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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 30 Apr 1936

Vol. 61 No. 14

Vote 61—Unemployment Insurance and Unemployment Assistance.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £955,625 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1937, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí i dtaobh Arachais Díomhaointis agus Malartán Fostuíochta (maraon le síntiúisí do Chiste an Díomhaointis) agus i dtaobh Conganta Díomhaointis (9 Edw. 7, c. 7; 10 agus 11 Geo. 5, c. 30; 11 Geo. 5, c. 1; 11 agus 12 Geo. 5, c. 15; 12 Geo. 5, c. 7; Uimh. 17 de 1923; Uimh. 26 agus Uimh. 59 de 1924; Uimh. 21 de 1926; Uimh. 33 de 1930; Uimh. 44 agus Uimh. 46 de 1933; agus Uimh. 38 de 1935) agus i dtaobh seirbhísí áirithe fén Acht um Beithígh agus Caoire do Mharbhadh, 1934 (Uimh. 42 de 1934).

That a sum not exceeding £955,625 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1937, for the Salaries and Expenses in connection with Unemployment Insurance and Employment Exchanges (including contributions to the Unemployment Fund) and Unemployment Assistance (9 Edw. 7, c. 7; 10 and 11 Geo. 5, c. 30; 11 Geo. 5, c. 1; 11 and 12 Geo. 5, c. 15; 12 Geo. 5, c.7; No. 17 of 1923; Nos. 26 and 59 of 1924; No. 21 of 1926; No. 33 of 1930; Nos. 44 and 46 of 1933; and No. 38 of 1935) and certain services under the Slaughter of Cattle and Sheep Act, 1934 (No. 42 of 1934).

For an explanation of the various sub-heads I refer Deputies to the notes which are attached to the Estimate. Provision is made for an increase in staff which is found necessary in consequence of the extended operations of the Department. It is considered desirable that the facilities available in connection with the exchanges and branch employment offices should be extended as widely as possible and certain provision is being made to that end in the Estimate for this year. There are two sub-heads under which there are substantial changes. Subhead G, which provides for the State contribution to the Unemployment Fund, records an increase of £12,000. The contribution from the Exchequer to the Unemployment Fund is determined by statute. It is a sum which has a fixed relationship to the revenue of the fund from the sale of insurance stamps, and in anticipation of the increase in employment that occurred during the past few years being continued during the course of the present year, provision has to be made for an increase in Exchequer contribution. On the other hand, we have estimated that the amount required for unemployment assistance in the course of the current year will be £110,000 less than last year. The Appropriations-in-Aid show little change. They are explained in the notes attached to the Estimate. There is, consequently, a net decrease in the Estimate of £89,042. The services provided for out of this Vote are three in number. There is the service of the labour exchanges, the service of unemployment insurance, and the service of unemployment assistance. These three services have become fused in one another and are at present virtually administered as one service. The labour exchanges were originally established for the purpose of bringing into touch with one another persons seeking employment and employers who were in search of workpeople. That service has been always the main function of the local offices of the Department, but through the stress of other work, particularly during the past couple of years, it has tended to become overshadowed. It is the intention in the near future to revive this important function of the Department, and to require local officers to engage in a vigorous canvassing campaign for the purpose of ascertaining employers' local requirements, and inducing them to satisfy their requirements through the medium of the local offices.

In the course of the past year, from 2nd April, 1935, to 9th March, 1936, there were 64,897 vacancies notified to the Department, and of these 51,136 were filled through the Department. It is worthy of comment, I think, that the activities of the Department in the matter of filling vacancies has been considerably extended during the course of the past three or four years. The number of vacancies filled in the year ending April, 1930, was 16,020; in the year ending April, 1931, 22,931; in the year ending April, 1933, 96,069, and in the following year, 71,916. The number fell off in the year ending April, 1935, to 26,036. I mention that fact because reference has been made to it here, and apparently a misunderstanding exists as to the reason for the decline in the number of vacancies filled for that year. It was represented that that was due to a diminution in the volume of employment available. That is not correct. It was due entirely to the fact that the Unemployment Assistance Act was brought into operation during that year, and required all the attention of the officers of the Department situated in exchanges or branch employment offices, with the result that the function of the Department, in the matter of filling vacancies notified to it, could not be performed, and various administrative changes were made in order to relieve them of obligation in that respect during that period. The Department is now assuming its ordinary functions in that regard, and, for that reason, for the period of 12 months I mentioned, the number of vacancies filled rose again to 51,130. In connection with unemployment insurance there was no change during the course of the year, either legislatively or administratively. The number of persons insured under the Unemployment Insurance Act has, however, risen considerably, and is now the highest recorded. The total number of persons insured under the Unemployment Insurance Act during the period 1934-35 was 399,710, a figure which has to be compared with 314,368 for the financial year 1931-32, an increase of 86,000.

In full-time employment?

No, that is the number of persons insured. The number of persons claiming insurance benefit expressed as a total percentage of the insured population has shown a steady decline during the course of the past year. The number of claims for unemployment insurance benefit expressed as a percentage of the total number of persons insured under the Act on the 2nd April was 4.9 per cent., compared with 6.9 per cent. for 2nd April, 1931. In August, 1935, the Unemployment Assistance (Amendment) Act became law and in consequence of that Act certain changes in the administration of the unemployment assistance scheme came into effect. In particular, new machinery was devised and established for the consideration and determination of appeals by persons who were dissatisfied, either as to the assessment of their means for the purposes of the Act or who had been refused qualification certificates. As Deputies will remember, there was outstanding a very large number of these appeals and the matter was the subject of complaint here. I am glad to say that the new machinery has been completely effective in wiping off these arrears of appeals and at the present time there are no appeals other than current appeals outstanding.

The section of the Department provided for in this Estimate deals with the matter of the granting of permits to aliens to undertake employment in the Saorstát. Certain people have been addressing themselves in public to the question of the granting of permits to aliens to get employment here and any Deputy who wishes to refer to the matter can do so in the discussion on this Vote. I ask Deputies to bear in mind, however, that the persons who are described as aliens for the purposes of the Aliens Act do not include British citizens, and it is only in respect to persons who are defined as aliens under these Acts that the Department has any function, in respect to the granting or refusing of permits to undertake employment here. A person who is an alien within the meaning of the Aliens Act, cannot undertake employment in the Saorstát without a permit from the Department. A number of these permits have been issued. It has been the policy of the Department to issue them where the alien had technical qualifications of the kind necessary to permit of some industrial activity being inaugurated in the Saorstát or of the work of some particular company being continued. In fact, the general test which has been applied, in considering applications from these firms, is whether the grant of the permit will or will not increase the prospect of Saorstát nationals getting employment here.

There are, of course, I know, a number of people who consider that in certain of the new industries that have been established an undue proportion of aliens have been employed. I cannot accept that point of view. Particular reference has been made in that connection to the sugar industry. The sugar industry, as Deputies are aware, is a very large industry involving some £2,000,000 capital, and we could not take the risk that the efficiency of that industry would be impaired by any defect in the technical qualifications of those responsible for its direction and management. On that account we have had to sanction the employment of aliens in a number of the technical posts in the service of the sugar company. I can say, however, that the total number of aliens employed in connection with the four factories now established in the Saorstát is less than the number originally employed in the Carlow factory when it first got going.

It is, of course, the intention of the Government that Saorstát citizens should be trained in all classes of technical work associated with the sugar industry, and we are getting the co-operation of the sugar company to that end. In fact, considerable progress has been made in the education of Saorstát citizens employed by the company in the technical operations of the industry, and they are replacing alien workers to an increasing extent every year. But there are certain posts in each of the sugar factories which involve such an amount of experience and technical knowledge that it is likely to be some considerable time before any of our citizens will have been sufficiently trained and qualified to occupy these posts without risk to the fortunes of the company. In all cases, or in practically all cases where a permit is issued for the employment of an alien, a condition is attached that the service of the alien will be utilised for the purpose of training a Saorstát national in the work concerned and, in fact, a number of our citizens have got a technical training in various classes of industry on that account which might not have been easily procured otherwise.

I do not know that it is necessary to refer to any other matters in connection with the administration of this service. We have had certain questions in connection with it raised in the course of the past 12 months on Supplementary Estimates or otherwise. I notice, however, that recently local authorities—and I might mention in particular the Dublin Board of Assistance—have been making adverse comments on the administration of the Unemployment Assistance Act, particularly in the City of Dublin. It is, perhaps, not fully appreciated by the great body of the citizens that the Dublin Board of Assistance is a Party caucus. It is a body composed entirely of members of the Opposition Party, and it has allowed itself to be influenced by political considerations to an undue extent in the discharge of its functions, particularly in the course of the past year. Persons who may have been influenced by statements made by members of the board should be fully informed as to the motives from which they originated.

Recently some comment has been made on the fact that certain persons have been debarred from receiving unemployment assistance on the ground that they are not genuinely seeking work. I do not know that anybody will seriously contend that the State should provide unemployment assistance for persons of whom it can be correctly said that they are not genuinely seeking work. The whole purpose of the Unemployment Assistance Act is to provide State aid for persons who are in a bona fide manner endeavouring to obtain employment, and who, through no fault of their own, are unable to secure it. If, therefore, in accordance with the machinery of the Act, a person is held to be not genuinely seeking work, he is, obviously, not a person to receive assistance. Any complaint which may arise on the action of the officers concerned in debarring certain persons from receiving unemployment assistance, on the ground that they are not genuinely seeking work, must be due to the belief that these persons have been so held in the wrong. In that connection, I can merely state that the general policy of the Department is, if possible, to give the benefit of the doubt in favour of the applicant. The consideration of each case is undertaken by an unemployment assistance officer, in the first instance, and on his determination there is an appeal. In all cases there is an appeal taken to the local court of referees which, as Deputies are aware, is a body free from Departmental influence. It consists of a neutral person as chairman appointed by the Minister—a solicitor or a barrister, or somebody with legal training—a representative of the organised workers in the area of the court, and also a representative of the employers. The representative of the workers and the representative of the employers are taken in rotation from a panel of representatives which is prepared regularly. It is that court which determines an appeal from an unemployment assistance officer's decision as to whether a person is or is not qualified to receive unemployment assistance. In certain cases there is a further appeal to the umpire, who is a legal personage. He acts, in relation to the Unemployment Assistance Act, in a manner similar to that in which he acts in relation to the Unemployment Insurance Acts.

Is the umpire a neutral person?

He is a barrister who is appointed for that purpose and paid fees in relation to the number of appeals taken to him. The same man has acted in that capacity for a long time. His functions under the Unemployment Insurance Act are similar to those which he discharges under the Unemployment Assistance Act. The appeals that come to him are mainly on questions of law. The actual determination of the facts relating to the question as to whether a person is qualified to receive unemployment assistance is usually done finally by the court of referees. The determinations of the umpire upon a test case, in which an interpretation of the law arises, are communicated to the courts of referees, and naturally influence their decisions in subsequent similar cases as they arise.

It is as much the function of the Department of Industry and Commerce to see that no person who is not entitled to unemployment assistance gets it as it is to see that those who are entitled do get it. As I was personally in some way responsible for the initiation of the unemployment assistance scheme, and as I am very anxious to see it made a permanent feature of our social legislation, I am particularly concerned to ensure that all abuses in the administration of it should be eliminated, and I rely upon the co-operation of those who are equally concerned with me to make this unemployment assistance idea a permanency in the elimination of these abuses. There is nothing which will act more effectively to secure the development of an opinion in favour of the abolition of the Unemployment Assistance Act than the sight, in any part of the country, of a person getting unemployment assistance who, the general public know, is not entitled to it on the ground that he is not unemployed, or on the ground that he is not genuinely seeking work, or on the ground that he is not fit to perform work if it were available for him.

I do not know that there are so many abuses as is sometimes alleged, but it is reasonable to assume, having regard to the wide scope of the Act and the difficulties inherent in bringing it into operation over a short period, that abuses did arise, and that in parts of the country individuals got unemployment assistance who were not entitled to it in accordance with the provisions of the Act, just as, I presume, it is equally reasonable to assume that some individuals who should have got unemployment assistance did not get it. But, with the increased experience of the operations of the Act which the officers of the Department are getting, and the inauguration of the investigation staff of the Revenue Commissioners, these abuses, to whatever extent they did exist, are being eliminated, and we are getting rapidly to the point at which we can be certain that the persons who are, in fact, receiving unemployment assistance are entitled to it in accordance with the strict letter of the law.

It is, however, utterly unfair for such a body as the Dublin Board of Assistance to represent the action of the Department in debarring certain persons from receiving unemployment assistance on the ground that they are not genuinely seeking work, as harsh or unreasonable, or designed to embarrass the Dublin Board of Assistance in the payment of home assistance. The officers of the Department of Industry and Commerce have no desire whatever to be harsh towards applicants for unemployment assistance. As I have said, it is their general policy to give the benefit of whatever doubt may exist to the applicant for assistance, and it is only when they are satisfied that the conditions of the Act are not being observed by some applicants that assistance is refused.

The Minister is aware, as his attention has already been drawn to the fact, that there was a considerable want of co-operation between the branch of the Department of Industry and Commerce dealing with this Act and the machinery in the Dublin Union in its early days. The Minister is also aware that you have working under the Dublin Board of Assistance a very experienced staff of home assistance officers and superintendent home assistant officers who have a thorough knowledge of the conditions, one might almost say of the personnel, of that part of the city population which requires relief. Will the Minister say what steps have since been taken, or will be taken now, to provide co-operation between the officers of his Department and the staff of the Dublin Union so that there shall be efficient administration of the moneys provided and of the Unemployment Assistance Act, and so that there shall be a more thorough understanding as to what is being done? If that is insisted on differences can be avoided.

I am not aware that that co-operation does not exist.

There have been complaints on the part of the Union Committee and of the officers serving under it that it does not exist.

I do not mind complaints made by members of the Committee. So far as I am aware there is no reason why that co-operation should not be whole-hearted, and so far as the actual legal structure of the unemployment assistance scheme is concerned, the amendment made in the 1935 Act provides for the only difficulty that I know had arisen and that difficulty was this; that a person might apply for unemployment assistance and some time might elapse before the claim could be determined. During the interval, home assistance would be paid to him, and at the end of the period, when his application for unemployment assistance has been determined favourably, he would be entitled to get that assistance as from the date of his original application, so that a lump sum, representing several weeks' assistance, would become payable to him. The board of assistance rightly complained that during that period they had paid home assistance to him and should get a refund of the amount so paid from the arrears of unemployment assistance which became payable to him on the determination of his claim. Section 16 of the Act of 1935 provides for that refund of any home assistance paid by the board of assistance during the period that the applicant's claim is under consideration.

Large sums were lost as a result of no arrangements having been made previously for the making of that refund.

The refund is now being made regularly.

But there was a period during which large sums were lost to the ratepayers of the City of Dublin through want of co-operation.

I must say that my sympathy is more with the applicant for unemployment assistance than with the ratepayers, because the amount which he got was not very large. It did him no harm to get a little extra in relief.

The position has shifted now, because, judging by the payments that were made by the board of public assistance in the City of Dublin, the sympathy is now on their part towards the people who are being turned down by the Minister's Department from getting unemployment assistance.

And the position is, as I have said, that they are either properly turned down and denied assistance on the grounds that they have not qualified for it—some such ground as not genuinely seeking work—or else they are not properly turned down, in which case their applications for assistance will be reconsidered. In the first case they are not entitled to assistance, and in the second case, if home assistance is paid to them, then the amount of such home assistance paid will be refunded when the appeal is determined in favour of the applicant.

Let us suppose that the Minister's Department turned down A, B, C or D for the reasons he has told us. Those people then apply to the home assistance officer for assistance. Are they not to get that? I do not know what the board of assistance point of view is, but I assume it is this: Here is a sum for which they are made liable annually, as a contribution towards this fund. Even though they pay it, there are cases which are excluded from the benefits of the Act for one or other of the causes stated. Those people cannot be allowed to starve, and the board has got to pay, so it really pays twice——

——in the first instance, the Minister, and in the second instance those people.

That is not correct. The Unemployment Assistance Act did not supersede the boards of assistance. Those boards were left in existence with exactly the same obligations and exactly the same powers as they always had, but we took out of the class of persons who were being helped by those boards one definite class, that is persons who are fit for work, who are genuinely seeking it, and not able to find it through no fault of their own, and we gave those people a statutory right to unemployment assistance. The board of assistance distributes home help at its discretion. It does so after the investigation of individual cases, and having regard to the circumstances of individual cases. Persons who conform to certain conditions are of right entitled to unemployment assistance payments and must get them. The board of assistance can give or withhold assistance at its discretion, having regard to the nature of the case, and the Dublin Board of Assistance is in a position which any body of politicians would love to be in. They can give out assistance, and if they increase the rates the blame is going to go to their opponents. I do not think that there was ever a body of politicians in Parliamentary history so ideally situated as the Fine Gael members of the Dublin Board of Assistance.

You were, when you were in opposition.

The Minister is an admirably neutral source from which an explanation of that sort can come. No more impartial pronouncement could be made!

Let me say this, that the total number of persons assisted under the Unemployment Assistance Act, as well as the amount given to such persons under the Act, is far greater than the Dublin Board of Assistance was ever able to touch.

Precisely, and the Dublin Board of Assistance pays more now through this Act than they did before.

I do not know whether or not the Dublin Board of Assistance are carrying out their statutory functions properly, but they say so much about what they are doing that I am certain they are more concerned with political propaganda than they are with the relief that they can give.

The Minister is a good judge of that.

I think so, and my judgment is quite sound.

Leaving the political point alone, would the Minister say this? When it comes to a question of deciding whether a particular person is genuinely seeking work, what is the close-down machinery in the city that the Minister has for deciding that, and when a decision is being taken or when a decision has been taken on that matter, is there any consultation or co-operation between the machinery that he has working for him close down in the city and the machinery that is working for the board of public assistance close down in the city? I ask the question for this reason, that the home assistance officers who are working in the city have had a lot of close and personal experience, and I want to say that they are a highly experienced——

And very competent body.

——and a very competent public-spirited body of men, concerned solely with discharging their duty, not only to their committee but to the country as a whole.

And it is a terrible pity that they are handicapped by a political board.

They are perfectly capable of discriminating between the purposes of the Unemployment Assistance Act and the purposes of the Relief Act. I would ask the Minister what co-operation or consultation there is between the two sets of officials on the question as to whether a man is genuinely seeking work or not? Is there any?

The board of assistance have nothing to do with that. They have the obligation of relieving destitution from no matter what cause it may arise. They are not concerned with whether a person is destitute because he is not seeking work. The Department of Industry and Commerce only relieves destitution arising from involuntary unemployment, but the board of assistance has to relieve destitution arising from any cause. Therefore, the experience of the officers of the board of assistance is of little importance in relation to the consideration of that one question. The unemployment assistance officer may for various reasons come to the conclusion that a particular applicant for unemployment assistance is not genuinely seeking work. The obligation of proving the fulfilment of that condition is on the applicant. If he does not satisfy the unemployment assistance officer that he is genuinely seeking work, then he is debarred from receiving assistance and his case goes on appeal to the court of referees. It is the court of referees that finally decides whether he is to go back on unemployment assistance or be debarred. In any event he is debarred only for a period of six weeks. At the end of that period he can again make his claim. If the circumstances have changed in the interval, and if he can then show that he fulfils the conditions, he becomes entitled to unemployment assistance again.

The Minister admits that there may be mistakes one way or another. He now discusses this matter, as if any criticism or complaint, even on the part of a responsible public body, against the administration of his Department or anything connected with him, were lese majeste, political bias——

It is a preliminary step in connection with the coming local elections.

On the Minister's part?

No—the speeches reported from the Dublin Board of Assistance. I stated that mistakes arose in the past in connection with the administration of unemployment assistance; at least I assumed that. I was referring to the period during which the Act was being brought into operation, when untrained and inexperienced staffs were recruited in great number and put on the administration of this Act all over the country. That period is over. The staffs at the various exchanges and branch offices are now fully competent to perform their duties efficiently, and they are in fact doing so, with the result that we can claim that the administration of the unemployment assistance code is as efficient as admittedly the unemployment insurance code is and has been. So far as I am concerned, I am quite satisfied with the manner in which the scheme is working out. There is also perhaps one other matter to which I should refer at this stage for the purpose of giving Deputies an opportunity of referring to it, in case they might forget it. We have made one Employment Period Order, affecting persons holding land with a valuation of £4 or over. That Order was discussed here on a motion moved by Deputy Norton, and approved of by the Dáil.

Discussed by whom? Not by the Minister?

In another place I gave at great length my views on the motion. I merely want to mention that it is our intention to make another Order for a period commencing in June, affecting single men without dependents. These men were debarred from receiving unemployment assistance through a similar Order in last year. They will also be debarred for a longer period this year, and we think we are justified in doing so, having regard to the reports which have been received from many parts of the country as to the amount of agricultural employment available and as to the difficulties which may have been experienced in some districts in getting workers for agricultural work.

It is recognised, however, that that Order, or any such Order of general application, will not work with equal fairness in each case. There will be some parts of the country where persons struck off unemployment assistance in consequence of it will not be able to get employment, and there will be other parts where we might have reason to extend the Order to cover other classes because of the amount of employment that will be available, and particularly there will be certain workers in the smaller towns, which, for the purpose of the Act, are regarded as rural areas, who may be adversely affected by the Order. These things are unavoidable in operating a wide spread scheme of the nature of the unemployment assistance scheme. One has got to make general decisions and apply them to broad classes, without too close regard to the possible variations in conditions that may occur within these classes, but, on the whole, the operation of these Orders last year was quite satisfactory. There were very few complaints after the Orders came into operation, and no evidence that they caused hardship, and I think that will be our experience in this year also. I refer, however, to the Order which has been made, and to the Order which it is intended to make, at this stage, so that Deputies, if they wish, can give expression to their opinions in regard to them.

Would the Minister give us a little more information regarding the number of persons in insurable occupations? He gave us the figure of 399,710, as against 314,368, and went on to speak about the number of those who were seeking unemployment insurance and gave us the percentages. I wonder would he give us the money in both cases?

I cannot give the money, but I can give the actual number of persons.

Can the Minister not give us the receipts of money?

The revenue of the fund?

The contribution income of the fund in the calendar year 1935 was £849,945.

From the books only?

Yes, that is the contribution income, representing an approximate average number of weekly contributions of 224,000. I will qualify that. I think that is an estimated figure prepared before the accounts were audited. The actual figure was somewhat higher, but certainly the figure for the financial year ending 31st March will be higher. If I get the figure I will send it to the Deputy.

We are not misunderstanding each other about the 399,000?

This has nothing to do with it. That is the number of persons who have been in insurable occupations and in respect of whom insurance cards have been issued.

Would the Minister give me the contribution in respect of that number, or is he going back 12 months?

No. Perhaps the Deputy is not clear about it. Every person who takes insurable employment has a card issued in respect of it. There have been 399,000 such persons, but each one of these is not necessarily employed all the year round. The income figure which I have given represents the contribution income, that is, the amount that came in in consequence of the sale of stamps, one stamp being sold for every week any one of these persons was employed.

It is a relevant figure to the 399,000?

The figure gives an indication of the number of persons in this country who are seeking their livelihood from insurable employment, and the increase in the figure indicates that a much larger number of persons are to-day seeking their livelihood from insurable employment than in the past. That may be due to an increase in population or to a change-over on the part of a number of persons from agriculture to industry, or to both such reasons, but I give the figure as indicating that that increase has taken place, a fairly substantial increase, during the past three or four years.

Can the Minister state how much was paid out?

The amount paid out in benefit during the year was £544,917.

Does the Minister happen to know whether road workers working for local authorities have unemployment insurance cards?

Yes. Certain classes of workers on bog roads or accommodation roads, financed out of relief schemes, are not insurable.

£544,000? The income went up by £300,000?

Yes. In addition to the amount of benefit paid there was, of course, the cost of administration which comes out of the fund, and, furthermore, there is a surplus. That surplus at present is going to the reduction of the debt which arose in the fund during the period from 1921 to 1926 or 1927. There was a fairly heavy debt accumulated in the fund during that period.

There was a very small debt left in 1931.

By 1931 that debt had been reduced, and in that year the contribution was reduced, much to the disgust of Deputy Morrissey, who opposed it very strongly. With the coming into operation of the Unemployment Assistance Act, the contribution was increased again, the additional amount coming in making up the £250,000 which is contributed from the Unemployment Insurance Fund for the purpose of unemployment assistance, but, still, the amount secured is in excess of the outgoings, and the debt has been further reduced in the interval. In fact, the debt will be wiped out in a year or two.

Can the Minister give us an idea of what the debt is at present?

It is about £280,000.

You have not taken much off it since.

I am sorry; I should have said it is £360,000.

Oh, Lord, it is going up.

No, it is going down. The Deputy does not recollect the full extent of his misdeeds in his first years of office.

We left £300,000, and you put it up by £60,000.

The Deputy left £300,000?

Nonsense.

I was wondering during the greater part of the Minister's speech when he was going to introduce the red herring, and then we got the attack on the Dublin Board of Public Assistance. It is an old trick, tried fairly frequently by that particular Minister, and sometimes it succeeds. The Minister spent a considerable time in giving very little information to the House as to the real activities of this Department during the last 12 months. I had hoped that we would have had from the Minister some information as to the steps taken by the Department to save the £300,000 which the Minister for Finance told us in his Budget last year was to be taken from this particular service. The Minister never said a word about it. He never told us what steps had been taken by himself or his Department to make this very substantial saving for the Minister for Finance, or whether he believed he would save £300,000 or more than that. He told us about the politicians on the Dublin Board of Assistance. The Minister did not deal with the facts contained in the reports of the home assistance officers of the City of Dublin. Was it purely because there is a political board, as he calls it, that the expenditure is £114 per week greater than the normal expenditure in the City of Dublin for relief? The Minister did not deal with the statement that was made at a meeting of the Dublin Board of Assistance that because of the number of people who were being cut off unemployment assistance on the grounds that they were not genuinely seeking work, the amount to be made available by the Dublin Board of Home Assistance would have to be increased. Let us face up to this. We were told last year that it was the Government's intention to save £300,000 upon unemployment assistance. The Minister has not told us what steps were taken by his Department to save that amount. The Minister has not told this House in the course of his opening speech what has been the increase in the number of unemployed in the last 12 months. That, one would think, should have been the first matter he would deal with, but he never mentioned it.

There was no such increase.

Is that the statement of a Minister conscious of his responsibility or is it the statement of the most active politician in a political Party?

It is the truth.

Well, I thought the Minister would try to get a little nearer to the truth as a Minister than he does as a politician. If the Minister is not aware of the fact that we have a far greater number of unemployed in this country than ever before, most other people are aware of it. The unemployed are aware of it and possibly, too, the people who have to support them and maintain them in some way are aware of it. The Minister did not indicate to this House in any way what steps his Department are taking to get the only real solution for reducing this very large amount which must be provided for maintenance. The real solution is the provision of work, but he did not say a word about that. The Minister told us that the main function of what he called the labour exchange —the proper official title is the employment exchange—was to place people in employment. But the Minister did not tell us to what extent, if any, they had placed those people in what might be called ordinary employment. He gave us figures of 64,000 odd as the number placed in employment through the employment exchanges. To what extent are relief schemes responsible for absorbing these numbers? To what extent is road work responsible, and to what extent are housing schemes responsible? I would like to get from the Minister some idea of the number placed in ordinary normal employment through the employment exchanges, but the Minister did not tell us. He kept away from it. Then he told us it was his intention to embark upon a canvassing campaign to place people in employment in this country. It is not by a canvassing campaign that people can be put into employment, but it is by the opening up of works to enable people to give employment so as to absorb the unemployed workers. If work is there the unemployed will find it without the assistance of the Minister or his Department.

Is the Deputy not misrepresenting what I said? I said we were to embark upon a canvassing campaign to get employers to recruit additional workers through the medium of the exchanges.

What is the difference? What is the object of that?

Is it not so that the Minister will be able to say next year, "We placed so many thousands in employment, and these men would never have got that employment only for the activities of our Department?"

I never said that.

Is not that what it amounts to? Is it not a fact that if employment is there the unemployed will find it without the assistance of the Department?

Might I ask Deputy Morrissey a question?

Yes. I am giving way.

Why did Deputy Morrissey not vote against the Turf Bill the other day?

The Deputy is quite wrong. The Ceann Comhairle would not allow me to tell him why I was not present.

Would the Deputy tell us why he was absent?

I could tell that, too. The Minister raised another point that he is in the habit of raising here. He did not develop it as fully to-day as on other occasions. He said that the number of people who were claiming insurance benefit is steadily declining. The last time the Minister said there was this steady decline——

When was that?

The Minister said there was a steady decline in the number.

No, what I said was that there was a decline in comparison with the total number of people insured.

I took down the Minister's words. It is not the first time the Minister said that, and it is not the first time he argued from figures similar to those he gave us. The Minister argued that it was because these people found employment that the number was declining. I want to suggest to the Minister that it is because they have exhausted their benefit and there are no stamps to their credit.

There are more stamps to their credit than ever there were.

Listen. The Minister makes an Order in order to safeguard the Minister for Finance at the expense of those claiming insurance benefit. He makes an Order that priority was to be given to those in receipt of unemployment assistance. The Order is that they must get priority in relief work. What is the effect? It prevents those in receipt of insurance benefit from obtaining the employment which they would otherwise obtain, and it forces them to exhaust the stamps they have to their credit. Surely the Minister does not think he is dealing with people completely ignorant of this matter.

Apparently so, because no such Order has been made except in the case of work financed partly out of central funds.

What percentage of the work is that?

A small percentage.

One ought to realise long before now that there is nothing that the Minister for Industry and Commerce will not say when driven to it. There is no limit to which he will not go.

I will say this, that of the total number employed, it is less than 5 per cent.

Well, I am not concerned with the Minister's interruption, because long since I gave up any hope of ever getting the Minister to admit facts. Let us get down to the real facts—to the means by which this £300,000 was attempted to be saved during the year. Will the Minister tell us why he did not advert to that in his opening speech? I do not want now to go into the Amending Bill which brought in the question of means, and which further reduces the miserable sum which in the Minister's opinion and in the opinion of his colleagues provides maintenance for those who are unable to find work. Is this not a fact, that notoriously during the last 12 months claims were suspended for inspection on the flimsiest excuses, and that when a claim was suspended, the minimum period of suspension was really two months? Without the slightest excuse, claims for unemployment assistance are suspended. Many claims have been suspended on receipt of anonymous letters—and the practice is that the unfortunate person is deprived of unemployment assistance until the matter is investigated and decided. That occupies some time. The Minister tells us that the reason relief is denied to some people is that they are not genuinely seeking work. Unfortunately, the onus of proving that a man is genuinely seeking work is left on himself. Who is to decide, definitely and fairly, whether a man is genuinely seeking work or not? I feel satisfied that there is an attempt to cut people off on this ground.

The Minister knows that there are some hundreds if not, perhaps, a couple of thousand or more than a couple of thousand other workers in this country who are unemployed, and who are not reflected at all, or to any extent in the unemployment return. I refer to the British ex-servicemen, who may be in receipt of pensions, even small pensions. They do not register now. There is no point in their registering because they cannot get employment. There are too many other classes before them for these men to hope to get employment through the labour exchanges. In many cases the pensions that these men receive are very small indeed, especially for men who married subsequent to their army service, and who, in many cases, have large families. As I say, these people are not reflected in the unemployment returns at all.

We had a figure given to us last night by the Minister. He contested Deputy McGilligan's figures. Deputy McGilligan gave a figure of 30,000 put into employment. The most that the Minister claimed afterwards was 36,000 persons put into employment for the last three years. I was glad at least that we got a figure from the Minister which I hope he will not try to explain away.

An increase of 36,000 in the average weekly number employed.

Over the last three years?

As compared with three years ago.

Does that mean that there are 36,000 additional people put into employment in the last three years?

That the number of persons employed each week is on the average 36,000 more than in the corresponding week three years ago.

What does that mean in a year?

It might mean a much larger number.

Would I be correct in saying that it represents 12,000 per year?

It is obviously larger than 36,000, whatever the number is.

I was taking the Minister's figures. He told us that there were 36,000. What I want to get at is this. Is the Minister with all his efforts through industry and otherwise, even marking time with the unemployment problem, not to speak of getting to grips with it? According to the Party opposite, our employable population is increasing at the rate of 20,000 per year. The Minister, I think, is putting the figure very high, because he is not taking into account at all the people who may have been displaced, who may have been disemployed.

Or the people employed in agriculture.

Or the people employed in agriculture. I was wondering if the Minister was going to come in with that again. The Minister may not believe it, but in my own constituency there are fewer people engaged in full-time agricultural employment than there were four years ago.

Counting the landholders?

I am talking of the people engaged in agricultural work.

How many new landholders were set up in that county?

You cannot have it both ways, because Senator Quirke told us that there were sufficient ranchers in Tipperary to give me a quota for the Dáil. You cannot be wiping them out and increasing them at the same time.

We wiped out a few.

How many new land-holders are working on the land?

I want to get back to the figure of 36,000. That means 12,000 per year put into full whole-time employment. That is a pretty big assumption over a period of three years. So that you are really falling short by 8,000 per year, on your own figures, of providing employment for those people.

Do not forget agriculture.

Does the Minister contend that employment in agriculture has increased by 8,000 per year for the last three years?

Does the Deputy think that the increase of population has entirely taken the form of adult men? What about the women, and those who went into professions?

I am using the statement made by Deputies opposite and by the Minister himself of 20,000 per year.

Half of them were women.

When the Minister is put in a corner he is prepared to use any argument. He does not realise that those arguments will be brought up and used against him later. If he does realise it, he does not care, because he will proceed to brazen it out, as he has done before.

Is the Deputy contending that the increase in population is entirely composed of men?

I am speaking of your own figures and statements. I want to come back to this point that the Minister is anxious to evade, that we have a register which is provided for people who are unemployed, and who are able and willing to work, because otherwise they are not entitled to sign the register, which reached a figure this year of 147,000, the highest ever reached in the history of the country.

A few weeks ago.

I have the figures for each week here and I do not see that amongst them.

What is the peak figure?

I am merely telling the Deputy that he is wrong.

Will the Minister say by how much I am wrong?

It is higher than 144,000 anyway.

Let us take a round figure, if the Minister chooses, of 145,000, and it is still by far the highest ever recorded in this country.

No. The figure for each week since the beginning of March has been lower than last year.

Because the people are being pushed out of the labour exchanges and told that they are not seeking work.

They have still a very good reason to register.

Let us hear Deputy Morrissey.

Let me deal with the effect of the period orders last year. The Minister last year, before his period orders came into full operation, had an unemployed total of somewhere in the neighbourhood of 140,000. When the period orders were fully enforced that number had been reduced, by the application of the period orders to something like 82,000. These figures are approximately correct. I am speaking from recollection.

They were not reduced by the period orders.

By what then?

By the fact that the people got employment.

How do you know?

Will the Deputy tell me any reason why a person should not register if, by registering, he can get work?

If the Minister makes an Order depriving people of the right to unemployment assistance, does he think that they are going to come in and sign?

Certainly, because they are still entitled to preference in employment. That is a good reason for signing, and, in fact, they did sign.

I should like the Minister to get this into his head, that if a man is genuinely seeking employment, the last place he will go to look for employment is to the labour exchange.

51,000 persons got employment through the labour exchanges last year.

Because they could not get it otherwise.

It was not the last place to look for it then.

The Minister compelled them. During the last four years he has changed the regulations governing the placing of men in employment through the labour exchanges three or four times. He gave figures and tried to compare the figures for one year with those for another year. There could not be any comparison, because the regulations were different in those years. The Minister did not tell the House that. The Minister, as I said, by a stroke of the pen deprives between 50,000 and 60,000 persons of unemployment assistance— he deems them to be employed. He concludes that they are going to get employment, but he has no figures, facts or evidence to show that these persons are going to be absorbed into employment, or even a substantial number of them. At the end of the period order, when they come back again on unemployment assistance, he does not know to what extent, if any, they have been employed. The Minister has no evidence to produce. It is merely an order made for the purpose of saving so much money to the Exchequer and enabling the Minister for Finance to get the £300,000 we were told about last year.

The Minister knows these things as well as I do, or at least he ought to. He ought to give the House the facts. The point in all this is, as I say, that we had, before the first period order was made, something like 145,000 people unemployed and signing on as available for work. That is a very big problem. It is a much bigger problem now than it was when the Minister told us that he would be able to solve it comparatively easily, and in a comparatively short time, and solve it so successfully that not only would they absorb the whole number of unemployed, but there would be jobs going a-begging.

Now, the Minister has not solved the unemployment problem. No sensible person expected the Minister to solve it, in the sense of completely wiping out unemployment in this country within four years, not to mind doing it in the 12 months that the Minister mentioned on another famous occasion. Nobody expected him to do it. My contention is that not only has he failed to make any impression on the unemployment problem as it existed when he came into office, but that that problem has grown tremendously under his administration, and that the numbers of unemployed have increased to an unprecedented figure, despite all the Minister's activities by way of tariffs, industries and so forth and despite the very extensive housing schemes that have been and are being undertaken by the Department of Local Government. I submit that what we ought to be told by a Minister, conscious of his responsibility to the House and to the unemployed, is whether he hopes at the end of 12 months, if he is still in a ministerial position, to be able to come here asking for a very much reduced sum for unemployment assistance, not because of administrative action taken to deprive people, for one reason or another, of unemployment assistance, but because large numbers have been absorbed into employment.

Can the Minister tell us what schemes, if any, he has in contemplation, or what schemes the Government have in contemplation that are likely to absorb the unemployed into genuine employment? Can he tell us whether he hopes, from the information contained in the three reports placed before him, that it will be possible to absorb a considerable number of the unemployed? Are we to take it that, as the number this year reached a higher point than the number last year, for the coming year we may look forward, at the end of the period orders, to weekly increases of 2,000, 3,000 and 4,000, or are we simply to come here year after year listening to the Minister introducing his Estimate and telling us fairy stories of how the Department is administered and how steps are taken to give every applicant the benefit of the doubt? We have the Minister's statement that he looks on the unemployment assistance scheme as a permanent scheme. That is an extraordinary admission from the man who was to abolish unemployment completely in this country. The Minister is now going back to the point that not only will he not be able to absorb the unemployed in industry so that if they become unemployed in the normal way they will be claiming unemployment insurance rather than unemployment assistance, but he is looking on the unemployment assistance scheme as a permanent scheme.

It seems to me that there is a tremendous gap between the Minister's promises and his performances, so far as the unemployed are concerned. It is not very pleasant to be continually talking about this subject. I am not one of those who believes for a moment that it is possible for the Minister or whoever may succeed him, with the best will in the world, completely to wipe out unemployment in this country. I do not suppose it can be done, but I believe that, tackled in the proper way, it can be reduced to very small proportions. We have to be fair to the Minister to this extent, that so far as his efforts to deal with unemployment are concerned, he was faced from the beginning, from the time he and his colleagues decided to embark on the economic war——

I was wondering whether the Deputy was going to refer to it.

It is merely a passing reference. The Minister must surely realise that it cannot be ignored in dealing with the question of unemployment. It has a very big bearing on unemployment, and the Minister knows quite well that he is not going to get men absorbed in industry unless, side by side with it, he can build up prosperous agricultural conditions. The Minister knows as well as I do, although he may have stated differently at the dinner of the Federation of Irish Industries, that instead of looking to industry in the main to absorb our unemployment, he will have to look to the development of agriculture in the main to absorb them. That is my whole point, that so long as this particular affair continues, I do not believe it would be possible for the Minister or any other Minister, with the best intentions in the world, to deal in a satisfactory way with the unemployment question. Unquestionably, to those of us who are in daily contact with unemployed persons, it is apparent there has been a very rigorous tightening up of the administration of the Department during the last 12 months. Cases have been brought to our notice day in and day out, and I am afraid that that tightening up process is not so much to eliminate whatever abuses there may be. That was not the primary purpose. The primary purpose was to save money for the Exchequer. We have always to keep in mind when dealing with these regulations and their enforcement that the Minister for Finance, in his last Budget statement, said he was aiming to save £300,000, a very substantial sum, on this service. If he has saved it, he has done so by denying people the unemployment assistance to which they were legally entitled.

Notwithstanding all that the Minister has said and all the rosy promises that he, and the various members of his Party, made at the last general election, when they produced that wonderful plan about which we have heard so much, and which, in a most indirect way, Deputy Morrissey has just touched on, the problem of unemployment to-day remains as bad, if not infinitely worse, than it did when the Minister and his Party produced that wonderful plan. The Minister is usually very adept at solving most of our industrial problems, quite apart altogether from unemployment, the gravest of the whole lot—solving them to his own satisfaction, on paper. But it is very poor satisfaction indeed, and very poor solace and comfort to the unemployed men in Cork and Dublin, or any other portion of the Saorstát, who, notwithstanding a heartbreaking search for work day after day, cannot find the employment about which the Minister speaks here whenever he rises to address the House on industrial matters.

I know what the position in Cork City was and what its position is to-day on the industrial side. I know that so far as Cork City is concerned there was never so much unemployment. Personally I do not stand for the work shy; I do not stand for the person who signs at the employment exchange for the purpose of receiving money for nothing. I am quite on the Minister's side in that respect. But the Minister has at his disposal, and his Department at its disposal, a very easy remedy, a very easy method, of finding out whether the person who registers for work is or is not genuinely seeking employment. The remedy is this. Offer to that person work of any kind for which that person is suited, and then, if that person refuses the work, it is very easy to ascertain whether he or she is genuinely seeking employment.

Now I commend that to the Minister; he might try it as an experiment. I have no doubt whatever that here, as elsewhere, there may be people who are work-shy, but I speak for a large number of persons who come to me day after day, and week after week, and who are genuinely seeking employment and who, because of this section of the Act which deals with that particular class of persons, are refused unemployment assistance.

The Minister, with a great flourish of trumpets and his back-bencher followers, with an equally great flourish of trumpets, proclaimed the great relief that the ratepayers were to get under this Act and what they could reasonably anticipate when the Act became operative. What is the experience? It is this: that while the expenditure on poor relief—outdoor relief, as it used to be called—is not going down, expenditure on home assistance is going up. These are facts that cannot be controverted. Now, if, as the Minister predicted, home assistance figures would go down and expenditure under it would be lessened—if that has happened and if it is true—it is easy for the Minister to contradict the statement I make now or else admit that it is true. It is natural, of course, that those persons who are refused unemployment assistance or State benefit should turn to the home assistance authorities for relief. That kind of relief has been readily given, but then the Minister should recollect that we were told that this question would be made a national one, instead of a local one, and that the ignominy of applying for home assistance or outdoor relief would no longer be tolerated in this country and that everyone could apply for work, and could go to the unemployment exchanges with their chests out and their heads up and demand from the nation all the beneficence allowed them. But promise and fulfilment are two different things.

Are we to take it from the Minister that a prima facie case is made out, according to the Act, that a person who is for a long period unemployed is to be deemed to be one not genuinely seeking work? I do see the force of the objection on the part of the Department, and an objection which I would stand over, to the use of the nation's money for subsidising work-shy persons if they are found to be present. But I suggest a way to the Minister which I commend to him and to his officials and others who have the administration of these funds. Unemployed persons deprived of assistance by the officials frequently blame the officials and the Court of Referees. In most cases such persons are wrong. My experience of the Court of Referees is that in all cases they give due attention to the claim of the unemployed person, but neither the officials nor the Court of Referees can be blamed if they interpret the Act in the way the Minister says it should be interpreted. It is a question of policy not so much as administration. I have the greatest sympathy with many of the officials of the labour exchanges who are endeavouring to translate the policy of the Government. It is the unemployment officials and the Court of Referees who are in the front-line trenches, bearing the brunt of the battle arising out of the Minister's policy.

The House should understand, and the Minister should understand, that no matter how sympathetic, or well disposed or kindly disposed the officials at the exchanges may be or the Court of Referees may be, it is a question of policy that decides these things. It is the interpretation of the section of the Act in the way the Minister wants it interpreted that matters. I would make this suggestion to the Minister. He might ask both officials and the Court of Referees through the head officer, the manager of the local labour exchange and the President of the Court of Referees respectively, to make a more liberal interpretation of those three or four words "not genuinely seeking work." Undoubtedly, grave hardship has been inflicted upon a very large number of deserving people, and it is adding insult to injury to tell an unfortunate creature unemployed for two or three years that he or she is deprived of benefit because not genuinely seeking work. I feel sure, however I may differ from the Minister in many respects, that he is a man of initiative and of some human feeling. I think that he has a full grasp of the effect of the Act and that in the reports from the managers of the labour exchanges, and the Court of Referees, he will see there has been grave hardship inflicted upon the persons to whom I have referred. I ask the Minister as one who has some respect, and regard, and, also, a little sympathy with the particular job he has to do, to consider the suggestion of issuing instructions for wider and more humane interpretation of four words I have quoted. If that were done it would cost the State, perhaps, something extra but it would be money well spent and would be spent in fulfilment of the Minister's own undertaking, when he told the country that when the Act became operative it would mean, in practice, that the amount paid out in home assistance would be lessened very considerably. I am now talking of the effect that this would have on the man who, in my interpretation, is genuinely seeking work if his claim is met from the Unemployment Assistance Fund instead of home assistance. I am talking of the moral effect that will have on a man, and to me, at any rate it is of great importance to see the morale of our people kept up even at the expenditure of a little more of money. I ask the Minister to act as far as possible on the suggestion I have just made to him. It would have, perhaps, a better and more far-reaching effect than even an increase of the money assistance given to the majority of those who are entitled to draw that benefit. I again impress on the Minister, at the risk of repetition, that the points I have raised are worthy of his consideration, if he has any respect or regard for the morale of our people who are genuinely seeking work.

The Minister stated that he had not received any reports or complaints of difficulties in connection with the operation of the period order procedure but that, on the contrary, he had received reports of difficulty in securing agricultural workers in many parts of the country. I should like to refer to an area which has suffered considerably in connection with many matters for which this Government is not responsible. An industrial area has closed down and it happens that, in that area, very few farmers employ men. In the constituency I represent the farmers are not able to avail of the agricultural policy of the Government. That is not due to any fault on their part. They live a long way from the Carlow beet factory in mountainous territory, and the land is not suitable for the growing of wheat. I want to ask the Minister to make a special exemption in respect of the period order for single men in that area. They are unable to find employment in Avoca and other rural areas. The farmers do not require them, and the position in which we will find ourselves will be that the majority of single men, being unable to obtain unemployment assistance, will have to receive grants from the board of health. I see the Minister's difficulty in making exceptions but, where a special case can be put up, as it can be put up on behalf of our county, and where the men are willing but are unable to obtain work, due to the causes I have indicated, I do not think the period order should apply.

Again, the Minister has referred to the sympathetic view which the Court of Referees takes. Unfortunately, in our county, the Minister has not sanctioned any Court of Referees. While there are a few complaints regarding excessive charges in respect of the means test, I can well understand the mentality of a Court of Referees sitting in Dublin to decide the value to the man in the country of a few drills of potatoes. A man in West Wicklow, in order to avail of the Court of Referees, must travel to Carlow. He may get a voucher on the bus, but there is no voucher to bring him the ten or 15 miles to the main road where he will get the bus. The journey to Carlow might involve two days if the man lived at Rathangan, Hollywood or any such area. A man in East Wicklow may have to go to Dublin, and he may forfeit his rights rather than do that. I ask the Minister to meet the difficulty in Wicklow. I do not suggest that people in Bray should have the services of a special Court of Referees, but I suggest that there should be one at least in Arklow, to take in East Wicklow, and one in Blessington. An order is sent to the Guards who advise men as to work in certain areas. I should be only too anxious, through our organisation, to assist men in procuring work. I am sure the Minister appreciates our position, and I ask that a special exemption be made in the areas I have just mentioned. I ask the Minister, too, to take special note of the hardship to a man in West Wicklow of having to attend a Court of Referees in Dublin or Carlow. I make a special appeal to the Minister to take into consideration the case of the man who will be deprived of unemployment assistance under this Order and the difficulty which the boards of health have, owing to the financial position, in providing assistance for these men.

Deputy Everett has mentioned a very important point with reference to the Court of Referees and the distances which unemployed men have to travel in order to have their cases heard. He referred to West Wicklow men having to travel to Carlow to put their case before the referees. These men have no means for travelling long distances. They have to borrow a bicycle, or try to "jump" lorries. On numerous occasions I have interviewed these men, and I should like to emphasise Deputy Everett's point. Is there any way by which the referees could be brought on different days to different centres? For instance, if the Carlow referee were asked to attend at Athy on a certain day, it would save considerable hardship. Deputy Everett's point is one to which the Minister and his officials should give serious consideration. My suggestion might help only in a few cases, but it would help in those cases where help is most needed. Putting aside unemployment statistics and the pros and cons of industrial activity in solving unemployment, I often wonder if we have come to the point where we should consider the obligations of citizenship. I think the time has been reached when representative citizens throughout the country who have a desire to help their fellow-men should take up the question of forming clubs for unemployed men and try and bring about, particularly in the rural areas, a relief of the terrible drudgery suffered by the unemployed, and prevent that loss of morale on the part of our young men which has been referred to. In this matter, citizens and industrialists, as well as the Government, have a duty to perform. The time has arrived when we might copy the methods of other countries, not necessarily Great Britain, where this question has been tackled and where a lead has been given.

General O'Duffy.

I am sure Deputy Pattison does not want to be flippant, as this is a serious question. I am sincere in suggesting that if possible we should try to bring about a spirit, other methods having failed, by which the unemployed could be helped both vocationally and socially. A great deal of trouble and some of the happenings that we hear about might be avoided if there was a movement to help the unemployed. I am not suggesting that the unemployed should be marshalled into crops and ordered here and there. On the contrary, it would be well if some of the younger people in this country who are leaving colleges got into touch with young people who are unemployed and helped them in their difficulties. In that way a better public spirit would be developed. Something like that should be done. As far as making any political appeal on this question, I refuse to make it. It is the duty of everyone in this State to bring about a better state of affairs. Although my remarks may cause smiles amongst the Labour Party, who may look upon them as so much talk, or imagine I have a personal or a selfish interest in this matter, I assure them that is not so. I only wish I had the power and was capable of making a speech which would impress those listening to me to deal with the unemployment problem. I have no time to prepare long speeches, and I can only deal with the position as I see it. If public men and public bodies like county councils and urban councils, business men and young people with leisure would only take an interest in the unemployment problem in a really Christian way, a great deal could be done to help the unemployed to improve their morale and perhaps help to bring about a change in other matters that we do not care to refer to in this House.

The Minister told us that he had dealt with the total number unemployed in every week for a certain time. One would imagine that the Minister had no other figures before him. As Deputy Morrissey pointed out, the Minister apparently throws up his hands in despair, and, instead of the rosy talk we were accustomed to from him, he has nothing better than the hope to keep the Unemployment Assistance Act as a permanent piece of legislation enshrining the principle in it already. On previous occasions the Minister endeavoured to say that the Opposition Party had voted against the introduction of that measure. He had to correct that statement. In the circumstances the Act was necessary because of the position created by the Minister's Party. Something had to be done to provide State assistance for people who were unable to get employment and who were becoming such a burden on the rates that they could not bear it. Even if the Minister feels hopeless about the situation we should have a more critical examination of what is happening to-day. The Minister suggested to Deputy Morrissey that there are more people in employment in agricultural occupations in Tipperary now than in the past. The Minister provided figures to show that in County Tipperary last year there were 375 persons less employed on June 1 in agricultural occupations than at the same date in 1934.

I asked Deputy Morrissey to state the number of new land-holders set up in Tipperary during the last few years.

Will the Minister say what bearing that has on the matter?

Surely it has.

Will the Minister tell us how many new landholders have been set up there?

A good number.

Will the Minister agree that he has already told us, in reply to a Parliamentary question, that on the 1st June, 1935, the number of members of farmers' families employed in agricultural occupations was less by 193 than the year before, and that the number employed as permanent labourers was 209 less than the year before?

These are casual labourers.

That the number employed as temporary paid labourers was greater by 27, so that there were 193 less members of farmers' families and 209 less permanent agricultural labourers employed, but an increase of 27 of temporary agricultural labourers, giving a net reduction on the 1st of June of 375.

And as against 1st June, 1931.

We find 1,125 members of farmers' families employed less than 1931, 490 less permanent labourers, and 200 less temporary labourers.

At any rate, there were more people employed in agriculture.

There were more people employed in agriculture in Tipperary on 1st June, 1935, than 1st June, 1931, by a total of 835.

And the landholders.

Including the land-holders.

The new landholders.

The new land-holders must not be working on the land or they would be included in the figures.

The total number employed in agriculture in 1935 included every person, whether the new landholder or the old landholder or their sons.

That is only the number of persons employed by farmers.

It is the increase in the number of persons working in Tipperary. The Minister was asked how many more people were working in Tipperary in 1935 than in 1931, before this country had the benefit of Fianna Fáil Government, and the answer was 1,125 members of farmers' families.

Assisting on the farms.

Does the Minister say that the statistics he provides us with, showing the number of persons engaged in agricultural occupations, does not include the man of the house? Does it include the man of the house on a farm with a valuation of, say, £4?

The figures include the information they purport to give.

The number of males employed in agriculture. The Minister suggests that when he publishes a report showing the total number of males employed in agriculture, he divides it into three parts: male members of the farmer's family; males permanently employed, and males temporarily employed, but the man of the house is left out. The man of the house is not left out and the figures are the total number of males employed in agriculture. When we consider the total number of males employed in agriculture in County Tipperary the figures for 1935 are 375 less than the number employed in 1934.

And 800 more than in 1931.

If we give credit to Fianna Fáil administration for an increase in 1935 over 1931, part of that credit is a registration credit. If the Minister will refer to the Minister for Local Government and Public Health and to the propaganda issued through that side of the House—I know he issues his own—he will understand that there is an inducement to register members of farmers' families as being actively engaged in agricultural work that did not exist before, owing to the allowance for employment given in a section of the Act dealing with rates on agricultural land. I do not want to minimise these figures. I leave out, for the purposes of argument, reference to the change in the number of farmers' families and I confine myself to paid agricultural labour. Confining ourselves to that, let us take the whole lot.

And add up.

Let us add up. What is the position? In 1935 there were 60,656 more acres of wheat grown in the country than there were in 1934. There were 11,707 more acres of beet grown than in 1934, but there were 5,878 persons less employed in agriculture.

On the 1st June.

On the 1st June.

What does the Deputy call the 1st June?

The Minister has made the 1st June almost the middle point of the employment period for the land-holder above £4 valuation. It is practically the middle point of the period.

I do not know much about the growing of wheat but——

He has made it the beginning of the employment period for the unmarried agricultural labourer throughout the country.

The middle of June.

I think it is the 1st June.

It is bound to be a Thursday anyway.

If it is a Thursday, it may be the 27th May.

At any rate when we come to discuss the difference between one year and another, the Minister provides out of one set of figures an absolute figure. There may be something to be said for taking an absolute figure when you discuss the differences that operate in a particular period between one year and another. If there is a substantial difference in June there is a substantial difference in July. What I really want to ask the Minister is this. The Minister at the beginning of last year indicated either through himself or the Minister for Finance, that he was going to spend £300,000 less during the year which we have just completed than in the year before. The Minister did not succeed in effecting that economy, I think. My impression is that he had to spend more in unemployment assistance last year than in the year before.

In the year before, it was not in operation at all.

The Minister contemplated a reduction in unemployment assistance of £300,000 last year. I do not think he succeeded in making that reduction.

The Amending Act came into operation last year.

What time did the speeding-up machinery to put off people, because they were not genuinely seeking work, begin?

A couple of months ago.

At a time when it was most difficult to get work, a time when the unemployment peak has shown itself year after year. That was the time he chose, not the time when, under a normal state of affairs, unemployment might be expected to be at a low ebb. It was at the peak period of seasonal unemployment that the Minister contrived machinery to put unfortunate men off the unemployment assistance payment sheets because they were not genuinely looking for work. The Minister has introduced employment periods now. He has extended what was the employment period for land-holders of a particular kind from 19 weeks to 35. That is, he has increased the period during which they will not be eligible for unemployment assistance by 16 weeks. In the case of unmarried agricultural labourers he has increased the period from 8 weeks to 21—an increase of 13 weeks. Will the Minister tell us whether his reason for doing that is that there is now more employment to be got in the country, or that the financial position of the country is not able to bear the same expenditure on unemployment assistance as last year? If the Minister issued these Employment Orders because there is more employment available in the country, then the Minister could tell us that explicitly. If the Minister is reducing relief payments to a class of people to assist whom particularly he brought in this legislation because the finances of the country cannot bear them, we ought to know that.

We shall discuss that this day fortnight.

We are now discussing this proposal here, and the discussion that will take place this day fortnight will bear on 147 different aspects of life.

I am sure the financial position will not be ignored.

If the financial position of the country is such that we need not pay any attention to it, does the Minister tell us that the reason that he is cutting down these payments and extending the employment periods is because there is more employment in the country? If there is more employment in the country, will the Minister tell us why the permanent agricultural labourers employed in 1935 were 617 less in number than in 1931, and why there were 1,055 less employed in 1935 than in 1934? It is very hard to understand why the Minister will not address himself to an explicit examination of the matter. It is very hard to understand why he holds, in the casual way in which he does, that there is more employment in the country in view of the figures which he has given us.

The Minister, in reply to a Parliamentary question, told us that in the following counties agricultural employees, including fathers of families and heads of houses, were less in 1935 than in 1934 by the numbers indicated —Carlow, 697; Kilkenny, 40; Leix, 171; Longford, 455; Westmeath, 404; Wexford, 31; and Wicklow, 30. There might be some explanation for the decrease in employment in Leinster counties, where there was a reduction in the beet acreage in order to transfer part of that acreage to Munster and Connaught, but let us take the other counties. In Clare there were 784 less employed in 1934 than in 1935; in Cork, 309; Kerry, 99; Limerick, 604; Tipperary, 375; Galway, 993; Leitrim, 2; Mayo, 1,172; Roscommon, 694; Sligo, 459; and Cavan, 437 less. Although the Minister, in comparatively recent weeks, gave the House the information that the number of persons employed in agriculture last year in these counties was less by the figures I have quoted, he has told us that there is more agricultural employment available, and that that is why he issued his employment period Orders. The Minister for Finance, as Deputy Morrissey and, I think, Deputy Anthony have said, indicated to the local authorities that he was going to relieve them considerably of the burden of home assistance by the introduction of unemployment assistance payments. The figures given to-day by the Minister indicate that the total amount of unemployment assistance paid in the month of March last over the country as a whole, excluding Dublin and the area around it—Balrothery and Rathdown—was £102,500. Nevertheless, the amount of home assistance paid by local authorities in the month of March this year was greater than it was in the month of March before Fianna Fáil took over. Therefore, the situation that presents itself to the bodies in the country responsible for relieving the poor, in spite of an expenditure of over £100,000, not including Dublin City or the area surrounding it, is of such a nature that, in spite of the difficulty of getting in rates in the present economic condition of the farmers, they are called upon to collect and pay out more money in home assistance than they were doing before the Unemployment Assistance Act was introduced. In view of these considerations, the Minister has a duty to consider whether his action in introducing the employment period Orders is dictated by any knowledge of his that the country cannot bear the expenditure that is going on at the present time, and would require a more careful explanation from him of the figures which he has disclosed with regard to employment in agriculture; that is, if we are going to believe that he is treating this matter in a serious-minded way at all.

I was surprised to hear that the Minister was of opinion that the Unemployment Assistance Act was working smoothly. I think, if he makes inquiries, he will find that the position is quite different. In the part of the country that I know best there is widespread dissatisfaction with the present position in regard to unemployment assistance. I want to refer to some of the sources that cause a good deal of delay and consequent dissatisfaction in connection with the Act. The Minister must be aware that a good deal of the time of the officials charged with the administration of the Act is taken up with the investigation of anonymous complaints. I venture to suggest that it should be easy to establish that a great many of these complaints are entirely groundless. Quite a number of them have been so proved to be. The Minister and his department must be aware that a great many complaints arise purely from motives of malice. I know that within the last 12 months, in West Cork, one person was responsible for the suspension of the payment of unemployment assistance to 15 persons. That was because of bogus offers of employment. In the case of those who were made the victims of such complaints, long delays occurred before the payment of assistance was renewed. I suggest to the Minister that the period of these delays might be considerably shortened. Somebody with a kink in him, or because of a local prejudice, sends an unsigned complaint to the labour exchange, and benefit is promptly suspended in the case of some deserving person.

It is inevitable, I suppose, that there should be an investigation when a complaint is made, and a suspension of benefit, because of the fact that a very small percentage of the complaints made may prove to be genuine. What I have to complain about is the long delay that takes place, arising out of such complaints, before payment of assistance is resumed. These complaints are investigated by the Guards promptly enough, but in too many cases several weeks elapse before a final decision is come to and payment resumed. That is an extremely serious matter for the persons concerned as well as for their dependents. It involves, too, the transfer of such people to home assistance funds pending a decision in their cases. Several Deputies have referred to that in the course of the debate.

I suggest that it ought to be possible, without doing away with the necessity for making inquiries and of establishing the bona fides of claimants, to shorten considerably the period during which investigations are carried out. The only complaints, I suggest to the Minister, that should be acted upon are those which bear satisfactory proof of being genuine. We all know that you have in every country evilly disposed persons, people with a petty grudge of some kind against a neighbour. Such people think that the easiest way to inflict immediate hardship is to send in an anonymous complaint. Only too often, unfortunately, that happens to be so.

With regard to certain remarks that have been made about offers of work of any kind, I would like to join issue with Deputy Anthony on that. I am aware that offers of work have been made to people at a wage of 3/- or 4/- a week. I consider that it is a perfectly proper thing for an unemployed person to refuse offers of that kind. They are not reasonable offers of work and ought not to be regarded as such either by the unemployed person or by the officials of the Department. I think there ought to be some definite standard of wages—low and miserable enough as they are in agriculture or in whatever work is usually performed by the person—to determine what is a reasonable offer of work. I want to add my voice to what has been said in regard to the large numbers of people who have had their unemployment assistance suspended or who have been finally refused assistance on the grounds that they were not genuinely seeking work. I think it is a great hardship on people, some of whom have unfortunately been idle for a year or two, or have only done a little work in between, that although they are willing to work and are available for work, the fact that they are on assistance for a fairly long period seems to weight the scales heavily against them in any investigation of their case afterwards. It is not intended, perhaps, that that should be so, but, judging by the results, one is forced to the conclusion that that is the case in many instances. A very large number of widows with children have from time to time been deprived of unemployment assistance on that plea. I have known a number of cases which were so decided. I should very much like if the Minister would make more inquiries as to how this provision is operating, because it seems to me that in a fairly large number of cases it operates very unfairly indeed.

The most general complaint that one hears about the administration of the Act is in regard to delays. One hears about the determination of a claim against an applicant, and then the machinery of the Act is available for the applicant; he is entitled to seek to have that decision reversed by the Court of Referees. But there is sometimes a fairly long delay before the case comes before the Court of Referees. Perhaps delays of that kind are unavoidable, but they make the position of the unemployment person, who is without any provision in the meantime, very difficult. That, however, is not the kind of delay that I want to complain about. What I want to complain about is the delay that very often occurs after the decision of the Court of Referees has been given. I have been present at sittings of Courts of Referees and have personal knowledge and recollection of certain decisions. Several weeks sometimes elapsed before the applicant is informed of what the position is. The delay in that case seems to me to be with the headquarters of the Department, where a further examination of such decisions is necessitated, but it should not necessitate the very considerable delay which takes place before the decision is given in a great number of cases.

Reference has been made to the employment periods. I want to suggest to the Minister that there is no justification for employment periods at all in the case of persons who have holdings with a valuation of about £4, because such people hold land which is equivalent to the plot attached to a labourer's cottage. 99.9 per cent. of the people concerned are workers, pure and simple, for the whole 12 months of the year. One, two, or three weeks in the year would provide ample time for them to do the work necessary on their own holdings.

The average valuation of land is 10/- an acre and, therefore, on the average a holding with a valuation of £4 must be eight acres.

Mr. Murphy

I suggest to the Minister that a £4 valuation represents a very small holding. There might be seven or eight acres, but only one or two acres might be suitable for tillage purposes. The bulk of it, in the cases I have referred to, is rough grazing land which is not the subject of any labour by the holder at any time during the year. I do suggest to the Minister that the employment period Orders operate very harshly against such people. If they are unable to get portion of the work that is available on the roads, in the way of carting if they have a horse, or in the way of manual labour, they are available to work for their neighbours, and the bulk of them get their living in that way. To suggest that they would require 18 or 19 weeks, or even a small portion of that time, to do work on their own holdings, is to suggest what is an utter impossibility in a very large number of cases that I know of.

Like Deputy Everett, I want to draw the Minister's attention to what I think might be remedied by a further examination of the position. In West Cork the sittings of the Court of Referees are held in Bantry, and they cover a stretch of country from Allihies Mines to Clonakilty—certainly in the neighbourhood of 70 miles. They cover also, as far as West Cork is concerned, up to 100 islands off the coast. A large number of the islands are not of very great significance in this respect, because the number of applications that would arise there are very small. But in places like Cape Clear and Sherkin, where there is a very large number of persons, who, by reason of their position in life, would seem to be normally persons eligible for unemployment assistance, I suggest that involves very considerable hardship. In regard to Cape Clear, which is the largest of the islands, with a population of something like 500, the cost of travelling to the mainland is in the neighbourhood of £1 if one is to make a special journey, or a proportionate part of that sum if one is fortunate enough to be able to travel with other people who are making the same journey. In addition, there is the very long journey from Baltimore to Bantry. It may not be possible, but if it is possible to establish sittings of the court in rotation in certain towns in West Cork, or in some sub-division of the area, it would certainly very considerably facilitate the persons concerned. I make that suggestion to the Minister in the belief that if it is possible to do anything along those lines he will consider the matter.

There certainly is very serious dissatisfaction with the present working of the Act. Delays account for the greatest number of the complaints that one does hear, and I wish to emphasise what has been said from other quarters in that connection. I was sorry to hear in the course of this debate arguments which seem to me to have no other result than to put the position of the unemployed people of this country in a very unfavourable light. Deputy Anthony for instance said, with a fervour associated with his laying down of certain principles of one kind or another, that we have very many work-shy people in the country. I think that is a slander on the working people of this country. Coming from the same county as Deputy Anthony I want to refute that most emphatically here. I have come in contact with working people in very many parts of Cork county—and I think what is true of that county is true of the country as a whole—and one could meet 200 or 300 people without being able to point to one person to whom that allegation would apply. I very much resent the making of statements of that kind here. Why does one have to apologise, in this or any other assembly, when making a plea for unemployed persons? Why does one always have to adopt the sanctimonious attitude of segregating, as is attempted to be done, the genuine unemployed from the impostors one always hears associated with discussions of this kind? They do not exist, and it is an unfair reflection on the workers of the country that the statement should be made.

The working people of the country who have to endure the horrors of unemployment have to put up with other things which are sometimes very little less humiliating. One hears in certain organisations constant reference to what is described as the dole. I think that people in this country, many of whom are getting assistance and subsidies of one kind or another at the hands of the State, are no less in receipt of the dole than the people who have to be helped in the way in which they ought to be helped in any civilised country because they are unable to get work. There are a great many living people in this country at present in the enjoyment of means which they never earned and which were originally obtained by methods that were very questionable and doubtful, and I resent the atmosphere in which discussions of this kind, both in this House and in other parts of the country, amongst certain very comfortable and well-fed people, take place.

I want to assure Deputy Minch, who spoke a moment ago, that there is no desire in this, or, I think, in any other quarter of the House, to treat suggestions for easing the difficulties of unemployment with any flippancy, but it does seem a puny contribution to a debate of this kind to suggest certain tiny social efforts for unemployed persons while the core of the whole problem seems to remain untouched. I put up the suggestions I have made to the Minister in the certain knowledge that I can talk with some degree of accuracy about this position. They are not put up for the purpose of making the Minister's task in this matter more difficult than it is, but in the belief that they will enable him to ease a great many of the difficulties that obtain at present, and permit the benefits of the Act, limited and poor and inadequate as they are, to flow uninterruptedly into the homes of people, so long as there are victims of unemployment in the country.

I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the fact that, in my constituency, there are a number of people, principally British ex-servicemen, who, by reason of the fact that they have a small pension, are not entitled to draw unemployment assistance. For that reason they cannot become registered as unemployed and are, therefore, not entitled to go on the roll as unemployed men, and are not entitled to work, notwithstanding the fact that the small pension they get is not sufficient to maintain them. I think it is an extraordinary state of affairs that there are men anxious for work who, through no fault of their own, are debarred simply because they have a small pension, and who cannot become registered unemployed because they are in receipt of this pension. I ask the Minister in all sincerity to have their cases investigated with a view to ascertaining whether he could not give them some sort of genuine claim, and put them on the same basis as their fellow-men who are on the unemployed list and who get preference in the matter of employment. These men want work and they are most anxious to do everything that would put them on this list and make them entitled to work. At present, they are simply told, when they go to the exchange, that they are not entitled to work by reason of the fact that they have a paltry pension of 15/- and, in some cases, less. They have actually less than men who are getting unemployment assistance, and I appeal to the Minister to have their cases investigated.

There are a few matters I should like to refer to. One is the question of the remuneration paid to branch managers of employment exchanges throughout the country. There are two types of persons concerned. One is the manager, who is a regular civil servant and remunerated on the Civil Service scale of pay. The other is the branch manager, who is paid a rate of pay in accordance with the volume of work in his office. I think the normal maximum pay in respect of the latter category of people is approximately £5 per week, and many of those who are so employed find it necessary to employ staffs to deal with the volume of work in the office. If the Minister makes inquiries, I think he will find that by the time these staffs are paid, the amount of money left to the branch manager, on whom the ultimate responsibility for administration devolves, is probably less than the rate of pay to, let us say, building labourers in any town where building labourers are properly organised.

Does the Deputy believe that?

Not only do I believe it, but I will prove it to the Minister. I should like the Minister to be able to quote cases showing the remuneration of branch managers, the amount paid to their individual staffs, the amount paid to the individual members of the staffs, and the balance left to the branch manager. For instance, I should like the Minister to tell me what remuneration is left to those persons employed in exchanges who have about £3 per week as managers. What residue is held by them after they have met their commitments in the ordinary way to the staff they employ and the other necessary commitments which are involved? Then we shall have some idea as to what the Minister considers to be a fair standard of remuneration. I should like the Minister also to make some inquiries as to the rates paid to the staff employed by branch managers of that kind.

In my opinion, and I have some experience of these matters, the rates of wages paid to the staff in these cases are utterly inadequate. The branch manager is being treated unfairly by the Minister, who fixes a low rate of remuneration for him, and he, in turn, because he is being squeezed by the Minister on top, finds it necessary to squeeze his own employees underneath. The scale paid to the branch manager is inadequate, and out of that inadequate salary he finds it difficult to pay an adequate salary to the persons whom he employs. If the Minister would make inquiries into that matter—personal inquiries into individual cases—and were to undertake an examination of all the cases, I think he will have no difficulty in realising that the employees of these branch managers are very badly paid.

Bad payment in the main is due to the fact that branch managers themselves are also badly paid. Where, therefore, one employee is badly paid, he is compelled to employ others, and the reflex of his low wages is bound to be felt by those whom he employs. The Minister is responsible, because he pays these branch managers a low rate for the responsible work which they do for the State. Deputies who have had experience of that work know that a considerable volume of work is dealt with in these offices. These people are doing work comparable to the work done by civil servants employed in other offices. They are administering the same Act, and doing the same sort of work; perhaps the volume done in these offices is not the same, but the individual output of the branch manager is as good as the output of the civil servant, who is branch manager in another type of office. I do not see any reason for differentiation between the scale paid to those branch managers in one office and the scale paid to civil servants who are branch managers in other offices.

Employment clerks are referred to in this Estimate. While their remuneration is low, the branch manager's remuneration is even lower. The employment clerk's scale of pay is bad enough, but the manager, whose title one would imagine conferred perhaps a better claim to higher remuneration, has actually less than the employment clerk. That is obviously an anomalous state of affairs which the Minister ought to lose no time in clearing up. I think the association representing these managers has tried to get a personal interview with the Minister, but I understand that so far they have not succeeded. The Minister is their employer, and he is morally responsible for the conditions under which they are employed. I suggest that a careful examination of the position would disclose to the Minister that these men are badly treated, and would convince him that he, as an employer, should take steps to investigate their grievances with a view to having these grievances remedied at the earliest possible date.

In the course of this debate reference has been made to what is called a new practice on the part of the Department of cutting off claims for unemployment assistance benefit on the slightest pretext. I have had cases reported to me from Dublin, and a number also from my own constituency, where claimants for unemployment assistance benefit have been told that their claims have been suspended pending investigation. Other Deputies and I have been compelled to write to the Department asking the reason as to why the claim is suspended, the applicant himself not having been informed by the local employment exchange. In many cases it has taken months before these investigations are completed. In the meantime the person whose claim is suspended is compelled to apply to the local authority for some form of assistance from that authority pending the decision on his claim. The Minister may say that if the investigation shows that there was no reason for stopping the assistance benefit the accumulated arrears are paid to the claimant. That is true. It would not be just if it were otherwise, but the Minister is not entitled to plume himself on that score. My experience is that a man may have his claim stopped by any complaint made against him by some maliciously disposed person. All that is necessary is for some maliciously disposed person to write to the Minister's headquarters and say that "so and so was not entitled to unemployment benefit because he has benefits from other sources." or that "he worked for such and such a man for half a day or for a day, and drew unemployment benefits at the same time." The receipt of an unsigned letter of that kind, without a scintilla of truth, is sufficient for the Department to suspend a man's claim to benefit. In this way benefit is denied to this man under the Unemployment Assistance Act. Then in the most leisurely way the Department proceeds to investigate the complaint. I wonder if the people responsible for that procedure would like to have that method applied in the case of their own remuneration. If that procedure affected them personally, I am sure there would be much less delay in investigating the claims.

I have had cases brought to me where I made representations to the Department asking them to expedite cases where unemployment benefits were suspended. Months elapsed before there was any definite decision in the matter. If the Minister wants particulars of these cases I can get them for him. I have got cases at the moment where benefit was suspended, and where it has taken an inordinately long time to have the investigation completed. A delay of that kind, especially in the case of unemployed men who are dependent on this unemployment assistance, is needlessly hard, and it is grossly unfair to these people. The Minister ought to make some representations to his officials to expedite the investigation in cases of that kind, so that it will be completed in the shortest possible time, and if it is found that there is no justification for the suspension of benefits the payments will be resumed to the applicants with the minimum of delay. I am glad Deputy Anthony has returned to the House, because I wanted to make some references to the Deputy's action in stigmatising some of the work-people as being rather shy of work.

I said there may be cases——

If the Deputy will read his own speech he will see that he said it. That seems to be a rather curious outlook for Deputy Anthony.

How does Deputy Norton know that Deputy Anthony said it?

I will leave it to the Minister himself. I said there may be persons here as elsewhere, people who may be work-shy.

Even in this House.

Yes, and I think the Minister will bear me out in that.

Deputy Anthony knows that there has been an effort made in recent months to show that unemployed people preferred to receive unemployment benefit rather than work. Nobody knows better than Deputy Anthony that statements of that kind, especially in regard to the unemployed, are gross libels.

Does Deputy Norton accuse me of libelling the unemployed?

No, but I suggest that the Deputy was pandering to that sort of thing by his speech this evening.

I cannot understand Deputy Norton's charge.

If the Deputy reads his speech he will get that impression.

I am in the habit of facing up to facts. I said that there may be persons here, as elsewhere who are work-shy.

The Deputy knows well, that if a job were advertised in Cork or Dublin to-morrow morning requiring say 100 men, that it would necessitate a battalion of policemen to regulate the number of applicants.

I think if Deputy Norton were present he would remember that I made the suggestion to the Minister that the easiest way to find out was to offer the unemployed work. If the Deputy was not in the House, I cannot help his having got a wrong résumé of my remarks.

What does "being in the House" mean?

The Deputy must not have been in the House.

I am surprised at Deputy Anthony.

Well, I am not up in the clouds like other people. My head is not in the clouds. This is an election stunt. The Deputy wants to be able to say: "I said so and so for the unemployed."

Deputies will please hear Deputy Norton on the Estimate.

I was pointing to the effort that is being made in certain interested quarters to endeavour to show that certain unemployed persons prefer to receive unemployment benefit rather than to accept work. As one who has some knowledge of the sufferings of the unemployed and who knows the anxiety that exists in the ranks of the unemployed for work which will enable them to obtain a decent income, I say that if work is available to unemployed persons they are only too eager to grasp at the opportunity of getting that work. I am sure that every Deputy who takes an interest in the problem of unemployed persons is aware from personal experience that, if there is any employment available, unemployed persons make every possible effort to secure whatever employment is available. I suppose many Deputies, like myself, have had the regular experience of being interviewed by unemployed persons and of receiving communications from such persons, all denoting that so far as the unemployed are concerned they, at all events, have a much higher conception of their responsibilities to their wives and those dependent upon them than to depend, and force their dependents to depend, upon the small pittance which they receive under the Unemployment Assistance Act rather than seek work at better wages if that work were available.

As Deputy Murphy said, part of the same mentality is to describe what the workers receive under the Unemployment Assistance Act as a dole, apparently in the belief that money received by unemployed persons under that title will have the effect of demeaning their status in the community. If the farmer gets money from the State it can, of course, be called a bounty. He may do nothing whatever for it, but when the farmer gets it in respect of exports of particular commodities it is called a bounty. When the unemployed man with a wife and children dependent on him receives money from the State it is called a dole. What the unemployed receive is described by the demeaning title of a dole; what the farmer, or any other class of the community, receives on the export of produce is described by the much more respectable title of a bounty.

If there is any test as to who has the best claim to receive money of that kind from the State, I think the unemployed man has an infinitely better claim, both legally and morally, to receive a decent measure of subsistence from the State. He is a human being, and his claim as a human being, with the dignity of a human being, ought to take priority over every other demand which might be made on the resources of the State for financial sustenance of that kind.

Those who circulate the story that unemployed people are reluctant to work, are shy of work, and do not want work, know little about the sufferings of unemployed persons and have little concern for the relief of the sufferings which unemployed persons endure. When a workingman is idle hunger and destitution are his reward. Many other sections of the community do no work whatever, and seem to be able to live in luxury. The same people who rate and rant about the unemployed drawing the dole and the heavy burden which the payment of unemployment assistance imposes on the State, cannot be got to see anything wrong in the curious spectacle of other persons who are doing no work, and have not any intention of working, while being able to live in palatial homes and, apparently, to enjoy all the luxury that wealth can purchase for them. It is only when the workingman is idle that all the ramp is created. When the wealthy classes are idle, nobody suggests that they ought to be induced to work, and that their title to food ought to be based on their willingness and capacity to work. I thought that the Minister would have told us on this Estimate what proposals the Government have to provide such employment as would obviate the necessity for paying the present sum under the Unemployment Assistance Act.

I was given to understand that it would be out of order to do so.

I did not hear that.

We are discussing the administration of the Unemployment Insurance Act and the Unemployment Assistance Act. The policy of the Minister in the matter of employment was open for discussion yesterday on the main Estimate. The activities of the Government in the direct provision of employment through public works will be discussed on the Public Works Vote.

I think the Minister is marshalling these Estimates of his in a peculiar way. Here is an Estimate for the provision of a sum of £1,433,000 for unemployment insurance and unemployment assistance. On that Estimate the Minister might well have taken advantage of the opportunity to tell the House what reasons he has for believing that it will not in future be necessary to spend that sum of money in the form of unemployment benefit because of the fact that he proposes to put into operation such plans for the provision of work as will obviate the necessity for spending that large sum of money. This seems to me to be a particularly appropriate Estimate on which to make a statement of that kind, because this Estimate only reaches the figure of £1,433,000 because of the Minister's failure to provide work. If the Minister were providing work it would be unnecessary to spend this money. We ought to have from the Minister some statement which will indicate that he does not contemplate a situation whereby it will be necessary to spend this money in the form of unemployment assistance benefit not merely this year, but every other year.

On a point of information. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is not responsible for the public works policy of the Government.

I do not object to Deputy Norton making a passing reference to the desirability of the Minister making a statement regarding the introduction of some schemes of employment, but clearly on this Vote we could not discuss such schemes of employment. We can only discuss the administration of a certain sum of money for the relief of unemployment. We cannot discuss schemes of employment.

I am not going to discuss individual schemes of employment. It would be rather impertinent of me to discuss them in the presence of the Minister, because, of course, he has a copyright plan.

The copyright has already been stolen.

I might be accused of poaching the plan if I were to make any definite suggestion whereby the problem of unemployment could be solved.

The Deputy is now going to apply the solitary test he was to apply to this Government—unemployment.

The Deputy applied tests to many Governments.

The Deputy told us, the day he voted for the President, that he would apply one solitary test.

If the Leas-Cheann Comhairle will allow me, I will have no hesitation in proving to any fair-minded person that, with all the defects of this Government, it has done much more for the class of the community which I represent than the Party to which Deputy Morrissey belongs did during the previous ten years, and if Deputy Morrissey has any doubts about that he ought to read his own speeches criticising the Cumann na nGaedheal Government when during that time he was a member of the Labour Party. But I will not be allowed to develop that. I will do it on any platform in Tipperary with the Deputy.

You have done that before. The difference between Deputy Norton and myself is that I have been consistent over the whole period.

If that is so, then I do not know what consistency is.

We are not now discussing Deputy Morrissey, and perhaps Deputy Norton will confine his attention to the Estimate.

I was pointing out that this is an Estimate for £1,400,000, and it is submitted to us this year because the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not willing to put into operation the plan which he put forward up to 1932. In that year we were told by the President that there was no reason why unemployment should exist in this country. In the same period the present Minister for Defence said that we ought surely be glad that we had so many unemployed, because they would be available to do the enormous amount of constructional work that would immediately follow the advent of a Fianna Fáil Government.

Did the Labour Party believe that?

This speech should have been made yesterday.

Has the Minister any objection to it being delivered now? That was not enough until the plan was produced to absorb 84,601 unemployed persons. Apparently, this situation perplexed the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The President told us there was no reason why unemployment should exist and the Minister for Defence said it was a good job there were unemployed so that they could be available for the vast amount of work that would be undertaken. The shadow Minister for Industry and Commerce said "I can see a hefty problem in front of me, finding workers to undertake the gigantic schemes which I and the Party have in mind." He contemplated that it would not be possible to get all the workers here and some would have to be brought back.

From America.

Did the Labour Party swallow all that?

That was the situation in 1932. There was going to be such constructional work undertaken that the President said there was no reason why there should be unemployment and the Minister for Defence said it was a good job the unemployed men were there so that they could be turned into this work when the Fianna Fáil Government would make it available. The present Minister for Industry and Commerce doubted if he could get sufficient workers in the country to undertake all the work that would be provided. If that plan could only be put into operation there would be no need to spend £1,400,000. My complaint against the Minister is that with a plan of that kind up his sleeve, a unique plan of that kind which would absorb every unemployed person into productive employment and probably help to relieve unemployment amongst Irish-born people in other countries, the Minister is so reluctant and so legislatively lazy that he will not put it into operation.

What was the number to be employed?

The number was 84,601.

The actual increase in the number of persons insured under the Unemployment Insurance Acts since the 31st March, 1932, has been 85,400.

Will you bring any back from America next week?

That figure of 85,400 is worth recollecting.

I think the promise was 84,601 in only a few of the industries.

I admit that.

Does the Minister really believe that?

It is a perfectly genuine figure.

If the Minister applies his £4 formula and his £2 12s. formula for men and women——

I have given you the number of persons insured under the Unemployment Insurance Acts.

The total number insured?

What has that to do with the plan?

The operation of the plan was responsible for the increase.

All right. We will have to look at the plan from another side, then. If we are to believe that and swallow it in the way the Minister wants us to swallow it, then the country, and particularly the rural areas, should be places in which there is an abundance of work, and the only danger facing the workers would be that they might be drowned in this deluge of released milk and honey. Let us look at the position in the rural areas.

If the Deputy sticks by us we will get there.

Do not mind the streets of the towns and cities; let us get into the rural areas and the working-class quarters of the cities and towns. Anybody who does that will realise that there is the most indescribable poverty in many of these places. One might understand it if there was a scarcity, but to have poverty in the midst of abundance is not only incomprehensible, it is something that the State ought not to permit to continue. The Minister says that the plan is working.

I prefer to deal with this matter upon a relevant occasion. I think this day fortnight would be a suitable occasion.

I have given Deputy Norton a good chance to make his case relevant, but so far he has not done so.

Is the plan out of order?

I am not concerned with the Fianna Fáil plan. I am only concerned with what is relevant to this Estimate. This is an Estimate for the expenditure of a certain amount on unemployment insurance and unemployment assistance. By saying that the Minister could do away with unemployment insurance and unemployment assistance by doing away with unemployment might be relevant, but to develop that into discussing the methods and the means by which unemployment could be done away with is not relevant to this Estimate and cannot be discussed on it.

I was not developing the means by which it could be done; I was merely pointing out to the Minister that this expenditure, a very substantial amount in our present circumstances, might be avoided if he would put the Fianna Fáil plan into operation, thereby absorbing not merely our own unemployed, but making a contribution to world advancement by absorbing the unemployed elsewhere.

The Deputy has suggested that the Minister should do away with unemployment and, having said that, I do not see that, relevantly, he can go further beyond dealing with the administration in relation to unemployment assistance and unemployment insurance.

On a point of order. The main function of the employment exchanges, which are in this Estimate, as admitted by the Minister, is to find employment for those who are unemployed.

I did not say that.

On this Estimate it is not permissible to develop a scheme of general employment which would do away with unemployment. That would arise normally and relevantly on the Vote on which the Minister's salary appears.

Surely, when the House is asked to vote a sum of £1,400,000 in the way described in this Estimate, Deputies are entitled to suggest to the Minister that there is another way by which the poverty which this sum is intended to relieve can be more effectively relieved?

If that were allowed, then Deputies could discuss policies contrary to the wheat policy, the beet policy and all other policies, and we would never finish with the Estimates.

And contrary to the war policy.

I submit that my contentions on this matter have not the wide ramifications that the Chair thinks.

This Estimate relates purely to unemployment assistance and unemployment insurance and cannot be extended.

That is what I am endeavouring to limit my discussion to, by pointing out that the sum provided here, while it is large, is not sufficiently adequate to deal with the vast problem that has to be dealt with, and I am also pointing out, at the same time, that much of the expenditure could be avoided if the Minister bestirs himself and puts his plan into operation in an effective way.

That has no direct relevance to the administration of unemployment insurance or unemployment assistance.

Is there not a rule against repetition?

There is a rule against impertinent interruption.

Not on a point of order.

That is not a point of order.

It certainly is a point of order.

There should be a rule against impertinence also, and if there was the Deputy would offend against it every minute of the day. If you rule, a Chinn Comhairle, that this discussion is not in order, I will pass from that.

We now come to the item for unemployment assistance, which shows that the benefits this year amount to £1,500,000, as compared with £161,000 in 1935-36. I think the House will recollect that on the Budget last year the Minister for Finance submitted, and he was supported in subsequent discussions by the Minister for Indusary and Commerce, that one of the reasons for reducing unemployment assistance benefit was that the Government expected the inter-departmental committee to report on the scheme of work to be put into operation, and that as the work, devised by that committee, would put such a large number of people into employment, that was one of the reasons why the sum for unemployment benefit was reduced.

I think I am entitled to ascertain what has been done in that direction? Until the recent employment period Order was reached there were 143,000 persons registered as unemployed at the employment exchanges. Unless those 143,000 persons have satisfied the rigid test of being unemployed, or unless the overwhelming majority have satisfied that test, the reduction of the Estimate for unemployment assistance benefit has made no impression whatever upon the problem of providing work, because the number of persons registered at the employment exchanges this year is as great, if not greater, than the number registered last year.

That brings me to the point that the reduction of the Unemployment Assistance Estimate last year and again this year has been made for economic reasons, and not because the Government is able or will be able to provide any scheme of work as a result of the activities of the inter-departmental Committee. I am afraid the Government is cultivating the mentality, that it is cheaper to have unemployment assistance benefit than to provide schemes of work. A mentality of that kind which I am afraid is all too evident, in respect of the Government's policy, is calculated to keep within the country the very serious unemployment problem which exists in our midst to-day. If the Government is impregnated with the notion that it is cheaper to keep people under the Unemployment Assistance Act than to provide large scale schemes of work or to reduce working hours so as to absorb a greater number of people in employment, then I am afraid we are going to have Unemployment Assistance Estimates to provide for the unemployed instead of that scheme of regular work, with decent rates of wages, which every unemployed person would prefer to any form of unemployment assistance benefit.

I think the Minister ought to tell us what proposals he has in regard to this matter. He ought to tell us what proposals are likely to be put into operation this year whereby the tens of thousands of persons unemployed may have an opportunity of getting employment. If the Minister would put into operation a plan of providing work for everybody there would be no need to pass Estimates of the dimensions of the Estimates here. It is because the Minister is unwilling, or reluctant, to put into operation large schemes of work that will absorb thousands of unemployed persons, that the House has to pass Estimates of this kind. We thought at one stage that Estimates of this kind would be just passing affairs. I think when the Unemployment Assistance Act was going through this House, the Minister stated that the number of persons regularly on relief would be in the vicinity of 40,000. The present number is close on 140,000. Obviously in that state of mind the Minister conceived that the Unemployment Assistance Act would be dealing with an unemployed problem of 40,000 people.

Who mentioned that figure?

I thought the Minister did. I shall certainly look up the passage.

I invite the Deputy to do so.

I shall do so, and if I am wrong I shall apologise.

I say now that if another 40,000 people got work there would be no unemployment problem in the country.

That is an optimism that I do not share.

That is my estimate of the situation.

I do not share the Minister's estimate of the situation. If 40,000 persons now got employment the balance would remain on the register. How can the Minister say we would have no unemployment problem if 40,000 persons are now absorbed in employment when told that 100,000 would still be in need of unemployment assistance or benefit?

This has nothing to do with unemployment assistance. The Deputy has returned to that repeatedly.

I do not desire to return to it. I do not think I have returned to the point on which you ruled recently. What I am endeavouring to do is to show the Minister that a much more effective way of dealing with the problem would be to undertake large-scale public work and national development, and so provide productive employment for unemployed persons instead of the miserable sums they receive to-day. Having said that, I do not intend to continue the discussion for one moment further.

I want to emphasise the points made in connection with the number of people dealt with recently by the Minister in his Department as a type not seriously seeking employment. One could understand that position being taken up by the Minister if things were normal in the country. But in view of the fact that there is a huge unemployment problem here, it is very hard to understand that mentality. I think it will be understood that there is widespread dissatisfaction prevailing because of the chaotic state of affairs under the administration of the Act. As Deputy Morrissey pointed out, numbers of men are kept waiting unduly long at the labour exchanges. I do not want to blame the local managers, who are doing their best under very exceptional circumstances. I think it will be admitted by everybody that the managers are sending on claims in due time. What I complain of is the length of time the claims are kept in Dublin, and there is no chance of claimants having their claims paid retrospectively. Time after time Deputies find it their duty to get into touch with the Department, but we usually receive the same stereotyped reply: "The matter is engaging the attention of the Department and will be dealt with in due course."

That "due course" means, in practically every case, six to seven weeks. In the meantime, the unfortunate man who has made his claim in the ordinary, statutory way is on the verge of starvation. Deputy Morrissey, I think, asked how the Minister or his Department arrived at the decision that a man is not genuinely seeking employment. How is that defined, and what evidence is required from a man who has been in receipt of unemployment assistance for some time in order to satisfy the local manager, the Court of Referees or the Department, as the case may be, that he is still entitled to it? That requirement has created alarm in a great many parts of the country. In my own constituency the majority, if not all, the men drawing unemployment assistance would rather be working than be humiliated in an endeavour to secure unemployment assistance. They have almost to go down on their knees in order to obtain unemployment assistance. I have had men with me, in my capacity as Mayor of Wexford, asking for letters to show that they have been seeking work from the Corporation or from other bodies with which I am connected. When the Unemployment Assistance Bill was before the House, it was pointed out by the Minister and by Deputies on his side of the House that assistance under the Bill would replace home assistance or home help. As Deputy Anthony pointed out, it was explained that men could go to the exchanges with chests out and heads erect and that there would be no humiliation or degradation such as was supposed to surround the receipt of home assistance. They were to get this unemployment assistance so long as they were unemployed. I think the Minister will admit that it is very hard for men to secure employment at present in view of the abnormality of the position. Advantage has been taken of the tightening up which is proceeding at the moment to get men to accept positions at a very low wage. I know of cases in my own constituency where men in the agricultural areas have been offered work at from 6/- to 8/- a week, and have been told very definitely that unless they were prepared to take work at that wage they would be wiped off the unemployment assistance register. I hope that that is not the policy of the Minister. If that is his policy, these people are going to be a menace to other workers. As a matter of fact, they will be a menace to the whole community if they are going to be used, through the medium of the Unemployment Assistance Act, to reduce wages all over the country. I think it would be better, in these circumstances, if we had never heard of the Unemployment Assistance Act. Before I leave that point, I want to suggest to the Minister that the investigation being carried out at present is absolutely uncalled-for, and that 99 per cent. of the men in receipt of unemployment assistance would rather be working than going to the labour exchanges, day after day, to secure the miserable pittance allowed them under the Act.

In the Estimates this year the Government are saving something like £110,000 in this connection. I suggest that, before that saving was made, or at the same time as it was being made, some relief should have been given to the ratepayers. The ratepayers' contribution is £2,000 more this year than it was last year, while the Ministry are saving £110,000. I had an amendment down when the Bill was passing through the House to secure that the net result of the levy of a 9d. rate for the smaller boroughs would be all that would be required to be paid to the Government. The Minister rejected that amendment. What is happening at present in a great number of the urban areas, such as Clonmel, Wexford and Sligo, where the people are supposed to pay this 9d. rate? What they are actually paying is 10d. in the £. That is due to the fact that certain concessions are given through the medium of various Acts of Parliament recently passed, which allow rebates. To secure that the Minister is paid at the full 9d. rate, it is necessary for the boroughs concerned to levy 10d. in the £. One would think that, when the Ministry were saving under the Unemployment Assistance Act, they would give some relief to the ratepayers, aspecially as a great many, if not all, of the people they are paying off as not genuinely seeking employment are thrown back on the rates. There is no doubt about that. Everybody who has had anything to do in recent months with the administration of county boards of health knows that the people who are rejected in this way automatically come back on the local rates. The Minister will, I think, agree that that is very unfair, especially in view of the fact that in urban areas of certain population the people are called upon to pay at the rate of 10d. in the £ in connection with this Act, while they were told very definitely, when the Bill was passing through the House, that even though they were to pay a 9d. rate under the Act, what they would pay out with one hand they would take in with the other by way of saving in board of health administration. I suggest that the Minister should loosen his hold on the position so far as the present investigation is concerned.

Another matter to which I should like to refer was touched upon by Deputy Norton. That is the question of anonymous letters. As Deputy Morrissey pointed out, many evil-minded people, with a spite against their neighbours, would write a letter to the manager of the employment exchange saying that there was a certain amount of money going into the house of a particular person. Immediately that letter is received, that person's benefit is held up. It may be held up for five, six, or seven weeks while investigations are proceeding. I made it my business on many occasions to call to the local exchange to find out why benefit had been stopped. I have invariably found that the reason was the receipt by the manager of the exchange of anonymous letters. What I really object to in this connection is the length of time it takes to have a matter of that kind investigated. In the meantime, the unfortunate man, his wife and children are hungry. If the Minister thinks it necessary, in the interest of administration, to take notice of these anonymous letters, I suggest that it should be possible to carry out any investigations necessary inside a week, so that the unemployed man would be able to get back his benefit at the end of the following week if it were found that there was no justification for the anonymous letter. I hope the Minister will do something to withdraw the very rigorous regulations that are in operation in so far as drawing benefit under the Unemployment Assistance Act is concerned.

I am astounded at the Minister's praise for the officials of this particular Department. It is painful, to say the least of it, to Deputies who have any experience of communicating with the Department to have to sit here and listen to the Minister actually praising them. As the Minister is aware, I put certain cases before him recently, and in view of the facts set out in the communication, I do not know how he could praise them in the fashion he did to-day. Two years ago, when Deputies began to put down questions concerning unemployment assistance claims, the Minister asked them to refrain from doing so in order to give the officials of the Department an opportunity to get on with the work. Deputies obliged the Minister and did not put down questions, but, as far as my experience goes, there is more chaos to-day than two years ago. There seems to be no regard whatever for people who are forced to seek unemployment assistance. We had a reference to the Court of Referees and how fairly cases were considered and dealt with. It was pointed out that the Court of Referees consisted of local people who understood local conditions. The Minister must not be aware of a certain list of questions which was sent to branch managers from Dublin Castle recently. A child could give the decision which the Department required, provided he went by that list of questions. That seems to be all the legal knowledge that is required now. We were told to-day that the chairman should be only a lawyer or a person with legal knowledge. Having attended a recent court on behalf of the union I represent, I could see a big difference in it in comparison with courts in years gone by. There is nothing in the nature of fair play or a desire to see justice done to an applicant. Fine, decent, able-bodied young men in the City of Kilkenny were struck off the unemployment list lately on the ground that they were not genuinely seeking work. These were young men who are nearly gone frantic looking for work. The Unemployment Assistance Bill was before the House for a number of months before it was passed into law, but apparently no effort was made by the Department to set up machinery to administer it. It is well known that at a certain time certain necessary official forms were not provided in the offices of the employment exchanges.

I was present on a couple of occasions when decisions on cases were given by Courts of Referees in Kilkenny in favour of the applicants, and they were notified later officially that the courts had recommended disallowance of their claims. I put the facts in these cases before the Minister, but apparently no heed is paid to the views of public representatives. As far as the Department of Industry and Commerce is concerned, the responsibility of public representatives seems to have no value. Since the new procedure of cutting off genuine applicants commenced the life of a member of this House living in an urban district—in fact, the life of any public representative—has become almost intolerable. Members of the Executive Council may have got out of touch with this section of the people, and may know nothing about them, but I should like to hear from the Minister, when replying, what he proposes to do to have this latest act of tyranny from Dublin Castle put an end to. The people there are safely housed, and, as I said the other day to some people, they are allowed by the present Executive Council to carry out the old-time tyranny. On one occasion in Cork the President stated—it was before he became President—that if the unemployed were not recognised as a State responsibility, and if unemployment was not destroyed, it would destroy the State. I am sorry to say that the latest action against the unemployed does not indicate that the officials in Dublin Castle intend to obey the President. On the discussion that will take place on the Estimates for Public Works I expect to have something more to say about unemployment. I ask the Minister to take some action and to see that the latest tyranny is ended, so that those genuinely seeking work—many of them well known to Deputies in the constituency—and who, through no fault of their own, cannot get it, will not be treated in this way. I hope the Minister will investigate all these cases. As far as I am concerned he will have my co-operation.

I should like to know from the Minister if anything has been done with regard to a matter I raised on a previous occasion: the position of fishermen employed on the share system on boats. When they take up positions in these boats they are immediately scheduled as working, and therefore break their claims. They may be working, but they are earning no money. Sometimes they may have a series of blank weeks, solely because they are scheduled as working, although earning no money. That is a great hardship on them. I believe the same question has arisen in other places around the coast. The Minister promised to give the matter sympathetic consideration and to have a special definition made for men in that class of employment. I should like to know if anything has been done as the present regulations in many cases constitute a hardship.

A number of matters which were referred to by speakers to-day can be more adequately dealt with on some other occasion. The references which have been made to the total amount of unemployment in the country require some examination now, however questionable their relevancy to the debate may be. We have had continuously the number of persons on the live register quoted as the number of persons unemployed. That is not correct. In fact, it has been repeatedly explained that it is entirely erroneous to assume that the number on the live register represents the number of persons unemployed. If one examines the live register, and analyses it, one finds that the persons on it can be divided into a number of categories. There are first, those who are entitled to unemployment insurance benefit. That number at the present time is a very small proportion of the total number of persons following insurable employment. The proportion is less than 5 per cent., and it is reasonable to assume that they represent the number of persons in seasonal occupations—who are in process of transfer from one job to another, house-builders, constructional trade workers, carpenters and people of that kind, are at times in process of moving from one job of work to another and who at the moment are temporarily employed. That is the nature of their employment. It is not unreasonable to assume a number which is less than 5 per cent. of the total insurable can be so classified.

These persons do not constitute a problem. In so far as we have a problem of unemployment, these people are not part of it. There are others on the live register who are not entitled to unemployment insurance benefit or to unemployment assistance at the present time of the year. They would be such persons as those in the category covered by the first employment period Order. The landholder of over £4 valuation, who had been excluded from unemployment assistance by that Order, would in the ordinary course, if unemployed, maintain registration because he continues to be entitled to preference for works financed out of State funds, if such works are available in his area. The number of persons on the register entitled to unemployment assistance can be divided into two classes—those with means and those without means. It is necessary for Deputies and others. who come to the consideration of the unemployment problem, to realise that out of that figure there is a very large proportion—much more than 50 per cent., in fact—of persons who in the past were never regarded as unemployed—that is, in the main, small landholders and the sons of farmers living with their fathers on the fathers' farms. At no time in the past were these people regarded as unemployed, and the efforts which have been made by Deputies to compare our live register people with the census figure for "out-of-works" are completely futile, because the census figure for "out-of-works" does not include— expressly does not include—persons who were in occupation of uneconomic holdings of land, or the sons of landholders living with their fathers on the fathers' farms in the census year. If one were to quote from the census figures, and add to the total of "out-of-works" the number of landowners and the sons of landowners who would have been qualified to draw unemployment assistance in 1926, if there had been unemployment assistance in that year, one would get a total figure far in excess of any figure we have reached under the present system of administration.

I do not want to quote the present figure for the number of persons drawing unemployment assistance because Deputies might contend that it is unduly low. It is round about 80,000 I think at the present time. To a certain extent that figure has been brought down by the operation of the First Employment Period Order although that Order, it may be assumed, only affects 5,000 or 6,000 persons at the most. Going back to the 1st March, before the First Employment Period Order came into operation, there were 114,000 persons claiming unemployment assistance and of these 78,000 were described as persons having means. In the main, those persons who were described as having means were small landowners and the sons of small landowners. The number of persons who were described as being without means was 36,000. I say here, with a full knowledge of all the facts, that if we could find employment for 40,000 people, and put off our register these 40,000 from amongst those who are receiving unemployment assistance and who are without means, we would have settled our unemployment problem. There would be a land problem still existing, the problem of eliminating the uneconomic holding, a problem that has existed for many years. There would still be the problem that there are too many people trying, to get a livelihood on the land.

Deputies who study the agricultural census taken in 1926 and the enumeration taken in 1929 will find that the output per individual employed, the acreage per individual, and every other index in these years, point to the fact that there were more people on the land than the land was capable of giving an adequate livelihood to, judging by Danish standards, Dutch standards or any other European standards. That problem of underemployment on the land has persisted since the State was established and it will persist for some time although the operation of the tillage policy, of which Deputies are aware, is helping to eliminate it. The significance of the increase in the number of persons employed in agriculture to which Deputy Mulcahy referred is not that the actual increase is small. It is that that increase has taken place despite the fact that the great majority previously employed in agriculture were not fully employed and the extent to which their labours could be employed on increased production, before additional help had to be engaged, is an indication of the amount of increased production that was possible without increasing agricultural employment. There has been an increase in production and agricultural employment has increased.

The way in which Deputy Mulcahy quoted figures here to-day was a good example of the Deputy's usual tactics. He was supplied here with a list of the numbers of persons employed in agriculture in different counties. It is easy with such a list to pick out a particular townland or county-side, and to say that in that particular part of Ireland, the number of persons employed in agriculture decreased. I am quite sure that if the Deputy surveys the statistics for every townland or every electoral district, he will find some circumstance which indicates an unfavourable tendency, but the total number of persons employed in agriculture over the whole of the Saorstát has increased during this Government's term of office. That is the essential fact.

There was an increase of 18,000 in the number of persons employed in agriculture between the 1st June, 1931, and the 1st June, 1935. Deputies cannot ignore that fact. They have been told that agricultural employment has been diminishing, that agricultural production is going down, and that the amount of employment given in agriculture is likely to be adversely affected by Government policy. The fact is that the number of persons employed in agriculture, whether employed as members of the farmer's family on the farmer's land or employed for wages, has increased. The increase in the number of persons, members of families engaged on home farms—that is, persons over 18 years of age—between 1931 and 1935 was 13,000. The increase during the same period in the number of persons over 18 years of age employed for wages was 4,600.

Could the Minister give us the dates?

Between the 1st June, 1931, and the 1st June, 1935. There is an unemployment problem here, but it is not going to help us to solve it to have its extent exaggerated. Deputies will remember that I said here, when I became Minister for Industry and Commerce, and set about doing my part of the Government's plan to solve unemployment, that the first step to that end was to get an accurate picture of the position. I contended and, in fact, it was agreed—I am sure Deputy Morrissey will not dispute it—that the picture of the unemployment position existing in the beginning of 1932 was totally inaccurate.

Now we had to get a complete picture. We took various measures to induce those who could be described in any way as being unemployed to register at the exchanges. Our measures did not prove effective. The first measure we took in 1932 gave us, again, a false picture. It exaggerated, or appeared to exaggerate, unemployment in some areas and to underestimate it in others. It was not until the Unemployment Assistance Act came into operation that we began to get a more accurate census of our unemployed, but that census is not the total on the live register. The total on the live register represents our unemployed, plus a large number of other persons: that is the number of persons who, while not unemployed, are nevertheless available for work, such as road work when it occurs, convenient to the places in which they live, for wages. The great majority of those people are resident in the province of Connacht and the three Ulster counties. In fact, whatever increase has taken place in the live register has taken place entirely in these areas. During the course of the past year there was a substantial reduction in the number of persons registered as unemployed, or registered on the live register in the province of Leinster. There was a reduction in the province of Munster, and there was no change so far as the four county boroughs were concerned. The increase, to whatever extent there was an increase, was entirely in Connacht and the three Ulster counties and was entirely composed of such persons—that is, persons who are the owners of land, or the sons of the owners of land. They are in a special category constituting a special problem.

They are not an unemployment problem of the ordinary kind. In dealing with that problem we have two main lines of attack; one is the development of industry and the other the development of agriculture. In the interval, while long term plans for increasing industrial production or agricultural employment are coming into operation, the Government have been carrying out a number of relief works of one kind or another, or stimulating local authorities to undertake the construction of public health works of one kind or another with a view to giving employment of that kind, temporary employment, at any rate, while permanent employment is being made available. If Deputies take the point of view that the fullest possible development of our industries, plus the fullest possible development of our agriculture, is not capable of solving unemployment here, then we have got to face the situation from a new light. If that is the attitude of Deputies opposite, and it appeared to be the attitude expressed in some of their speeches——

That is not the attitude.

I agree it should not be, and therefore we can take it as agreed that the fullest possible development of industry, plus the fullest possible development of agriculture will between them enable us to eliminate unemployment. That is what the Government are doing to-day. It is not relevant now to discuss the measures which are being adopted to that end. In my opinion these measures have been as successful as we could hope them to be in all the circumstances of our time. They certainly have been remarkably successful when one has regard to all the difficulties of the situation. I know that reference can be made in this regard to the effects of the economic war, but so far as the economic war has its reactions on employment. these reactions should be found in the volume of agricultural production. The penal duties which have been imposed on our agricultural products may have reduced the prices obtained for these products, but there has been no evidence of any diminution in the volume of agricultural production, and because there is no evidence of any diminution in the volume of the production of the classes of goods in respect of which an export market is required, it is reasonable to assume that there has been no diminution in the employment given in the production of these goods, whereas, of course, there is a net gain to be recorded by the increased production of the classes of goods which are not intended for export and which are replacing, in the home market, goods formerly imported. However, these matters are perhaps not quite appropriate to the Vote before the House. The administration of the Unemployment Assistance Act has been criticised from two points of view. We have had it stated that the administration is harsh and that genuine unemployed persons entitled to unemployment assistance are being deprived of it because of the harsh methods of administration adopted. I do not believe that. It is the function of the officers of the employment branch of my department as much to ensure that every genuine unemployed person entitled to unemployment assistance under the Unemployment Assistance Act gets that assistance——

They are not doing it.

——as it is to ensure that those not so entitled do not get it. I think they are doing that. We have had references made to a special investigation and to a drive to tighten up the administration and so forth. There is no special investigation and there is no tightening up of the administration.

The Minister does not know.

What is being done now is the normal work of the Department in relation to unemployment assistance. I agree that, because over the past year or more, when the Act was only being brought into operation, and the attention of the officers was mainly concentrated on dealing with new applications for qualification certificates and so forth, the normal investigation work in relation to persons receiving unemployment assistance may not have got attention.

Will the Minister deny that special instructions were sent out to branch managers of employment exchanges to canvass from house to house to make a special investigation for the purpose of finding out information about the recipients of unemployment assistance.

The officers of the Department were told that the preliminary period is now over, the period during which the Act was being brought into operation. It is only now that the normal work begins, and the normal work requires continuous investigation of the case of every person receiving unemployment assistance so as to ensure that that person continues to fulfil the statutory conditions. There statutory conditions are not very harsh. In fact, a much larger number of persons in the small land owning class and in the other rural classes qualified to receive unemployment assistance than we had anticipated, and that was because the Act was not framed as tightly as it might have been. The conditions for receiving qualification certificates and for becoming entitled to receive unemployment assistance in certain circumstances are not hard to fulfil. The essential condition is that the person must be capable of work, available for work, and must be genuinely seeking work. If a person does not satisfy these conditions, he is not entitled to unemployment assistance. I cannot see the circumstances in which an unemployment assistance officer would deliberately question the application of a person who was satisfying these conditions, and compel him to prove to the satisfaction of the Court of Referees that these conditions were being observed, for no other reason except to be harsh to the applicant. It could not happen. In fact the normal and natural tendency for the unemployment assistance officer is to give the applicant the benefit of whatever doubt there is, and that is certainly the tendency of the Court of Referees.

There is not the slightest indication of it.

In fact I gave to Deputy Norton, in reply to a Parliamentary question, statistics which showed that of all the cases of that kind brought to the Court of Referees the majority were determined in favour of the applicants.

It showed more. It showed there was a tightening up, and that you were sending more cases to the Court of Referees.

The Courts of Referees, in the majority of cases, decide in favour of the applicants, and that is the natural tendency.

Is the Minister aware of the fact that a great number of applicants have been told that unless they show a few stamps each year they will not be entitled to unemployment assistance?

That is the fact. It shows that the Minister is out of touch with the matter.

I am quite certain that it has not happened. If it did happen, that information given to applicants is wrong. The conditions which must be fulfilled by the applicants are set out in the Unemployment Assistance Act. But I will say this, that if for a long period an applicant has not got work——

Where will he get it?

——his case should be investigated, because there are some grounds for assuming that such a person has been continuing to draw unemployment assistance while employed, or else that he is not genuinely seeking work. In fact, Deputies know that in quite a number of cases in rural areas persons continue to draw unemployment assistance even when employed. I have, unfortunately, had the obligation of prosecuting a very large number of persons for that offence during the past year, and I am quite certain that the number prosecuted was a small proportion of the number who tried it on.

How many were prosecuted?

I cannot say now, but quite a number of persons were prosecuted. There is another point which I want to mention in this regard. We were told here about those anonymous letters, and it was stated that as soon as a person writes an anonymous letter to a branch manager or exchange official to the effect that somebody is not entitled to assistance we immediately stop the assistance.

That is quite true.

It is not.

Indeed it is, and I can prove it.

There is one thing which I can say in that regard, and that is that anonymous letters are not disregarded——

In what way are they treated?

——but there has to be some prima facie evidence that the person drawing assistance is not entitled to it before we take the responsibility of stopping that assistance. It is only when there is that prima facie evidence of ineligibility that the action of stopping payment is resorted to. It is in the interest of the applicant that payment is stopped while his case is being investigated. Here is the position: you either stop payment, and, if you find he was entitled to it, pay him in arrear the amount he should have got, or else you continue the payment and, if you find he was not entitled to it, bring him to court.

That is an ingenious argument.

In fact, Deputies know well that the worst hardship you can inflict on an unemployed person who is getting unemployment assistance to which he is not entitled is to continue to allow him to draw that assistance until you establish his ineligibility, and then proceed to recover the amount which he has received. Those investigations do not take the time that Deputies represent.

The Minister does not know what is happening.

Here and there in individual cases there will be delay, where investigations have to be undertaken. There are over 300,000 persons affected by this unemployment assistance scheme. There are 80,000 or 85,000 persons every week receiving unemployment assistance payments, and it is extraordinary that the actual number of individual cases of genuine complaint which have been brought to my notice are less than .001 per cent. of the number of persons affected by the administration of the Act. I do not deny that delays have occurred in a number of cases, or even that, perhaps, in a number of exchanges the rapidity with which cases are dealt with is less than in other exchanges, but to say that in all cases there is delay and harshness and unfairness to the applicants is to give a very exaggerated picture of the situation.

An attack has been made on the officials responsible for the administration of the Act. I think that those officials have accomplished something very extraordinary in bringing this Act into operation with the speed with which they did it, and with the efficiency with which they did it. I do not want to say more in that regard than I think fair play calls for. This Act came into operation in April, 1934— two years ago. It is an Act under which over 300,000 persons have made application for qualification certificates, have had their applications considered and determined, and have had qualification certificates issued to them. It is an Act under which, in each month, we have paid out from £100,000 to £150,000 in assistance to unemployed persons. It is an Act under which, at the present time, there are and have been since the beginning 85,000 persons or 90,000 persons receiving assistance every week. It was a colossal administrative task to set up machinery capable of doing that, and to make it function without any serious break-down in any part of it. That has been done, and it is a tribute to the efficiency of the officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce, who were entrusted with the task, that they have succeeded in doing it so well. I think it is also a tribute to them that they have done that while being constantly told that they were acting harshly and unreasonably, that they were actuated by all sorts of doubtful motives and so forth, by people who might have had a little consideration for the task that had been imposed upon them, for the difficulties they were encountering, and for the success with which they were overcoming those difficulties.

I do not want to deal now with the question of the remuneration of branch managers, which was raised by Deputy Norton. The remuneration of branch managers was increased only a short while ago, and I am satisfied that it is not at all unreasonable. The remuneration is, of course, based upon the volume of work passing through the various branches. I should like to say that in my opinion the system of administration through those branch offices is not in itself a desirable one, and I think it will be found necessary in the future to reduce the number of branch offices and increase the number of exchanges. Consequently the matter of the remuneration of branch managers will become less important as time goes on.

Will the position of those people be specially considered in the event of that change? Some of them have been employed for a long period.

I cannot undertake that. Reference was made by Deputy Mrs. Redmond to the position of British ex-servicemen. I should like to deal with that matter, because it is one concerning which misunderstanding exists in other places than this House. In relation to the employment exchanges, in relation to the matter of registering for work, and in relation to the matter of receiving work, British ex-servicemen are in no different position to any other members of the community. What has given rise to the misunderstanding is the fact that, in the calculation of means for the purposes of the Unemployment Assistance Act, pensions have necessarily to be taken into account. The pensions to which those men are entitled are regarded as means, and in the case of many of them they are of such amount that they are disqualified under the Act from receiving a qualification certificate. In so far, however, as they are disqualified from receiving qualification certificates under the Unemployment Assistance Act, they are in no different position to any other person having means of the same value.

A person who had an income from a holding of land, a share in a fishing boat, from a small shop or any other source, of the same amount per week would also be disqualified, and would be in exactly the same position, in relation to the operation of the Unemployment Assistance Act, or in the matter of receiving employment on public works, as these ex-servicemen with pensions. They are, of course, fully entitled to register at the exchange. Deputy Mrs. Redmond said they were not entitled to register. That is not correct, and that registration may be quite useful for them in the matter of obtaining employment. There is only one class of employment in respect of which it is not likely in present circumstances to be of value to them, and that is employment financed, in whole or in part, out of public funds. We have attached a condition to such employment which involves a preference being given to those who, according to a certain method of determination laid down, are most in need of employment.

And who are on the Central Fund.

That is what it comes to. As a rough-and-ready method of determining as between one person and another who is in greater need of employment, we pick out, first, the persons getting unemployment assistance as against the persons who are not, and from these persons we pick those who are entitled to most unemployment assistance. The idea behind that is not to save money voted for the purpose of unemployment assistance. It is to give effect to a general principle, which is that when the State provides money to finance relief works in any area, and the total amount of work available is not sufficient to absorb all the unemployed in that area, in picking those who are to be employed, preference is to be given to those who are in most urgent need of employment, having regard to their personal circumstances. I agree that the operation of that rule has in many cases prevented persons who were not holders of qualification certificates, that is, persons having means in excess of the limits prescribed in the Unemployment Assistance Act, from getting work on such schemes; but, of course, they are not debarred from getting work of any other kind that may be available, including county council work, when such is not assisted out of State funds.

Is it not the position at the moment that the British ex-serviceman in receipt of a pension which does not qualify him for a certificate, but whose pension may be hopelessly inadequate so far as supporting his wife and dependents is concerned, is under a double handicap? He is not entitled to unemployment assistance, and, so long as there is a single person who is drawing unemployment assistance available at the office, he cannot get work upon State-aided schemes.

He is not entitled to unemployment assistance because he has means in excess of the limits laid down by the Act. It is not because he is getting a pension. The only reason I am dealing with this is because the manner in which it has been referred to suggests that in some way we have discriminated against British ex-servicemen. That is not correct. In so far as they do not get unemployment assistance, it is because they have means, to wit, a pension, which is in excess of the limits laid down in the Act. They would be similarly debarred if the amount of money they got was derived from any other source, including a pension under our own Military Service (Pensions) Acts, or revenue from a farm, shop, house or boat. Because they are not entitled to unemployment assistance, they do not get work upon State-relieved schemes when persons receiving unemployment assistance are available, but it does happen, although, I agree, not very often, that in particular areas the amount of labour required for some particular relief scheme is sufficient to absorb all the unemployed in the district. In the majority of cases, however, I agree that the institution of the rotational method of employment has generally resulted in only unemployment assistance applicants getting employment.

The Minister speaks of relief schemes, but previously he spoke about road work. In view of the fact that large State sums are given as part of the cost of maintenance of roads under county councils, will the Minister say if people with pensions are prejudiced in this way in the matter of receiving employment on road maintenance?

No, I do not think so. So far as the permanent road staffs of the county councils are concerned, I do not think there has been any interference, but where special schemes are undertaken and grants made out of the relief of unemployment Vote, preference is given to those in receipt of unemployment assistance.

I think the insinuation in regard to Deputy Mrs. Redmond's particular case was that, in other branches of the industry, apart from State-subsidised works, employers were instructed that they were not to take these men with small pensions, so long as there were any men drawing unemployment assistance available at the local exchange.

Instructed by whom?

The insinuation was that instructions were sent from the unemployment headquarters.

The unemployment headquarters have nothing whatever to do with employment given by a private employer. In any event, no such instruction was issued, nor has the Department of Industry and Commerce anything whatever to do with the employment given by a private employer. A private employer can employ whom he likes, without reference to the Department, although we invite them to recruit their labour from employment exchanges. Even in that case, they can ask for a specified person, or for a person with specified qualifications, and it is not at all unusual for an employer to specify members of a particular trade union, or something of that kind, which limits the selection the exchange might make for him.

Deputy Corish talked about the large saving and the fact that the total of the amount estimated to be spent in this year is less than the total which appeared in the Book of Estimates for last year. The Deputy, however, will remember the £300,000 Deputy Norton spoke about. In fact, the Book of Estimates, if it had been prepared later, would have shown last year a figure of £1,300,000 which would have to be compared with a figure of £1,500,000 in this year's Estimate. In any event, the cost of unemployment assistance, that is, the cost of assistance, plus the cost of administration, has worked out somewhat higher than we anticipated when the scheme was being prepared, mainly on account of the large number of land holders who qualified, and, on that account, I do not think there is much prospect of the amount demanded from local authorities being reduced.

The saving which was estimated last year was expected to come from two sources—firstly, the employment period Orders, and secondly, and mainly, from the operation of the Unemployment Assistance (Amendment) Act; but the Act did not become law until late in the year, and did not come into operation until some time after that, so that the saving expected did not materialise. In fact, the amount expended on unemployment assistance was only a little short of the £1,600,000 originally estimated, but that £300,000 was not anticipated in consequence of any tightening up of administration or any effort to deprive people of assistance who the Act stated were entitled to it. The administration is no tighter at present than I hope to see it always. I hope to see the offices of the Department in every branch fulfilling their duties so as to ensure, with reasonable certainty, that everybody who gets assistance is entitled to it, and that nobody gets assistance who is not entitled to it. These are the principal matters that were raised. Reference was made by Deputy Everett to the Court of Referees at Wicklow, and to the possibility of the Court of Referees going on circuit. I would not like to express an opinion on that without first investigating what is involved. So far as I am concerned, I would be personally desirous of reducing the cost and the inconvenience to applicants whose cases are coming before these courts and who consider it necessary to attend on their own behalf. When they are summoned by the court to attend their expenses are paid.

That is very rare.

It is not very often. In any event I would desire that that portion of the scheme should function as easily as possible. We have appointed a number of new courts in different parts of the country and we can appoint more if need is shown.

The Minister mentioned about abolishing certain types of employment exchanges at present manned by non-civil servants and substituting them by a similar number of exchanges manned by civil servants.

No, I did not say that. In fact in a number of places where branch offices formerly existed employment exchanges are now established. What the Deputy refers to has happened already. The Deputy can take it that that tendency is likely to continue and that the operation of the two Acts together will make it increasingly necessary to have employment exchange machinery in as many areas as possible instead of branch office machinery.

If the position of those persons who have administered this Act and borne the brunt of it is adversely affected, will the Minister consider their cases sympathetically?

I cannot give that undertaking. These men were employed on a definite contract and if their services are no longer required they have no grievance.

Surely in that event the Minister would give them an opportunity of stating their case to him especially as their livelihood may be affected?

I have no objection to giving them that opportunity but I do not want to be taken as saying that I am going to give sympathetic consideration to their case.

Yes, but I submit that they should have an opportunity of stating their case to the Minister.

I want to put a couple of points to the Minister about the position of fishermen to which I have already referred. Would the Minister define to the House how these fishermen stand in the matter of unemployment assistance?

I will put the sea fishermen into three classes: (1) those who own their own boats and gear; (2) those who are shareholders in boats and gear and (3) those who have no ownership in the boats and gear. These latter are employed on the boats as members of the crew. In respect of class 1 and class 2 the position is that they are carrying on the business of fishing and the yearly advantage which accrues to them from that business must be taken into account as "means" in the same way as the yearly advantage which accrues to a small farmer from the working of his land must be taken into account or the yearly advantage that the occu pant of a shop derives from it. They are entitled to get unemployment assistance if within the means limits, less whatever "means" is attributable to their business as stated in the certificate, plus 1/-. Now I come to the other class—those employed as members of the crew of the fishing boat. That class can be sub-divided also into those who are employed at a fixed wage irrespective of the catch of fish on the particular voyage and (2) those who are employed as members of the crew and remunerated by a share of the catch. There is here a third class —those who form the crew and are not employed at all but are there on a joint venture.

The line of demarcation between classes 2 and 3, just mentioned, is extremely difficult to draw. The arrangements are too variable; different individuals have made different arrangements. The result is that the information given by them is very often contradicted. Under the Act those who are in the first class—those employed at a fixed wage irrespective of the catch of fish—are not unemployed within the meaning of the Act when they are engaged in fishing. Their position constitutes no difficulty. The position of the others is different— that is those remunerated by a fixed share of the catch. While engaged in fishing they are not unemployed, and because they are not unemployed they are not entitled to unemployment assistance. It may sometimes happen that when they go out fishing there is no catch of fish and in consequence the crew have nothing to share by way of remuneration. Here again it must be remembered that there may be another occasion where there may be a very large catch of fish when their share of the proceeds may be very profitable. It is nearly always the case that there will be some catch of fish and something to share and the crew receives rather a reasonable sum as their share of the fish caught. I think that explains the position fairly clearly.

Deputies who will read my speech in the Official Report and study it with care will understand the position.

Better get a blackboard.

The only difficulty that arises is in the case of the types of fishermen who are employed on fishing boats and remunerated by a share of the catch, but in their case the difficulty only arises when they get no fish.

I am sorry to say that is very often.

They are not entitled to unemployment assistance when occupied in that way because they are not unemployed nor are they available for employment and it is reasonable to assume, if on one occasion they catch no fish, that on another occasion they will have a good catch. On the whole, during the year their remuneration works out fairly satisfactorily.

The Minister has shown a fairly good grasp of the position. In the case of those who work on the share system I can give him specific examples where men employed in that way in salmon fishing have spent three weeks fishing and caught nothing. These men got no benefit from that fishing and they got no unemployment assistance nor did they get home assistance either. But their families must be kept up all the time even while these men are earning nothing. It is all very well to say that over the whole year there is remuneration but the Minister will understand the hardship that comes to them in, say, the three weeks during which they earn nothing. I would press the Minister again that he should have a definition of these men that would get them out of this difficulty of being described as employed men earning a weekly wage when in fact they earn nothing.

In dealing with unemployment assistance the Deputy must remember that the person in order to draw unemployment benefit must be available for work. You have the case, for instance, where if a person gets ill he would not be deemed to be available for work. He may however be entitled to national health benefit or to some other form of assistance but unemployment assistance can only be paid if the man is unemployed and he is available for work.

If a man had a small catch would it not be better for him to dump it?

He would have to calculate that.

Might I draw attention to the fact that January has been taken as the period for unemployment fluctuation for the year and that it is to this extent a hardship by reason of the fact that the amount of employment available is lowest at that period of the year. Therefore it is the most difficult period of the year for the unemployed person to get work. This year has been a particularly severe year. I would like to ask the Minister why it was that in these circumstances he selected that particular period of the year to begin his push on those genuinely seeking work?

I have already explained that there is no special push and that the methods of administration now are going to continue.

But a very definite push began at the time of the year when unemployment was partilarly hard and when there was the least chance of the unemployed getting work. It was in the middle of a very severe winter and a very considerable amount of hardship was caused as a result of that. If the Minister has no better explanation to give than he has given, then the Minister has applied a particular part of the Act in a very thoughtless way.

The Minister referred to the owner of a boat. If a boat is in the name of an individual who owes the Department of Fisheries more than the boat is worth, I want to know, what way he is assessed.

I would require notice of that question.

Question: "That the Estimate be referred back for re-consideration"— put and declared lost.
Vote put and agreed to.
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