cannot pay rates, although the homestead is maintained by the general productivity of the family. In that way they contribute to the rates. Yet, the Deputy wants to have it so that only the head of the household will be allowed to vote.

And the wife.

And the wife, because of the fact that she is the wife, and only on that consideration. But the husband and wife may be invalids, and the sons may be the producers. Votes would be allowed to the invalids but would not be allowed to the real producers.

You are going to alter the whole system to provide for that unfortunate concatination of circumstances.

Does not Deputy Dillon know that if there are two brothers in a household, one is made the rated occupier while the other one, who may, in fact, contribute more to the household than the ratepayer, is prevented from voting under existing legislation? Deputy Mulcahy wants to continue to deprive such a person of an opportunity to take part in local government, even though he is permitted to elect Deputies. That is an entirely illogical attitude. After the Deputy's declaration that he is opposed to youth being given an opportunity of expressing an opinion in an effective way at local elections, while at the same time his Party pretends to be interested in youth, one cannot expect very much logic from that Party. This is a good Bill, one calculated to develop a keen interest in local government, and calculated to capture the enthusiasm of youth for municipal services generally. I cannot see that the passage of a Bill, containing a provision to enable youth to exercise the franchise, is likely to have any serious ill-effects on the local government machine. I think Deputy Mulcahy's Party should have welcomed this Bill. It is a progressive Bill, and in conformity with the best social thought in Europe to-day. Instead of hanging on to a worn out system of local government, and a worn out franchise, which has no merits whatever, except that it was the system of municipal franchise which was handed over, and which we slavishly followed, I hope this motion will be passed, and that the Party opposite will drop their objection to it. I also hope that the Bill will be passed when it is again submitted to the Seanad. If it does, I think that by giving to youth the opportunity of having an effective say in local government it can do much to improve the position of local government in the country and do much to help in the selection of a better type of candidate for election to local authorities, and Deputy Mulcahy might well be glad that the opportunity of doing so was presented both to this House and to the country.

The leader of the Labour Party commends this motion to the House on three grounds: (1) because, he says, it will provide an opportunity for youth to partake in local administration; (2) because, as he seems to think, this country is full of houses occupied by bachelor brothers one of whom may be deprived of his vote under existing circumstances, or houses occupied by invalids with large families of adult children who are deprived of the franchise by the existing system; and (3) on the analogy of the franchise provided for Dáil Eireann elections. Each of his three recommendations is equally fallacious and futile. To suggest, that by leaving the franchise on its present basis you preclude youth from partaking in the elections, is absurd because the question of youth does not enter into that at all. The difference in principle between us and the Government is as to whether the franchise shall be universal, or as to whether it shall be restricted to the ratepayers of a county. There is no reason whatever why the ratepayers of a county should not be young men. In fact, in thickly populated counties, in the congested areas, where the old age pension legislation has made it obligatory on the father of a family to convey his property to a son if he himself is to qualify for pension rights, many of the ratepayers are comparatively young men.

The tendency, I hope, in this country will be for the age at which the old age pension will be awarded to men and women steadily to fall, and to have property transferred at an even earlier stage than it is at present into the hands of the rising generation. So that it is in no way inconsistent with youth having a full voice in local administration to abstain from providing for universal franchise in local elections. The second reason advanced—that you have these houses swarming with invalid fathers and mothers unable to struggle down to the polling booth—is so ludicrous that it does not require to be demolished. The third reason which the leader of the Labour Party gave for recommending this motion to the House was the analogy which he sought to establish between the local elections and elections to Dáil Eireann. That is just the place where the Government part from us. Holding, as we do, democratic views, we believe that where you are dealing with the Parliament of the country in which is vested the ultimate authority for the freedom and social services of the people, the proper way is that everybody of 21 years and upwards should have a voice in the election of members to the Dáil, so that everybody may feel that they can influence the supreme government of the community. Personally, I believe in that. Shall I say that my belief is compelled to that system principally because I feel it is the only practical system, and that it is the only system which will guarantee the community against recurrent revolution.

Has the Deputy dropped the other system?

What about the Corporative State?

If the Chair would allow it I should be glad to conduct a discussion with the leader of the Labour Party on the full policy of the United Ireland Party. As Deputy MacDermot has already pointed out, the Corporative State was never a part of our programme.

What about the leader's declaration at Kildare?

I am restricted by the Chair from going into the much wider field in connection with our programme, but any time the Deputy desires to carry the discussion further, either in private or in public, I shall be very glad to meet him. Let us now confine ourselves to the reasons advanced by the Leader of the Labour Party for the passing of this motion. I have already pointed out that we believe in universal franchise for election to Dáil Eireann, because we believe in democracy. I had gone on to say that my belief in democracy was compelled largely by the belief that it is the only practical way of avoiding recurrent revolutions.

Is that view shared by all the members of the Deputy's Party?

The leader of the Labour Party can at a later stage put up some of his satellites to say all the things that he forgot to say himself. To suggest that the same considerations apply when we are considering the franchise that should elect the body of persons who will be charged with the responsibility of administering the local services is, to my mind, entirely false, because no question arises of the liberties or the ultimate interest of the people as a whole being finally determined by any local authority in this country. There is always an appeal from a local authority to Parliament if any local authority fails in its duty or attempts to convert public moneys to purposes for which they were not intended. It is manifestly undesirable where you are raising considerable sums of money from one section of the community to be spent largely upon another section of the community to give universal franchise: to put into the hands of people, whose sole interest is to get the largest possible sum of money distributed by a local authority, the power to elect representatives on a county, because, human nature being what it is, the inevitable tendency amongst the ordinary member of a local body who is looking for popular support must be to feel gigantic pressure brought upon him to indulge in extravagance and in the improvident distribution of the resources of the county if he believes that by doing that he can indirectly purchase large numbers of votes from the voting public.

Is that the feeling of members in the League of Youth?

I think I have already pointed out that the question of youth versus age does not arise, but the question of ratepayers versus non-ratepayers does arise and it is on that distinction that our case rests exclusively. We have had considerable experience, not only in this country but elsewhere, of persons who believe that it is a popular thing to scatter public money broadcast amongst the electorate. Considering all the relevant matters, we believe that we have got to endure that so far as parliamentary elections are concerned, but let us not carry that temptation to scatter public money through the populace for the purpose of purchasing votes into the field of local administration, bearing always in mind that if the local administration fails to keep up with the national standards of social services and social amenities, the Parliament is always here to insist on their going further than they themselves wish to go.

We have an ample check on local administration by the control of Parliament over them. But so sure as we create universal suffrage for election to local authorities we are going to give the vote to those whose sole desire will be to see the local authorities spend money exercising a predominating influence on the minds of those charged with the responsibility of local government. I regard that as something highly desirable. I believe that the correct consequences of this alteration in the franchise is going to be this: that the Minister for Local Government who is responsible for this Bill will yet come back to this House to sponsor or support a measure for doing away with the county councils or substituting for them some other system of local government, when he finds that the bodies which will be evolved from a franchise of this character are paying no regard at all to the resources of the country or its revenues, and are considering only the pull they can secure, by the expenditure of public money, on the voters in a particular constituency.

The arguments used by Deputy Dillon in opposition to this motion would be unanswerable if we were still living in the year when the Local Government Act came into operation. Under the circumstances of that time, all the charges for Local Government and Public Health services had to be borne by the ratepayers residing in the respective areas. Deputy Dillon does not appear to have grown up. If he realised he was a man instead of a boy, instead of talking in the boyish way he did, he would have realised that the contribution to the upkeep of local government services by the central authority is in the neighbourhood of 50 per cent. and that only the other 50 per cent. is contributed by the people who live in the benefited areas.

Is the ratepayers' burden lighter now than it was then?

Surely, the change of circumstances which Deputy Brennan realises more than Deputy Dillon does would justify him in looking for a revised local government register.

The ratepayers of to-day are paying as much as they did in 1898.

The charges for upkeep of roads provided out of moneys voted by the Oireachtas are much different from what they were when the Local Government Act came into operation and when this out-of-date British register operated.

And the burden on the ratepayers is three times what it was then.

I am not in the secret of the Minister in matters of this kind, but it is well-known that Deputy Mulcahy, when Minister for Local Government, had under consideration and in draft a Bill to revise the powers of local authorities. If he had lived long enough as a Minister, I dare say that Bill would be in operation now and all the powers presently enjoyed by local authorities would be handed over to county managers.

That is coming, too.

A scheme of that kind, in some shape or form, is bound to come with time. Personally, I should welcome a scheme of that kind, because I believe that, from the Labour Party point of view, it is far better to have the employees of a local authority under the supervision of one person than under the supervision of 30 or 40 persons. For that reason I believe in that system. Assuming that, some day or other, this House will be intelligent enough to pass a measure along those lines, what does Deputy Mulcahy and the older members of the League of Youth fear from the giving of powers to an advisory body elected under such a scheme? They talk of giving an opportunity to youthful members of their Party, to giving them a say in the government of the country, local and national, but by opposing a motion of this kind they are doing quite the opposite to what they say they intend to do. If they remove some of the old people who are on the Executive of the League of Youth or the Fine Gael Party, perhaps those who would take their place would regard this proposal from a different point of view. However, they are taking good care to see that the Director-General chooses the Executive, and they give very little power to the rank and file of the League of Youth.

May I put the Deputy a question? He says that he favours the new franchise for an advisory body under a county manager system. Will he say if he is in favour of it in respect of county councils as at present constituted?

I have made a very careful study of the operation in some areas of the managerial system. I have studied its operation in Dublin and Dun Laoghaire, and I have a limited knowledge of its operation in Cork. A similar scheme is about to come into operation in the City of Limerick. I believe that that system, wherever it has been generously and sympathetically administered, is better than the existing system.

You have changed your opinion.

I certainly have not. The proposal the Deputy had in draft when he left office was never brought before this House, and Deputies have not had an opportunity of expressing an opinion on it.

The Deputy is the only one who ever saw that draft.

I may take it, then, that the Deputy knew very little of the work of his Department before he was kicked out of office. He did not know what was in the minds of his principal advisers at a certain period. I do not make any bones about confessing openly that I believe in a type of local government scheme which gives power to one man—an efficient servant appointed in a democratic way—to supervise the whole of the staff in a particular area. I have been watching the operations of county surveyors. I sympathise with the most efficient and industrious county surveyors in the country, who, under the existing system, are having the tails of their coats pulled every week by 32 or 40, or, perhaps, 78—as in Cork—county councillors, who are looking for a job for this fellow and wanting to get the other fellow kicked out of a job. I make no apology to Deputy Mulcahy for condemning that system and favouring any other system which will give a man with the necessary qualifications power to supervise the work for which he is held responsible. Deputy Mulcahy denies that he was aware of what was going on in his Department before he left there. I accept that denial without further question.

Perhaps the Deputy would answer the question I put to him.

I listened as attentively as I could to the arguments used by Deputy Dillon in opposition to this motion. I came to the conclusion that he was living in the beginning of the year 1898 and that he does not realise the progress made in the meantime— that he does not realise the powers of the local authorities and is not aware of the sources of the money which they are charged with spending. On looking into the matter, I am sure he will realise the important change which has been effected when the cost of the upkeep of local services is now on a fifty-fifty basis. Seeing that there will be less responsibility on the members of these local authorities in the future, there is a glaring case for the passage of this measure.

Has Deputy Davin forgotten to answer the question I put to him as to whether he favours the application of this new franchise to county councils as at present constituted as distinguished from advisory bodies? I put him that question and he has not answered it yet. When he says that I am living in the year 1898, does he forget that, notwithstanding the substantial contribution made by the central Government to the cost of local administration, the burden on the ratepayers is more than twice as great as it was in 1898?

Is the Deputy taking into consideration the amount voted by way of agricultural grant?

Everything.

Better look up your figures.

The Labour Party appear to have an acute interest in the programme of the United Ireland Party, but, if they were so interested in it, it is curious that, in their studies, they did not happen upon the one head of policy which has a certain relevance to the Bill now before the House. They would have found, if they had studied that document, that our Party expressed itself as being in favour of the very same principles as Deputy Davin has just been advocating—advocating, I notice, with the applause of those sitting opposite to me, including Ministers—namely, that there should be more of a concentration of executive authority in the counties in the hands of one wellselected individual and that he should be assisted by an advisory elected council. If Deputy Davin had studied our programme he would have seen that in it.

Deputy Mulcahy does not know anything about it.

And it seems that all in this House were agreed upon it.

You would be agreed upon it until the Bill was introduced, and then you would oppose it.

That being so, it seems to me to be a monstrous waste of time to be changing the present system when we are all in favour of having a new system. That method of procedure seems to me to be a little difficult to explain. I do not take this Bill very tragically. I never have taken it very tragically, because I think that the county councils, speaking generally, are already unsatisfactory bodies and I believe that the effect of this Bill will be to make them somewhat more unsatisfactory. There is no question at all of a desire to shut out youth.

That is a pretty belated admission.

What admission?

To say that there is no desire to shut out youth is a pretty belated admission after the speeches made by Deputy Dillon and Deputy Mulcahy.

Deputy Dillon and Deputy Mulcahy said the very same thing.

They said the very same thing. This Party has absolutely no desire to shut out youth. On the contrary, we would like to see far more young men in the county councils than there are at present.

Why do you not let them into it?

The principle at issue is not one as between youth and age, but as between ratepayer and non ratepayer. The Labour Party often say that those who are not ratepayers are contributing nevertheless. Well, I admit that there is some truth in that, especially if you take into consideration the fact that some of the moneys are supplied from this House; but the worst of it is that, even if they are contributing, they are not conscious of the fact. They are not conscious of the fact that expenditure can be any sort of ill from their point of view, and the attitude of a non-ratepayer, on the whole, is that the more expenditure there is the better. I am sure there is no member of the Labour Party who, as a practical man, really could deny that.

Without spending too much time in discussions of abstract principles, my view about this Bill is that it is likely, on the whole, to make county councils somewhat worse than they are at the present time, and that, inasmuch as we are all in favour of quite a different system it seems a pity to be causing a disturbance by such a revolutionary change in the present system pending such time as we will be able to introduce a Bill instituting a new system.

It seems to me that there is a lot of confusion in regard to this Bill. The last speaker seemed to suggest that everybody was agreed on having some other system than the present one, but I do not see very much sign of that agreement at present. There is agreement, I think, that the present system is not satisfactory, and that the present system of local government requires revision. There is no logical reason why those particular public services which are administered by the local authorities should be linked irrevocably with one type of taxation and one type of taxpayers, as is the case to-day, because rates, in fact, are only a tax on land and buildings. Deputy Mulcahy, I think, was right in suggesting that we should not pass this Bill until the Government have disclosed their intentions with regard to the whole future of local government. It is true, as Deputy Davin says, that 50 per cent. of the moneys expended by local authorities is supplied from the Central Fund. That is no reason, however, why the present franchise should be changed. If 50 per cent. of the moneys supplied by local authorities is supplied by one type of taxpayer, and 50 per cent. by taxpayers in general, then I see no reason why the particular taxpayers known as ratepayers should not have a special say in the elections of the local authorities. The 50 per cent. supplied by this House is supplied by a House elected on universal suffrage. That money is supplied by a House which taxes every person in this country, and since this Government have come in, with the help of the Labour Party, they have taxed more and more the poor people as distinct from the rich. Every day and every week, added taxation is put on the poor as against the rich, and that has been done with the approval of the Labour Party.

What about your own income tax?

The enormous increase in taxation on the poor is in very great contrast to the leading article in the Irish Times, at the time of the last Budget, which was headed: “Thank you, Mr. MacEntee.” But that was with the help of the Labour Party.

Can the Deputy not control his Party organ?

No, I cannot. I think that particular class of taxpayer, which has to bear the main brunt of providing money for local services, certainly should have a special say in the election of those bodies. The Minister, in asking the House to pass this Bill, also forgot to state his intentions with regard to all those counties which have been deprived of local government during his régime. He has submitted those counties to a Crown Colony government. He has treated them as white niggers, unfit for self-government, and he has done so with the approval of Deputy Davin. Certainly, we should know from him whether it is his intention to continue this Crown Colony government indefinitely or whether those counties eventually are to be allowed the privilege, which other counties are allowed, of controlling and directing their own affairs to some extent.

Deputy Esmonde says that the present Government have increased the taxation of the poorer class very considerably. It would take a person of great ability, I think, to fit that argument into the general argument from Deputy Esmonde's Party in connection with this debate. It is very obvious from the remarks passed, I think, that the real issue in this debate is not ratepayer versus non-ratepayer. The real issue is that the Opposition Party do not consider that people of no property should have any say in local government.

That is the same thing.

They consider that the proletariat should be alienated from the business of local government and not allowed to have any say. When they put forward the argument that non-ratepayers will demand inevitably too great an expenditure—will demand a too prodigal expenditure of rates, surely, as a Farmers' Party, or as a Party that claims to represent farmers, they are in a strikingly illogical position. The farmer is supposed to be the principal ratepayer locally, and of course he is so. According to the argument of the Opposition, then, farmers' sons, if they get the vote, will demand that their fathers should pay more and more rates. Is that a serious argument from the Opposition? Certainly, it would be a curious type of policy for same people and for intelligent young men to advocate. I could not imagine it being done. I never knew farmers' sons—to any number anyhow—I never knew a district where there was even 3 per cent. of farmers' sons, who were lunatic to such an extent that they would openly advocate that their fathers should pay more rates because of some fantastic notion that they themselves might have a better time. A still stranger anomaly appears in the Opposition argument when we remember that there is being discussed at present, in Private Members' time, a proposal that farmers should be relieved of rates on agricultural land during the continuance of the economic war.

So now we have the position that the Opposition want to have a vote on this question and I suppose they are going to take it. The Opposition will have it that the farmers should only pay rates similar to what labouring men pay; yet the farmers are to have a monopoly of local government. Deputy Norton dwelt upon the illogical argument of Deputy Mulcahy. The more it is examined the more illogical that argument appears.

The more it is examined by the Deputy.

Well, the Deputy can explain it. I always like to be convinced.

If we can convince you will you vote for us?

Of course I will. Even if I do not vote with the Opposition, if they convince me, they will, at least, make me feel uncomfortable. They will at least make me feel that I am voting for something that I should not vote for. But I may tell Deputy Dillon that I never feel uncomfortable as a result of his arguments. If Deputy Mulcahy makes me feel uncomfortable, or if he makes the Minister feel uncomfortable—that he is forcing upon the country something that he should not, he will have done something. My vote does not count for very much; it is the uncomfortable feeling that arises if the Deputy opposite is able to put forward convincing arguments that counts. But his arguments, so far from making us feel uncomfortable, make us feel very smug. I feel sorry for the Opposition. I look in these matters more to the credit and efficiency of the Dáil which I think is much more important than the success of any party. Party is ephemeral; the Dáil will have to go on and be efficient. From that point of view I feel that the arguments put up against this Bill are not at all sufficient and anybody looking to the future of the Dáil would say that that institution would not have much of a future if they represented the intellectual power of the Opposition.

I think it is time that the Opposition tried to give up the business of opposing merely for the sake of opposition. I think they ought to try and make a case when they are going to force a division, or when they are dealing with big questions. They have made no case in this instance. Of course that makes us feel that we are in an unassailable position. I would rather not see such a position arising. I would rather see a position where there would be keen competition and where both sides of every question would be examined on their merits. That is not the position which is going to arise from the action of the Opposition here.

I am opposed to this motion, although I do not see as big a danger in this Bill if it is enacted as some of those who have spoken appear to see. I share the view of the last Deputy, which was, if I interpreted him rightly, that this measure will not make a very substantial difference in the type of representatives on the local bodies. Every householder is a ratepayer and all that this will add to the list, substantially, will be the sons and daughters of the householder and, to a very large extent, these sons and daughters will vote the way their parents vote. I do not see a very substantial difference, but I see a big change in principle. I was surprised by the unreality of the debate. And what surprised me most was to see how Deputy Davin has advanced towards Fascism and dictatorship. Instead of democratic county councils controlling the county surveyor, Deputy Davin would like to see one official doing it. It is only one step further for the Deputy to say that instead of having 153 Deputies here it would be better to have a dictator.

May I correct the Deputy? Is he not aware that the official responsible under such a scheme would be subject to the control of the central authority?

I am quite well aware of that, and I am quite well aware that the Deputy's supporters all over the country have condemned every attempt to take away what they considered the rights of the people by putting officials into positions that should be occupied by the people's representatives. There are people in this House, at the present moment, who were terribly eloquent, one night two or three years ago, in the Corporation, when a motion was put forward by the Fianna Fáil Party, supported by the Labour Party, and very strongly supported by the present Minister for Local Government and Public Health and, also, very strongly supported by Deputy Tom Kelly, to abolish the managerial system and to revert to the old system—a system that Deputy Davin graphically described pulling the coat tails of certain people to get jobs

That was your description.

No, it was the Deputy's description and the Deputy knows more about it than I do. Is it not a sound principle in local government, financed by rates and not by taxes, to have those people who supply the rates controlling the spending of those rates? As Deputy Davin said, the Central Fund provides a large amount of money spent by local authorities. But the Deputy is aware that it is only a percentage that is put up by the Central Authority of what the local authority puts up.

What is the percentage?

It is a percentage. We are talking in general, not in details. I would like to ask the Deputy—and I am sorry his leader is not here— what is the principle of trade unionism in such matters? Would the Deputy allow every carpenter in this country to have an equal voice and an equal vote in the carpenters' society? No, unless he pays the fee fixed by that society; unless he is a contributor to the society, he will have no voice in the control of that society and neither will he get a job in Dublin. It is not a laughing matter.

Is it in the Bill?

Can the Deputy answer it?

It is not, but the Deputy wants people who are not contributors to the funds of the local authority to have the same voice in the spending of those funds as the man who contributes. There is no such principle in the trade union organisation. Is not that what the Bill proposes? I will vote for the Bill if it does not propose that.

The Deputy should read the Bill again.

I have read the Bill, and, broadly, the Bill is designed to elect local authorities on the same franchise as that on which Parliamentary elections are held. Is that not what it provides?

Are all the people on the Parliamentary register ratepayers? If they are not, they are not contributors.

They are taxpayers.

They are, but it is the ratepayers who are supplying the funds of local authorities.

No, and the Deputy knows it.

I will give way to the Deputy, if, with the permission of the Ceann Comhairle, he will explain how they contribute to the local funds. There is no use in the Deputy telling me that they are taxpayers who pay taxes to the Central Fund and that the money goes to the local authorities from the Central Fund. As I said a while ago, the money given by the Central Fund is given on the basis of what the local authority is prepared to spend. Generally speaking, that is the position. Now, the Deputy is prepared to support a measure which will give a voice to people who do not contribute directly as ratepayers in electing a council in order to initiate expenditure.

The Deputy is raving.

If I am raving, it is not in this House the Deputy should be, because he is raving so much that he should be in safer keeping than in this House.

I will ask the Deputy for an admission ticket.

I should be sorry to have to give it, but if it would oblige the Deputy, I will give him a free pass there.

Thanks very much.

The principle of "Representation where there is taxation" is an old democratic principle, but I do not know what principle those who support this Bill are subscribing to when they demand representation without taxation. I am surprised to see Deputy after Deputy getting up and saying: "All this local government is wrong; we must have bosses in every county who will not be under the control of the local electorate but who will boss the local electorate and we must have advisory bodies to these county managers." I cannot understand that mentality when they are creating a situation that will demand that. I would be all for those supporting this measure if they did not put the cart before the horse but put the horse first and said, as they have promised on many platforms, before they got into office, that there would be derating of agricultural land, but there's going to be no derating so far as indicated as yet.

There is no partial derating.

There is no partial derating and the Deputy knows it, and if he does not know it, he has never studied the subject.

There is the Agricultural Grant.

What is the origin of it? The Deputy does not know. The Deputy's idea of the Agricultural Grant is that a certain sum of money is given, out of the goodness of heart of this Government, for the relief of rates on agricultural land. If the Deputy knew anything, he would know that the Agricultural Grant was never a farmer's relief grant but a landlord's relief grant.

Who makes up the money?

That is a responsibility taken on by this Government and its predecessors to meet a liability hitherto met, not by the farmers, but by the landlords. That is the origin of the Agricultural Grant and before I comment any further, I will give the Deputy time to study that. I, as a member of a county council for ten years, resent the comments made from both sides of the House that county councils generally are discredited bodies—comments made by people on both sides who never sat on a county council or gave an hour of their time in the local public service where there is no remuneration. People should not come in here and make wild statements of that kind without supporting them. I am sorry that Deputy MacDermot has left, but because he has left, I am not going to take up his general criticism of a subject he knows nothing about. County councillors, both now and in the past, have given a lot of their time, free, gratis and for nothing, to the local public service, and it is very unfair for anybody to use this House as a platform to condemn county councils generally. I hope that, if this Bill becomes an Act, it will be the forerunner of derating and I hope that, in any future debate, I will not see so many indications of parties running away from the policies publicly advocated on every platform in this country.

There is one principle that has been enunciated here in support of this motion which, I think, is fallacious, or rather, which, if we examine it, would prove to be the direct opposite. That is the principle which says that, seeing that at the present time a considerable amount of money is being provided out of the Central Fund or from funds under the control of the Oireachtas, we should come to a stage now when contribution to the rates would not be a necessity for franchise. I have served on some of the local authorities for a good many years, and I note that where there is any possibility of getting a penny from the Central Fund, or from Government sources, there is a very great anxiety to spend it and to spend it without even examining whether it will be well spent money or whether a better channel could be found for it, whereas, in respect to the money that comes from direct taxation, and of which those who are voting it will have to put up their share, there is a conservatism and consideration as to whether the expenditure is worth while. I think if we use that argument it will only prove the opposite to what the Deputies have said. I think it will only be repeating the principle of what a good number of Deputies have mentioned, that for local purposes we ought to have some responsibility. I do not even go the length of saying being ratepayers. But where a person takes up the responsibilities of a home and has a house, that person and his partner ought to have representation for local purposes as they have at present. But, asserting the broad principle that every person of 21 years of age, whether he has any responsibility in the country or not, should have a vote and be a voter, the same as the people who carry the burden and heat of the day, is entirely wrong.

Another thing that has struck me is that the real reason for this measure has not been brought out at all in the House. I think if we were to look to charging people for having done something under false pretences, we could not have a better example than what has been done here to-day. I say that because we should have been told at the start that these were a series of Bills to change the voting strength of particular Parties. I do not at all agree with Deputy Belton when he says that this will not change the franchise or the representation——

I meant substantially.

Not at the moment, but unless that object would be achieved there would be no necessity for this Bill. It seems to me that the real reason underlying this motion is not to broaden the representation for local purposes but to increase the voting strength of particular Parties. This measure will in time change the personnel of the local authorities, and I think that is not a step in the right direction. I say that because if people have some responsibility for the money they are voting they give that matter consideration before voting for the spending of it. I am aware that there are a good number of representatives in public life to-day who are not substantial ratepayers. It may be argued that that has a bearing on this matter. I do not want to belittle in any way the county councillors. The county councillor to-day has an important job. He has far too much to do if he has private work of his own to look after. I think it is hardly fair to condemn the county councils wholesale or the men who are trying to administer the public business of the country. But where we have representatives in our county councils who will not be paying for what they are voting, the result will be that these representatives will not give the consideration to the matter that they ought to give. For that reason I am inclined to vote against the motion.

I always know when Deputy Belton is speaking against his conscience.

Let not the Deputy do so himself now.

Mr. Kelly

I never do it.

Then I will listen to the Deputy.

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy may as well listen to me. When the Deputy's arguments are laboured and he speaks hesitatingly, I know he is speaking against his conscience. To-day I have listened to a great deal about ratepayers. Who are the ratepayers? Would these people I am going to mention be ratepayers? I am not an Imperial politician. I am only a village politician. I only think of Dublin. I think of a tenement house in Great Longford Street. There are in that house eight families——

Did you canvass them at the last election?

Mr. Kelly

Take me at my face value and let me go on. At all events, I need not canvass them now. In this one house I know there are eight families. They hand over to the landlord £2 a week; that is £104 a year. The landlord's outgoings might be £8 for head rent; £17 for rates; his repairs and insurance might come to another £15. That is £40 in all, leaving a profit of £64. Probably one might have to make allowances for bad debts. But who pays the £17 rates? Is it not the people living in that overcrowded house? Some time ago a correspondent of one of the newspapers wrote an article in Irish in connection with the tenement houses in Dublin. This is the way he described them:—

"In every room there is a full household and in every house a full town."

That is practically true. If we take one or two or three of these families in those tenement rooms we will find in them grown-up young men and women. They have to live in surroundings that I cannot mention here. Are these young people ever to have a chance by vote or speech to make an effort to better their condition in life?

And do away with the slums.

Mr. Kelly

Yes, and do away with the slums. In what better way can that be done or by what better method than by the exercise of the franchise?

Kick out the slum landlords.

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy may think that way about it, but I am not a believer in that sort of thing. I see a constitutional method of doing so. I ask the sensible men here who are ratepayers in those houses and who ought have the franchise and have representation? Is it not the people living in them, the young men and women growing up there? Their having the franchise will make for better conditions in life, and they themselves will take an interest in the welfare of the State by becoming useful citizens. Are they not ratepayers? All the rest of the talk is nonsense.

Have not the tenants of these tenement houses a vote already?

Of course they have and Deputy Kelly knows it.

Mr. Kelly

We want to see that they have a local government vote.

But surely these tenants have already a vote.

Mr. Kelly

Not one of the young men and women has.

I notice people here whose minds seem to be greatly occupied about the extension of the franchise. I think it is a little late in the day now to talk about extending the franchise. Some people here seem not to realise that we have already many public representatives in the public boards of the country who are only 21 years of age. But if they are only 21 years of age they have some sense of responsibility, for the reason that they have to be ratepayers in order to become qualified of being public representatives under existing legislation. But having that sense of responsibility, I dare say their first consideration is what any scheme is going to cost themselves and their electors as ratepayers. That is what they have to consider when they are asked to give their assent to the expenditure of money. They do not allow any whim or wild idea to run away with their better judgment when they are voting for the spending of money. That is because they know the consequence of this to themselves, to their neighbours and to the people they represent, the people who reposed their confidence in them and look to them to safeguard their interests. These are matters that weigh with these people, I have no doubt.

I speak as one who has been a public representative for some 29 or 30 years. I do not speak with that want of responsibility recently displayed by the Minister for Local Government. I think I am correct in saying that he stated, in some place in the South, not-withstanding that the rate there was 29/- or 30/- in the £, that it was not an excessive rate because the people got good service. This extension of the franchise will, I think, apply to urban areas as well as in rural districts. In some areas a painful situation has been created for the ratepayers by reason of the fact that irresponsible people have been allowed into public authorities as representatives of the people, whether with the knowledge of the Minister for Local Government or otherwise, I do not know. It should be within his knowledge if he is properly informed and, as the responsible head of local government, he should be informed of the fact. Since certain alterations have taken place there has not been that careful administration, and that careful investigation, that should always take place as to who public representatives are, whether they are really qualified or whether they are not qualified. In the town in which I live we have a very substantial rate. I am now referring to an urban area. I think the rateable valuation of the town, some short time ago, was between £10,000 and £11,000. The total rateable responsibility, within the past two years, of certain representatives of that urban area, was something like £34. Doubtless, I may be reminded of this, and rightly so, that the people repose their confidence in those representatives; they gave them a mandate and authority to carry on in their behalf. I wish the people who gave them that authority every luck. I know they have had to pay for it; they have been faced with certain consequences as a result of their own lack of consideration.

As regards derating, I have heard it said on many occasions when derating was in the offing that the farmers might look forward with confidence, and that they would be relieved of all responsibility. In such circumstances, if the farmers were relieved of all responsibilities, I feel that there should be a complete change in the methods of local government. I say that for this reason, that if a man has no responsibility, if it does not touch his pocket directly or indirectly, he loses all sense of proportion; he feels that he is a free lance, that he has that freedom which enables him to put his hand into his neighbour's pocket, that he can spend lavishly at the expense of his neighbours. If we had derating there should be a different method of administration. It should be from the central authority, because otherwise the consequences would be extraordinary. That is why I urge that for representation you should have some rateable qualification; you should always aim at keeping before the minds of those who represent the people a sense of their responsibility to the people and a sense of their responsibility to themselves. I think it is fairly democratic when you have a franchise that entitles a man of 21 years of age to become a public representative on an urban council or a county council, but the day you take leave of the rateable qualification so as to enable a man to become a public representative you will have to view the situation from a different standpoint. Otherwise, you will have one man vieing with another to see who can be most successful in spending money lavishly at the expense of the general public.

The Minister has a very grave responsibility, and I hope he realises it. I hope he realises it is not good local government, good administration, to say to public representatives that it is a matter of indifference what the rate is provided there are good services. I believe in good services; I have never stood between the public and good service, but I believe in the public having that good service at a proper price. We have heard it stated here with regard to the agricultural grant that it represents 50 per cent. of the amount of money expended by local public bodies. The Minister will recollect—I am sure he has some responsibility for inflicting it on the public— that in 1933 the agricultural grant was reduced by £448,000. In the county that I represent, both locally and here, the rates had to be increased by 1/4 in the £ in consequence of the reduction of the grant. I do not know that any effort has been made by the Minister, or anybody on his benches, to explain to the public the justification for withdrawing the £448,000.

The Minister would not be in order in explaining it on this resolution.

In that case I would hardly be in order in referring to it?

The Deputy has drawn the logical conclusion.

I thought I would be allowed to refer to it when I read the report indicating that the Minister said a rate of 29/- or 30/- was not excessive, and it was a matter of indifference to the public what the rate was provided there was good service. We all stand for good service. Let us examine if the collection of rates has been on the down grade——

The question of the incidence of rates does not arise on this Bill. The Deputy will have an opportunity of replying to what the Minister is alleged to have said, when considering Estimates and matters of policy come up for review.

My reason for mentioning the matter of rates is that the question of extending the franchise is before us for consideration. I am claiming that I am entitled to do that in order to show that when you relieve certain people of any responsibility with regard to rates the consequences will be immediately to the disadvantage of everybody concerned.

The Deputy's argument is quite in order.

The rates instead of being on the downward trend are increasing, notwithstanding the agricultural grant. In the county I represent £40,000 of the agricultural grant has been withheld, notwithstanding that it is the first county in the Free State with regard to the payment of rates. The people there have paid their annuities and they have paid their rates better than the people in any other county in the Free State so far. I think that is publicly acknowledged. Notwithstanding that, £40,000 of the agricultural grant is still withheld. That is a very poor return for the manner in which the ratepayers and the land annuitants in the County Mayo have met their obligations. The rates this year are considerably higher than in any year that I can recall with the exception of one. The rates are 11/8 in the £. What reduction the agricultural grant will make I cannot at the moment say; but even with the agricultural grant I think the rates will be something like 5/8 in the £. That position has been created by a lack of responsibility on the part of certain people.

The agricultural grant is a matter of very great importance. It has brought many benefits and many disadvantages. If the rates continue to increase, it is not hard to visualise what the position of the ratepayers will be in the very near future. The great difficulties that people are face to face with in meeting the ordinary rates in present circumstances should be known to everybody. In the extraordinary circumstances which obtain at present what can be their ability, no matter what their disposition is to meet their obligations, to pay these rates when the position has changed and is changing to their disadvantage?

The Minister for Local Government considers that the extension of the franchise is going to bring relief. I have no want of confidence in the youth of the country—I have the utmost confidence in them. I believe that they can be trusted to be upright and honest. But giving them representation without any responsibility as ratepayers tends to create in the minds of these people a complete lack of understanding as to what the consequences of lavish expenditure might be. We know that the consequences in many cases have been greatly to the detriment of the rate-paying public. The franchise is there already and many people have become voters as a result of the Old Age Pensions Acts, particularly the Act passed by the present Government which enables them to become the owners and occupiers of holdings and therefore ratepayers. That has made a very considerable change in the number of voters in the country. Many people who hitherto were not entitled to become voters have become voters. They have qualified as voters and they can exercise the franchise when they reach the age of twenty-one years. The interest in the land, by deed of assignment, is conveyed by the father to the son and as a consequence the son becomes a voter right off. I think that extension of the franchise is quite sufficient for the present and any further extension of it is not in the interests of the general public, but quite the reverse.

I just want to make a few remarks on this motion. I have been a considerable time on local boards and I am just visualising as to my chances of election on local boards in the future. Very probably the situation which I am dealing with would not be apparent to a great extent in other directions. I have always held the view that both this Government and the last Government have always introduced legislation detrimental to the interests of the agricultural community. In my constituency there are two large towns with a population of about 12,000 people. I have no say as regards the management of these urban districts. Still they are the dominating factor when it comes to elect a county council. They will have all the representation without the responsibility. I wonder if the Minister realises that situation. I see the Ceann Comhairle is looking at me as if I was saying something which does not come within the scope of this motion.

The Chair is, if I may say so, following the Deputy's argument with keen interest.

I want to make my point clear. I think that a very serious situation is being created under this Bill. The Minister knows the representatives who have been on local bodies in the past. He knows those who were good administrators and those who were the opposite. He must know that those responsible for corruption and other things do not represent, so to speak, the ratepaying community. I want to see local administration carried on as it ought to be. I realise the necessity of keeping up the county services and everything else. As to this Bill helping in that matter, I say, and I said it when this Bill was before the Dáil, that the Minister for Local Government will have the most desperate position of anybody under the Bill, because I can say, and I know what I am talking about, that the type of representatives as a body under this Bill will not be such as the Minister would like to see. I was very sorry to hear him, once upon a time, give expression to the statements to which Deputy Davis referred, that the people were getting very good value and that the rates were not too high. The ratepayers think more about the amount they have to pay than the extent to which local services have to be increased. It is not much use to a farmer to know that a motor car can attain 60 miles an hour on a grand steam-rolled or tarred road if he is not able to meet his obligations. The agricultural community are about the largest rate-paying section of the people, but it is not of much benefit or consolation to them if the roads are in tip-top order while they cannot meet their obligations.

I certainly think that the time is coming when this whole situation has got to be reviewed. The manner in which local affairs are being carried on has been, I am sure, a cause of great concern to the Minister, even where there is a manager or a commissioner, and he must realise the situation. It is no good trying to expect a council, a commissioner, or anybody else to extract money that is not there. It is certainly not tending towards good administration, which should be the first concern of the Minister, to bring forward a Bill like this. I have mentioned the case of my own county, where there are 12,000 of an urban population. I cannot say what the rural population would be, but I do not think it would be anything like that. I know that the rural population, although they pay the piper, have a very poor chance of having anything like a decent say in the affairs of the county. That is not good business. We all know that if a person has not to contribute to the local rates he will naturally vote for those who give the most extravagant promises, regardless of what may happen to the county services. I think there is no justification whatever for a Bill such as this. Everybody who had any responsibility in connection with the payment of rates had their say in the election of representatives in the past, and I think it is only creating more trouble for the Minister himself to introduce a Bill of this kind. When this Bill is in operation, the Minister will scarcely have as pleasant a time as he has at present, although even at present he has not a very nice time considering the position of local affairs.

Quite a variety of matters have been discussed on this motion to-day. Some Deputies—I do not believe Deputy Curran was one of them—knew so little about the Bill or perhaps cared so little about it, that they hardly referred to the Bill or its contents at all. They tried to drag in a variety of subjects, some of which had only a remote connection with the Bill. I do not take the same point of view as Deputy Curran with regard to the future of local government after the passage of this Bill and when it is in operation in the country. I, like him, and other Deputies who spoke here, am anxious for the well-being of local government in the country. In a particular way it is my concern as Minister. It is my concern as a Deputy and it is my concern and the concern of all of us as citizens to see that the government of the country, in so far as local affairs are concerned, is conducted in the best possible way and with the best results to the people for the money they contribute. It is our concern to see that it is carried on with economy, as well as with all expedition possible and with efficiency.

I believe that the passage of this Bill will have one effect, at any rate, and that is that we shall have more efficiency and greater economy in the administration of local affairs. While it is true, as Deputy Curran and other Deputies have stated, that men or women 21 years of age and over, can become elected as members of local authorities at present, only a small percentage of them nowadays are eligible as ratepayers. Everybody who is 21 years of age or over will be entitled under this Bill to be elected to a local authority and to vote in the elections for local authorities just the same as at present they are entitled to vote for candidates for membership of this House. My own personal experience— and I was a member of an important local authority before I was 22 years of age——

You were an exception.

I do not think I was. There are some Deputies on the opposite benches who were on that body somewhere about the same time or perhaps a little later. My experience then definitely proved to me that the young men who were in the local authorities with which I was associated were the members who were really anxious for efficient administration, for honest administration, for uprightness in the council and for getting the work done without too much talk. The old greybeards, many of whom had been on the council for a long time, were the ones who were stumbling blocks in the way of efficient, economic and rapid administration. That is my experience. I know that that does not apply altogether in every part of the country. It cannot be called a general rule, I am sure, because you will get many young men who are not as intelligent or as educated in these matters as they might be and who perhaps would have notions of spending money as lightly as Deputy Curran and others fear they will when they become members of local authorities after this Bill becomes law. I give my own personal experience, that I went into certain public bodies in this city a good many years ago, somewhere about 35 years ago. It will be for the good of local government and I have no hesitation, as I have said when introducing this Bill and when it was being discussed in its various stages, in recommending it to the House. I do not think that I need say any more. I take the definition of ratepayer given by my colleague and namesake Deputy Alderman Kelly. I believe these are all ratepayers.

Does the Minister deny, as Deputy Kelly did, that they had local government votes?

There are young men, occupiers, who have not.

There are young men and women living in top rooms in tenements who are ratepayers but who have no votes.

Does the Minister realise that Deputy Alderman Kelly intended to suggest that occupiers of tenements had not local government votes?

Deputy Brennan stated that the extension of the franchise proposed in this Bill was an abrogation of the rights of people who pay rates. I cannot, for the life of me, see how the Deputy could justify that statement, because the Bill is not taking away from any persons rights they had. There is no suggestion of abrogating the right of anyone. The Bill is the logical outcome of developments on democratic lines, developments that should have taken place here long ago. Some rather interesting developments of policy were enunciated on the opposite benches to-day.

The Labour Benches.

Deputy MacDermot made one or two statements that he would be far from making previously. However, he is coming along. Evidently by these statements he has dropped a lot of the foolishness that was associated with him last year. In dropping a certain individual—dropping the pilot—Deputies opposite have evidently dropped a lot of their doctrines as well. We will have an opportunity of going into these matters again. They are interesting and we will enlarge on them at a suitable opportunity and point the moral.

Question put:
The Dáil divided:—Tá, 61; Níl, 34.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Geoghegan, James.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Norton, William.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • O'Dowd, Patrick.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C.

Níl

  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Burke, James Michael.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Curran, Richard.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Good, John.
  • Haslett, Alexander.
  • Keating, John.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacDermot, Frank.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
  • Wall, Nicholas.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Smith; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.

I am certifying that the Bill under Article 38 (a) of the Constitution contains only such modifications as are necessary, owing to the lapse of time since the Bill was first sent by the Dáil to the Seanad.

Barr
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