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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 2 Nov 1938

Vol. 73 No. 2

Private Deputies' Business. - The Agricultural Industry—Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion and amendment:—
That, in the opinion of Dáil Eireann, it is essential that special long-term loans be provided for farmers at easy terms; that rates on agricultural land be completely abolished; that a moratorium be granted on the payment of land annuities, and that the payment of arrears outstanding be spread over a number of years in order to promote the recovery and expansion of the agricultural industry.— (Deputies Cogan and Thomas T. Burke.)
Amendment:—
1. To delete all words after the word "essential" and substitute the following:—
"to increase the production and profitable sale of agricultural produce and to that end a loan should be made available to agriculturists at a rate of interest not exceeding 3 per cent.; that a Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry be set up consisting of:—
1 agriculturist to be nominated by the I.A.O.S.,
1 agriculturist to be nominated by the Royal Dublin Society,
2 farmers to be nominated by the Minister for Agriculture, one whose valuation is £30 and not over; another £50 or over respectively,
1 person to be nominated by the Federation of Irish Industries,
1 person to be nominated by the Banks' Standing Committee,
1 person to be nominated by the Minister for Agriculture, and
1 person to be nominated by the Minister for Finance,
3 members of the Dáil to be appointed by Committee of Selection. The Chairman of the Commission to be a Judge of the High Court or Circuit Court;
the Terms of Reference of the Commission to be to recommend proposals for increasing the volume and value of agricultural production in all its branches, and that pending a report of the Commission of Inquiry the rates on agricultural land as and from the 1st April next be met out of the National Exchequer."—(Deputy Dillon.)

I was making some observations on this motion when the Dáil adjourned on last Wednesday evening. Beyond dealing with a few points raised by Deputy Brennan, for one, in regard to the maize meal mixture scheme, I have not very much more to say. It is true that I did give notice to the farmers that at the end of this cereal year, that is at the end of August, 1939, I thought it probable that the maize meal mixture regulations would not be continued. I gave as the reason for that that, first of all, it could no longer be claimed that wheat growing was in an experimental stage, that it was possible for any farmer who wanted to grow a cash crop to turn to wheat or oats, and that those who were growing barley for feeding, apart from farmers who were growing barley for malting, could turn to wheat if they wanted to grow a cash crop. I also pointed out that for the last two years we had not found it necessary to raise the percentage beyond 10 or 15 per cent. in order to absorb all the surplus grain available for sale. Taking all these things into consideration, we thought that the advantages which accrued to growers from the maize meal mixture scheme were more than counterbalanced by the disadvantage to the feeders. On that account it was decided that we might drop the maize meal mixture scheme at the end of the present year. I should not like, however, to accept Deputy Brennan's contention that the fact that we dropped the scheme proves that it was a mistake or a failure. I think Deputies who remember the conditions that prevailed when the scheme was first brought into operation in 1934 and 1935 will admit that some such scheme was required in order to absorb the barley and oats that were then on hands. At that time farmers who were growing a cash crop were largely engaged in barley-growing but now a number of farmers have turned to wheat and the same necessity does not hold.

There were a few other points made in regard to the motion but I do not think they need any further comment from me. I want to come to the amendment standing in the name of Deputy Dillon and moved by Deputy Brennan. Deputy Dillon, in effect, asks for a commission to inquire into the agricultural industry. That is a suggestion that has been made from various quarters in the last three or four years. In fact there was a motion before the Seanad some time in the beginning of the summer to the same effect, namely, that a commission should be set up. For a long time I was opposed to such a course, at first on general grounds, that to inquire into agriculture was such a very big task. You might as well ask a commission to inquire into what is wrong with the world or if there is anything wrong with it. It is a very big subject and it is almost impossible to expect any commission to report on it in a reasonable time. I thought that if we were going to agree to this at all it would be better perhaps to take some phase of agriculture, such as production, which is mentioned here, the improvement of the bacon industry or of the egg industry. It would be better to take the question piecemeal in that way and have, if you like, a commission to inquire into one or other of these questions rather than have them go into the big general question of what is wrong with agriculture.

Possibly, I might have been very much more opposed to this two or three years ago than I am now because it is quite obvious that, if a commission were set up before the economic war was finished, a number of witnesses would give as their evidence that what was wrong with agriculture was the economic war, whilst other witnesses might say something else. It would have developed into a trial by jury of the merits or demerits of the economic war. Conditions have now changed and I do not now see the same objections as I did then to the setting up of a commission. Although I am, perhaps, not as optimistic as Deputy Dillon or Deputy Brennan may be about the results of a commission, I cannot see that we can oppose it very strongly, and if there is a desire from any Party here or from the House in general that a commission be set up to inquire into agriculture, or all phases of the agricultural industry, all I can say is: Let us go ahead and set it up.

The amendment opens with the statement that it is essential "to increase the production and profitable sale of agricultural produce and to that end a loan should be made available to agriculturists at a rate of interest not exceeding 3 per cent." Then the terms of reference are to be "to recommend proposals for increasing the volume and value of agricultural production in all its branches and that, pending a report of the commission of inquiry, the rates on agricultural land as and from 1st April next be met out of the National Exchequer." I should like very much to agree to that in toto but I do not see that we can. It is all very well to inquire into the matter that is referred to there, that is, to inquire into proposals for increasing the volume and value of agricultural production. That is a question that I think might very well form the subject of inquiry. Perhaps we might get some very valuable information as a result of hearing the evidence of people who are prepared to give evidence, and as a result of the deliberations of the commission we might get some useful recommendations.

I do not, however, see that we could, without due consideration, agree to the latter part of the amendment—that rates on agricultural land should be met out of the National Exchequer. That would mean providing a sum of £1,500,000, roughly, for that purpose. If I were to favour that course and recommend it to the Government, naturally the Government would ask me, "How is this money to be got in another way?" I do not know how it could be got. However it might be got, the farmers would have to pay their due share of it in whatever type of taxation might be levied. I have expressed the view here already, and I should like to express it again, that if we had money available for the benefit of agriculture I am not so sure at all that the best way to spend that money would be on derating. I think if we had money available and if we could spend it for increasing production it would be very much better. Therefore I do not want to have the whole position prejudiced by having rates remitted or dropped while this commission is sitting. As I say, I do not think the Government could agree to that. I have not asked them to agree and I do not think they could agree to the motion in full. I am prepared to agree, however, to the setting up of a commission to consider and make recommendations as to the measures to be taken to increase the volume and value of agricultural production. Of course it will be understood, naturally, that the methods should be practicable or feasible methods, measures not only to increase and promote agricultural production but also to maintain agricultural production.

All these things have to be considered, so that I think we could set up a commission more or less on the lines of the terms of reference set out here—that is wide terms of reference, a commission that would be empowered to enquire into anything practically. Naturally, if a commission is asked to consider the method of increasing agricultural production, well it is quite free to consider derating because the commission could say: "It is within our terms of reference to say whether derating is or is not against agricultural production." Give them wide terms of reference and let them consider all these matters as best they can.

With regard to the personnel, I do not know if what is set out here on the order paper is the best method of approaching that. As a matter of fact, I think that Deputy Brennan said, when speaking, that his Party was not tied to the method laid down in the amendment as regards the personnel, and that as far as they were concerned they were quite willing to leave it to the Government to set up the commission and select the personnel in the ordinary way. I think myself that is much better. I think, if you were setting up a commission, it would not be wise to go to one body for one nominee, and to another body for another nominee. If you were to do that, you might not get the sort of balanced commission that one would like to get. On a commission of this sort I would like to have, first of all, a number of farmers. You would want farmers on it. Every Deputy knows that farming is such a very big industry that there is no farmer who could claim to speak for all phases of agriculture. You would want at least four or five farmers to deal with the different phases of agriculture—live stock, tillage poultry, eggs, pigs and so on. Then you have another very big body of farmers, the smaller and the poorer farmers living in the mountain districts. They would have to be represented, so that to start off with you would probably want to have at least five farmers on the commission. Other interests, of course, would also have to be represented such as agricultural labour, people with the financial view and economists, if possible—that is theoretical economists—so that when you had given representation to all these interests you would have a commission consisting of 11, 13 or 15 people.

I think it is much better that the whole commission should be nominated in that way rather than on the lines set out here. You will get a better balanced commission. On the other hand, if you were to ask different bodies to nominate representatives you might not get the balance that you required. That means that the Government would be prepared to set up a commission roughly on the terms of reference set out—that is very wide terms of reference—nominating the personnel on the Government's own responsibility so as to try and balance the commission as well as possible, taking into account all the different interests that should be represented.

I do not know that I have anything more to say. I do not think there should be a long delay about setting up the commission. Deputies understand, of course, that we will have to think about the personnel. People will have to be written to and asked if they are prepared to sit on the commission, but taking everything into account it may be two or three weeks before the personnel of the commission is announced. After that, the members will be called together and asked to go on with their business.

I had thought of another matter, and perhaps I had better mention it now, and that is of having a tribunal instead of a commission. I do not know if Deputies are familiar with the difference between a tribunal and a commission. I confess that I was not until I went into the matter. A tribunal is a more expert body: in other words, you appoint a body which will take evidence and report on the evidence without giving their own views at all. That might be a very useful thing, but under our legislation we would have to set up that tribunal to inquire into a matter of urgent public importance: into a particular matter. This is not a particular matter: it is a very general matter. I suppose we might say that it is urgent and public, but on the other hand those who criticise us would say, I suppose, that it was just as urgent and public five years ago as it is now. On the whole, I think it is better to have a commission than a tribunal. A tribunal would be a smaller and a more expert body. The members of it would be more impersonal. They would hear the evidence and report on the evidence. On a commission you usually put people who know more about a subject and who give their own views, perhaps. On the whole, I would be in favour of a commission in our present circumstances, taking into account the subject and the wide range of material the members will have to go through. We will keep the numbers on the commission as low as we can, and set it up as soon as possible.

In view of the fact that the Government is prepared to accede to this part of the resolution, I do not think there would be very much use in my talking about the other parts of the resolution, because anything that I or anybody else might have to say had better perhaps be put to the commission rather than to this House.

We are extremely grateful to the Minister and the Government for accepting at least the broad outline of a commission to inquire into the things contained in the resolution, including the question of derating. Did I understand the Minister to say that the commission could inquire into this question of derating?

I said that, naturally, they could consider that. Any commission might say that rates were a burden on production, and therefore should be considered.

So that the terms of reference will be sufficiently clastic to provide for an examination into the question of derating?

We are grateful for that. The next matter is the constitution of the commission. This Party is not wedded to the particular type of commission set out in the resolution. These were suggestions thrown out with a view to broadening the basis of the commission: to ensure that, as far as possible all the bigger classes will be represented on it. The Minister apparently has reason for thinking that some other type of commission might meet the situation better. Might I ask if the Minister would be prepared to make it possible to secure agreement on the broad constitution of the commission which he proposes to establish —not on the personnel, because that is a matter for the Government?

The Minister was not quite clear on one point. He said that, without due consideration, the Government would not be prepared to make a grant in lieu of rates pending the working of the commission.

While the Minister is building up the commission, or taking decisions as to its constitution, and communicating with various people as to whether they would be willing to act or not, if appointed, could not the time be employed giving due consideration to the recommendations made here? If the position is, as outlined by the Minister, that due consideration has not yet been given to that question, I suggest that it is of sufficient importance——

——and that due consideration should be given to it at the earliest possible moment. A commission of this kind will have very great and very important work to do. It will have a great number of questions to inquire into, and, presumably, will have to collect an immense volume of evidence, statistics, etc. Apparently, it is the type of commission that would sit for years.

If it sits for years, or if years intervene between the appointment and the time for consideration of its report, the situation, at least, with regard to a considerable number of farmers may in the meantime have become so very desperate that no suggestions made as a result to the report of the commission, will be in time to save them. I urge the Minister very strongly, as the representative of agriculture in the Executive Council, to use every bit of influence he has in endeavouring to get the Government to agree to the very reasonable suggestions made here, namely, that while the commission is sitting a grant equal to the agricultural rates would be made to the various councils, so that the work of the commission would not be either hurried or embarrassed by the fact that many people in the industry into which they are inquiring, are being very seriously bent or broken by the overhead pressure of rates, as well as other charges.

I desire to intervene again to prevent this discussion going on the lines Deputy O'Higgins has mentioned. I should like to allay any feelings that the Deputy had in mind. As Deputies know, it is usual when a commission is set up for the Minister to meet the members and to give them an idea of its work. He could say: "If you think there is anything urgent I would be very glad if you reported." I quite agree with Deputy O'Higgins that the commission should sit probably for three or four years in order to examine everything. That does not mean that it need not report in the meantime on anything that is urgent. As to derating, I have said that I thought it was not the best way to help agriculture. If the commission comes to the conclusion that it is the best way, and says so in an interim report, I suppose the Government will have to face it. Anyway we will have to face the report. I think it is better to let the commission examine the position, including derating, and if they wish let them issue an interim report. I intend to say to the commission that if they think there is anything urgent they could issue an interim report, whether on derating or anything else.

I must say the announcement made by the Minister, that the Government have agreed to set up this commission, is very pleasant news, indeed, to those who represent the agricultural community. On this side of the House, when we considered the motion proposed by Deputy Cogan, we felt that, while its terms might be beneficial as a temporary measure of relief, they were not in themselves a solution of the many problems affecting agriculture. For that reason, by the amendment we recommended the Government to set up a commission, because we felt that a new set of circumstances exist here as a result of the settlement of the economic war, the report of the Banking Commission, and the disappearance from the horizon of a war that was imminent in Europe for the last few months. Now is the time for a careful examination and a complete orientation of the real position of agriculture. That is why we suggested that this commission should be composed of practical, and of expert minds, to determine what is the real position of the industry, and then to bend themselves to the task of finding a solution of the many problems that affect agriculture, problems that are, undoubtedly, preventing this country taking its rightful place amongst the best food-producing countries.

I am glad the Minister has acceded to that part of the amendment, but I am sorry that the Government have not seen their way to accede to the latter portion, that is, the relief of rates on agricultural land. The Minister has admitted that, if the work is to be properly done, this is a very big problem for a commission. This good news will have a tremendous psychological effect on farmers when they read their newspapers to-morrow morning. They will say: "Thank God something is going to be done for agriculture at last." While an examination is going to be made to ascertain the real position of agriculture, in the meantime are people on whom falls 80 per cent. or 85 per cent. of the burden of local taxation to be expected to carry these burdens? What are these burdens? They have to pay for services from which they get no benefit. They have to pay for all services and institutions established under the Medical Charities Act. They pay for home help, at least to the extent of 85 per cent, in towns and villages, and they have to pay the difference between the economic rent and the actual rent charged for cottages built under the Labourers Acts. They have also to pay for water and sewerage schemes for towns and villages, for services under the Slaughter of Animals Act, the inspection of eggs as well as the inspection of shops under the Conditions of Employment Act. It is an amazing state of affairs, that the agricultural community should be asked to pay for the inspection of shops under the Conditions of Employment Act in towns, as in the ordinary course of events they have no responsibility for that service.

From what the Taoiseach said last week we could infer that there may be further charges on local authorities under the A.R.P. scheme. I should point out that in the case of relief grants, any money made available to county councils is conditional on the local authorities putting up 50 per cent. of the cost. I do not think it is the responsibility of the agricultural community to bear such burdens. In this case we are not asking for any concessions. I think the Minister pointed out that if money were made available it could be put to better use for other purposes.

I submit, Sir, that it is not a matter at all of how this sum of money might be spent. It is a matter of simple justice and equity. It is a matter of protesting against any particular section of the community paying for those services. A citizen in a well-ordered State must make his fair contribution to the Government for the establishment of good social conditions and decent society in the country. The agricultural community are quite prepared to bear their portion of that responsibility. The agricultural community are quite prepared to contribute their fair portion but why should the agricultural community be asked to bear 85 per cent. of that charge? Why should not certain types of people like professional people, civil servants, superintendents and commissioners of the Gárda Síochána, men in the commercial life of the country, men earning big salaries, living in houses with small valuations, men carrying on big businesses in the commercial life of the country in houses with small valuations which bear no relation whatever to a farmer's valuation and their income bearing absolutely no relation to the income or the earning capacity of a farmer—why should they not bear their portion? In other words, I submit that a man's valuation is no indication whatever of his earning capacity and that the citizen should contribute to poor law services and to social services and the cost of local administration according to his earning capacity. That is our case for derating. We are not coming here whining or begging for relief or for any concession. We are simply demanding simple justice and equity for one section of the people. It is not a question, as I said before, whether this money could be spent to a better purpose or not. I may say I do not believe it could be spent for any better purpose, but, whether it could or not, it is not a question of how it could be spent but is a matter of doing justice and I think the Government in their decision ought to take that aspect of the case into account. We all realise that this commission, if it is going to do its job well and right, is tackling a very big problem. To survey the wide aspects of agriculture to-day in all its ramifications is a big job and it will take time. We want it well done and done right and we do not want it rushed but, in the meantime, for the unfortunate people that are suffering and that have borne all the burdens for the last few years, I think it is up to the Government to see that this temporary measure of relief is introduced at all events and, if you like, let the commission decide afterwards. That is what we have asked in our amendment—that that relief should be given immediately pending the decision or the report of the commission which the Minister has agreed to set up.

The actual position as far as the agricultural community is concerned is that our industry here, after emerging from the turmoil and the burdens of the economic war, found itself in a very distressed condition and, on top of that condition, as I say, through local taxation, the Government have been piling on ever increasing burdens and side by side with those difficulties, we have had, as a result of an intense drive for industrial development, a great many monopolies created in this country, with the inevitable result that the cost of production has increased so much to the farmer that it has seriously retarded and reduced agricultural output. That, to my mind, is one of the real problems in this case. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has often talked about the necessity of a balanced economy in this country but we find to-day that there is no balance whatever and no relation whatever between the cost of goods manufactured here and the price we receive for agricultural produce. In a word, to my mind the real cause of our trouble here is not that we are getting bad prices for our agricultural produce but because the cost of production is so great and overhead charges so high that the margin of profit has seriously diminished and, in some cases, actually disappeared, with the inevitable result that, through loss of a fair margin of profit and, in some cases, through capital losses, the farmers are completely discouraged and the industry is suffering from a state of stagnation.

We suggest that many things could be done. Deputy Brennan has pointed out that the fertility of the soil here has been seriously reduced and that not sufficient attention has been paid to soil condition. That is a matter that must be examined because it is the very basis of our economy. The success of agriculture and not only of agriculture but of any secondary industry that may be started in this country depends absolutely on the fertility and productivity of the soil. If that is seriously retarded in any way then every industrial activity in this country is going to suffer. That question needs to be examined. I think that it ought to be examined immediately. It ought to be one of the first phases this commission ought to examine. As a matter of fact, I think a certain amount of research work ought to be done right away to examine the soil condition here in this country. There is keen competition to-day among the food producing countries of the world, and transport facilities have increased so much and transport costs have been reduced so much that it has brought those countries, so to speak, much closer together, with the result that the countries competing for that great market, the British market, have made prices so keen that this country, if we want to hold our market there, must be on our toes about it. We have not been. We have been doing our business here in a haphazard, slipshod manner. We want better methods, more scientific methods of farming, a new technique, if you like, with regard to our methods of agriculture.

We must first of all tackle this problem of fertility. In that lie vast possibilities. We must make our land carry more stock and produce more food. There is occurring in this country a tremendous loss through the wastage of live stock over the winter period. Our live stock emerge in the spring time in very poor condition. I suppose we are about the only country in the world to allow a big percentage of our stock to go back in condition during the winter period. That is a matter that requires close attention. It is only by producing better fodder, more nutritious grass and hay, that live stock can be carried over the winter without losing condition. There arises then the question of concentrated foods. I think concentrated foods have cost the farmer too much, and there is no inducement to him to invest money in that direction, with the result that in a great many cases he allows his stock to lose condition. That is an aspect which must be examined.

Now we turn to the question of tillage. The Minister taunted this Party on Wednesday night last. He told us we were converted to his way of thinking, that we were now supporting wheat growing. Our attitude on wheat growing is this, that you cannot have violent changes in agricultural policy every time you have a change of Government here, that there must be some continuity of policy. For the last few years a new set of circumstances was developed as far as the tillage farmer was concerned. For instance, in regard to oats, you had in the past a home market available for oats, a pretty big market, too. A large quantity of oats was consumed by cart horses in the towns and cities. That consumption has practically disappeared because in the towns and cities the horses are practically gone, being replaced by lorries and other petrol-driven vehicles.

If we are to continue growing cereals here, we must turn our minds to something other than oats. There must be some continuity of policy and, as the Minister has introduced the wheat scheme, we propose to continue that wheat scheme. I may say that I have had some experience of growing wheat and I certainly do not agree with the Minister or his Department in encouraging farmers in this country to grow wheat indiscriminately on every type of land, with a complete disregard for a proper rotation of crops on the farm. That is what we have been doing, and that is what the farmers are still being encouraged to do. Land has been broken up and three or four crops of wheat have been taken from it, the grower relying on the vegetable matter in the soil to produce the three or four crops. A lot of that land has been put back to grass again without any farmyard manure being placed upon it, and the result is that the land is in a low state of fertility. The Minister should not encourage wheat growing on every type of land, irrespective of the suitability of the soil and without any regard for crop rotation.

There is another aspect of wheat growing that we should not lose sight of if we are anxious to continue growing wheat. The Minister is definitely encouraging early winter wheat growing. As a farmer with a fair amount of experience in wheat growing, I disagree with the Minister and his Department in that connection. This country grew wheat extensively in the past, when wheat was a good price. We grew a considerable quantity up to the Franco-Prussian War; we contined to grow it up to the early eighties of the last century. The country went out of wheat production at a time when it was relatively a much better price than it is to-day. We went out of wheat growing for the simple reason that winter wheat growing fouled the land and reduced the fertility of the soil.

The conditions of the soil here are such that there is a tendency to grow quite a quantity of grass and weeds. That is due to the humidity of our climate, to our peculiar temperature. The weather conditions here are so mild that there is a natural tendency for the land to produce weeds in large quantities. Winter wheat growing has had that effect. Many people think wheat is heavy on land. I believe it is not too heavy on land; I believe that the amount of weeds and scutch and other foul stuff produced by allowing the land to lie over a long winter period under a winter crop are more responsible than the crop itself for the reduction of the fertility of the soil. If the Minister and his Department are interested in wheat growing in this country, they ought to turn their minds to the possibility of finding a suitable spring or very late winter variety of wheat. That will solve the problem and avoid leaving the land under a crop which tends to produce weeds and scutch for eight or nine months of the year. That is what has really reduced the fertility of a lot of land put under wheat. It is not that the crop takes so much more than any other cereal crop out of the land, but because the land is so exposed that it becomes foul over a long period. I disagree with the Minister and his Department on that particular aspect of wheat growing.

Other countries are experimenting in order to find a wheat suitable for late winter or early spring sowing. Russia has been devoting some attention to that for the last five years, and I think our Department should do something of that sort, too. There is then the question of live stock. Can we improve our live stock? First of all, there is the question of improving the fertility of the soil. There ought to be some research work in that connection. There has to be considered the important question of keeping our live stock from wasting during the winter period, of keeping our live stock going all the time.

I now want to refer to the question of our dairy herds. Our dairy herds are suffering seriously all over the country from abortion, sterility, and menstruitis. We are losing some of our best cows. The average yield in milk production here is much lower than in any other country in the world. For instance, the yield of milk in Holland is 700 to 800 gallons. Our average milk yield is only 400 to 500 gallons. These are matters that require close examination. Then there is the marketing of our live stock. No attention is being paid to marketing and none to grading. There are too many people living too easily on the produce of the farm. The live stock pass through too many hands before they reach the consumer on the other side. These matters have all to be attended to.

With regard to the question of poultry, I put down to-day a question for the Minister about customs clearance charges. He gave a reply but he did not reply to my supplementary question. I now take this opportunity of discussing this matter. We devoted a good deal of time to an important Bill here to-day. That was the Agricultural (Produce) Eggs Bill. I think the time was well spent. That is an important Bill. There are other aspects of the case completely neglected. In regard to the question of clearance of customs charges, I want to point out that the scale is, to my mind, one of the things seriously affecting our poultry industry. Prior to the imposition of penal duties here, I am informed by some big traders, the type of poultry trade that we were doing with the people on the other side, or a major portion of that trade at all events, was composed of small weekly orders from retail traders in the big cities in Great Britain. These orders were regular weekly orders. The weights would be 2 cwt. to 3 cwt. of fresh poultry in good condition. The result was that these fetched a good price, indeed a better price than the type the traders in England could buy in the open market there.

When the penal tariffs came into operation the imposition of the customs clearance charges absolutely killed that type of trade. The result is that the poultry merchant here must send large consignments. I have here a list of the charges paid to the carrying companies last February. The charge for a 2 cwt. consignment is 3/6. When the company is asked why is there a customs clearance charge at all now since the economic war has been settled, or what is the necessity for such a charge when no duty is imposed on our agricultural produce, we are told, as we were to-day by the Minister, that the carrying companies have to put in certain documents as regards the country of origin. They have to prove that the poultry is non-dutiable. For doing that the carrying companies charge 3/6 for a 2 cwt. consignment; for a 3 cwt. consignment the charge is 4/-; for 10 cwt. ? and for 15 cwt. 6/-, which is the maximum charge, irrespective of weight. In other words, a trader shipping a five-ton lot of poultry pays a customs clearance charge of 6/- on the whole lot.

The salesmen at the other side cannot anticipate what the landings will be. The landings are irregular and sometimes there is a glut of poultry goods on the market. Very often because of the glut the poultry has to be sold at a sacrifice. The result is that the price fluctuates considerably. The people who came to me about this matter pointed out that if they could get back their old trade it would have this effect, that first of all they would have a regular weekly trade and regular weekly orders, and the people at the other side would receive the consignments of poultry in good and fresh condition. To get back their old trade is the difficulty. To-day, a merchant ships to a salesman a five-ton lot of poultry and pays on the five tons a customs clearance charge of 6/-. If he were to break that lot up into lots of 2 cwt., he would have 50 lots and on each of these he would have to pay 3/6.

In other words, in the one case the customs clearance charges would reach £8 15s. whereas if he sends the bulk together it costs him entirely only 6/-. That charge of £8 15s. on 50 lots as against 6/- on one lot is operating against the poultry industry and it is operating against getting back to a sounder and a better trade which will give better and higher returns to the producer in this country than the type of trade we have at present. I am well aware that representations were made to the Minister and his Department on this matter but very little has been done. There has been no change in these charges. That is a matter on which I suggest pressure should be brought to bear on the carrying companies because it is a vital importance to the poultry industry. I do not suppose that there is any use in going into the various aspects of the case as it concerns our Party here.

As far as the setting-up of this commission is concerned, I am glad that the Minister has consented to its setting-up. That consent will certainly be good news to-morrow for the farming community and it will have a good psychological effect. People will feel that something is going to be done to help to find a solution for their difficulties. That commission will have a big job to do and to do it properly will take considerable time. What we are asking for should be considered by the Minister. It is really not a relief nor a concession. Neither is it a question as to whether the money to be spent is for the most useful purpose or not. It is simply a matter of justice because our section of the community has borne these burdens for a great many years, indeed long before the present Government came into office. But because of that it does not necessarily follow that those burdens are just, fair or equitable. They are most unjust burdens and most unfair charges, and our people ought to be relieved of them right away. It would be a really sincere gesture by the Government and an indication that they mean to do something immediately, side by side with this commission.

I am glad to note the change in the Minister's attitude and to hear him say that it was not on one side or the other that the sole desire to help the farmers existed. I am quite prepared to give him credit for his good intentions. I never questioned the Minister's intentions and indeed he has worked as hard as any Minister ever worked to implement those intentions. It is, however, unfortunate, I suppose, that sometimes people work very hard and with the very best possible intentions, and still do not achieve their ends. This has happened very often, as I am sure the Minister will admit, in respect of his own efforts and I am glad to hear now that he is prepared to inquire into the best methods to be adopted. It is the only consistent course he could adopt. At one time, there was a motion before the House based upon the assumption that the Department was an expert body and was able to demonstrate what the Minister claimed was right, namely, that agriculture was a paying proposition. The Minister turned down that motion and perhaps he was right, but he is quite right now in adopting the alternative course of trying to get further information as to better methods of carrying on the agricultural industry.

It is a good thing that we can all cooperate to this end, because not only are the people engaged in agriculture suffering, but if present conditions continued much longer, they would be bound to affect every section of the nation. If we look at the symptoms of the difficulties of agriculture it is very clear that they are bound, sooner or later, to lead to national ruin, to the migration of the people from the land, a reduction in the value of our agricultural production, a decrease in the value of our exports, lower averages in the schools, a reduction in the number of marriages and activity by the sheriffs. These are some of the symptoms, and there is no use referring to them all, because the Minister and everybody else knows them, but it is a hopeful sign of the time when all Parties have agreed that there is something wrong with the agricultural industry, and that it should be inquired into. I have no doubt that is why Deputy Dillon put down the amendment. The motion was a good motion, and nobody objected to any part of it, but it did not go far enough. The amendment proposed the setting up of a commission to inquire into the finding of still further remedies and methods of improvement for agriculture besides relieving agriculture of the unjust burdens which it has been carrying up to the present, and making provision for these down-and-outs who want loans.

With regard to loans, there is no question that a great number of farmers cannot make any progress without being put on their feet first by a loan; but, at the same time, it is questionable whether it is wise to lend money to farmers in their present condition. It would be only throwing money away unless the farmers are put in a position in which there would be reasonable prospect of the loans being repaid. I am glad to see that the Minister is prepared to do something. There will then be a benefit to be got from lending money to the farmers. With regard to the work of the commission, I do not see why they should require to sit for years, although I have a great suspicion that when a commission is set up in this country, it will sit too long. With so many witnesses to examine and so many aspects of agriculture to deal with, they cannot get through in a very short time, but the Minister need not wait for the findings of the commission to carry out some of the proposals in the motion, and I strongly urge him, as a start, to grant the farmers complete derating of agricultural land. It is not necessary for a commission to sit to tell him that that is due to the farmers as a matter of right. It is less, and a great deal less, than what the farmers will have to get in the way of relief if they are to be able to carry on their industry.

It will not take a commission to find out that agricultural prices for the last seven or eight years are 10 or 15 per cent. below pre-war, while the cost of production was at least double the pre-war cost. That is something which any farmer Deputy on the other side will agree is correct, and the Minister himself knows that it is correct. This question of costings is at the root of the whole trouble. The farmers are not the only people whose costs have been increased. Every producer in this country, no matter what line of production he is engaged in, finds that his costs have increased. Take, for instance, the case of a mowing machine. In 1913-14 a mowing machine would be bought for £10; to-day, it costs £22 10s., an increase of 125 per cent. That is one of a number of articles which a farmer must provide himself with. He must also provide suits of clothes for himself and his family. A suit of clothes could be bought for 50/- pre-war, and to-day it costs £6, an increase of 140 per cent. A pair of shoes bought for 8/- pre-war now costs £1, an increase of 150 per cent. Is it not obvious to everybody —it does not require a commission to find it out—that agricultural costs are at least double? Rates have been trebled since pre-war times, and if you go down the whole line you will find that it is a conservative estimate to say that the costs of agriculture are round about double, or represent an increase of 100 per cent. The remedy for the farmer, if it were in his power, would be to increase the price, just as the manufacturers of the mowing machine, the suits or the shoes, increased their prices to cover the cost of production, but the position of the farmer is different, and he must take whatever he can get on the market.

Let us compare the figures of pre-war prices with present prices. They are about the same—the difference is not worth mentioning. So that, in these circumstances, it is easy to see that, if we produce £50,000,000 worth of agricultural produce annually—I do not know whether we have any figures as to the cost of production; I do not think we could get them, but it is easy for us to assume a certain figure, and it does not really matter if we are a couple of millions out—but let us assume that in 1914 the cost of producing our agricultural output was about £25,000,000, what would be the position to-day? It would cost about £50,000,000, and that would mean there would be no profit in production. Now, that would be a loss to the farming community, as compared with the pre-war period, of £25,000,000. I am not standing over that exact figure. As I have said, there might be a difference of a couple of million pounds, but I hold that the case is sufficiently clear to show that the loss to the agricultural community is very serious. As a matter of fact, in that case it would be about £25,000,000.

Then there are set-offs. What is the set-off? The set-off is the relief from the passing of the two Land Purchase Acts of 1923 and 1933. The benefit to the agricultural community from these Acts would be about £6,250,000. As compared with pre-war prices, however, if we deduct this £6,250,000 from the £25,000,000 of a loss in the increased cost of production, we find that we have about £19,000,000 by which the farmers are worse off. Now, I do not think that anybody on any side of the House will say that the farmers were too well off in pre-war times. I am not now referring to the war times, because they were abnormal times, and perhaps the farmers were better off during that abnormal period of war time. I am referring to the position of the farmers prior to the war and since the war. I think the position should be quite obvious to anybody. No other section of the community in this country is in the same position as the farmers. All other classes of people in the community have increased the prices of their produce, and even the people dealing in these products have increased their own profits, by putting on an extra price. Professional people have increased their fees, and the standard of living for every other class of the community has been improved, whereas the standard of living for the farmer has been lowered. That is the explanation for the young people fleeing the country, being afraid to get married, going into the cities and emigrating to other countries. That is the reason for the countryside being overgrown with weeds and overflowing with water, and why the people are fleeing the country in order to try to get a living somewhere else.

The Minister need not wait for the setting up of a commission or an inquiry in order to do something for the relief of the farmers. What is needed is plain enough to anybody. Something must be done to relieve the farmers of this huge burden of rates. As the proposer of this motion, and as Deputy Hughes pointed out, it is only a matter of justice. The farmers are not craving for favours at all. They only want justice in the matter of taxation. What are rates, really, so far as they apply to agricultural land? As applied to agricultural land, they are a particular form of income tax that is based upon an estimated income out of land. That is all it means—no more and no less. Now, that valuation on land may represent actual income or it may not. In some cases it represents more, and in other cases it represents less than the real income; but in any case it has relation to supposed income, because, if you have a farm of land of a good quality, it is valued higher, and inferior land would be valued lower. I do not think that anybody can contest my statement in that regard. Therefore, I submit that no other class in the community is taxed in the same way as that in which the farmer is taxed. Other people in this country are paying income tax upon their real income, as we know, but they have certain allowances, such as £125 or £250, and up to £500, and they get these allowances according to the family or the number of dependants that they have. It varies from £125 to £500, or more; but there is no allowance for the farmer. He has got to pay on that estimated income, from the first pound, whether he is making the income or not.

As Deputy Hughes said, it does not matter whether this money could be put to better use or not; the money belongs in justice and equity to the people who have been paying this unjust burden too long. It must be remembered that things do not acquire sanctity from age. This system of rates on agricultural land was commenced over 300 years ago. It was started by the British Government. At first it was something like a penny or a few pence in the pound, and up to the beginning of the present century it only amounted to something like a shilling in the pound. That was not very serious, but it was growing gradually. Besides, in those days the amount of wealth that the land represented was much greater than it is to-day in relation to other forms of wealth. Now, although, under the Act of 1898, the agricultural community were relieved of half the rates by the agricultural grant and have received other grants since, yet rates are about five times higher to-day than they were then. It is a very elastic system. It yields in all cases to expansion but never to contraction. I hold, therefore, that there is only one form of relief in this connection, and that is the complete derating of agricultural land. Let the Minister not deceive himself. No matter what commission or inquiry may be set up, the farmers will not be content to be treated as outcasts of the State and to carry burdens that do not apply to any other section of the community. No matter what commission may be set up and no matter what its terms of reference may be, the Minister might as well make up his mind—or anybody else who may occupy such a position in the future— that the farmers must get justice or that something will turn up. They will not always continue to be tame slaves; they have been tame slaves long enough.

Now that a commission is to be appointed, the terms of reference should provide that they should inquire into the equity of the farmers' claim in this matter. There have been a lot of objections and arguments against it. These are prejudiced or dishonest, because the arguments could be applied just as well to any other form of taxation. People say that the big farmer will get more of the benefit; of course he will. The big income-tax payer gets more benefit when the income-tax is reduced. When we can afford to have income-tax in this country ? less than across the Border or in Great Britain, the wealthy people get the benefit of that. It would be a crime to give the unfortunate farmer justice if he happens to have an income of £100 or £200. But we can afford to be generous to people who have ten times that income and it is not a crime. The man who owns 50 or 100 'buses gains more from a reduction in the price of petrol or in the motor tax and yet it is not a crime to relieve that man although he is a big man. But it would be a crime to relieve the big farmer of an injustice. Ninety or 95 per cent. of the ordinary farmers are carrying this unjust burden in order to penalise the other 5 or 10 per cent. That is the position.

There are different people who do not touch politics at all and who take a very keen interest in this matter. All these people who are opposed to it have one policy in opposing it and that is to divide and rob. They try to make the small farmers oppose the big farmers. They divide them into two sections in order that they may be both robbed. This has been going on, but the farmers are beginning to be wide awake and they will not continue to be robbed. They will all stand together soon I hope. I am the representative of a county of small farmers—County Cavan—and they are the best payers of rates in the country. Although they are practically all small farmers, County Cavan was the first county to demand this on principle. The farmers demanded it because it is their right, not because they would secure any extra benefit. They wanted to get justice—nothing more nor less. It is because it means justice to the farmers that we demand it. But much more must be given to them, because, as I pointed out, this would only mean something like £1,500,000, or less than £2,000,000, and the position of the farmers now as compared with the pre-War period is that they are something like £19,000,000 worse off. This will only mean £1,500,000 off that sum, so that the farmers must get a great deal more if it can be at all provided to make their industry pay. While other sections of the community are being put in a better position, the farmer is certainly entitled to some improvement on his present position because he cannot go on as he is going.

Deputy Hughes referred to the question of contagious abortion and sterility in cattle. Something will have to be done about that. When that disease gets into a district it ruins the dairy cattle in that district and the farmers have no calves, no milk, and no means of making a shilling. I am sorry to say that the recommendations made by the Department in reference to this have not been effective. They have not been attended with the success that we all would wish to see. They are too difficult, in fact impossible, to carry out. Unless some better remedies are found, I am afraid the Department must desist from the licensing of bulls for a time or suspend the licensing altogether, and give the farmers the right to keep as many bulls as they wish, which is one way of remedying the evil.

These pedigree bulls, especially the Aberdeen Angus, are not so fruitful or able to get so many calves as the ordinary cross-bred shorthorn. Besides, when the cows begin to miss the number of services which these bulls have to perform are multiplied five times in some cases, with the result that they become absolutely unfruitful in the end and the herds of a whole district are affected. Some research work should be carried out by the Department to discover some simple and effective remedy for this disease. Until that is done, the licensing of bulls should be discontinued in certain districts. Where a county committee of agriculture certifies that a district is suffering from this disease, it would be a good thing if the Minister would either supply an extra number of bulls or suspend the licensing of bulls altogether. That might mean an amendment of the Act, but something will have to be done about it. I ask the Minister to take a special note of this, because in districts in Cavan and Leitrim there will be very few calves next year and the farmers are being robbed. There are a number of other things I should like to refer to, but I shall not detain the House any longer.

I am rather surprised that this motion was brought on, because, judging by the arguments of Opposition Deputies for the past four or five years, everything was going to be all right when they got back their markets. They have their markets back now, and apparently they are worse than ever. The usual Government cure for people when they get contrary is to set up a commission. I do not think a commission is going to cure this; at least a commission on the lines which have been proposed. The cure that Deputies opposite found for us when they set up a commission, the majority of whom were individuals who either knew nothing about agriculture or else were fattening on the agriculturists of this country, is not going to be the cure.

I do not see how Deputy Hughes or Deputy McGovern, who spent days here complaining about the inefficiency of the Irish industrialists who are producing agricultural machinery and everything else, could agree to this amendment put down in Deputy Dillon's name and which apparently, they are sponsoring.

You have not told us whom you would put on the commission.

The personnel of the commission is apparently to include an agriculturist appointed by the Wholesale Agricultural Organisation Society. I would not have him.

That is only suggested.

Neither would I have an agriculturist from the Royal Dublin Society. I do not think you could expect much from him.

Tell us whom you would have.

How, in the name of Heaven, could Deputy Hughes or Deputy McGovern agree to an "agriculturist" out of the Federation of Irish Industries? How, in the name of goodness, can these Deputies who are complaining about the banks and about the interest on loans agree to an "agriculturist" from the Banks' Standing Committee? These are the fellows who are going to find out what is wrong with the farmers, not forgetting the fellow from the High Court who is going to be chairman of this commission. One would think that Deputies, when they come to consider a matter of this kind seriously, or even when they come in here and pretend to be serious on a matter of this kind, would at least take the trouble of examining a motion before they sign their names to it. They come in here and propose a gentleman from the Federation of Irish Industries and gentlemen from these other organisations I have mentioned, as members of a commission, with a High Court judge as chairman, to find out what is wrong with farming. Apparently they have no faith in their own ability to find out for themselves what is wrong with the agricultural industry—not, indeed, from what I have seen here, that I would care to put three members of the Dáil appointed by the committee of selection on that commission. That is the kind of cure that Deputies opposite propose for the farmers' ills. That is the personnel in which they place their faith to find out what is wrong with the farming community and to provide a cure for their ills. I would say: "God help the farmer who is depending on them!"

I suggest that, if the commission is set up, it should find out what is the maximum amount the agricultural community can afford to pay for central and social services. When the commission has found that out let us come in here and send Article X of the Treaty after the rest of the Articles. It is surprising sometimes to see the attitude of Deputies who call themselves farmers on these questions. I came in here for a few minutes this evening, and I heard Deputies on both sides bewailing the position of civil servants.

I presume that debate was brought to a conclusion.

That particular debate was.

And it should not be re-opened to-day.

I am not reopening it. I am only alluding to the manner in which certain Deputies remained silent here while a load was being put on their backs and on the backs of the people about whose condition they are complaining. They come along here and wail about the position of the farmers but they remain silent while these barbed-wire entanglements were being put about the civil servants.

What about the compensation for insurance directors?

You can deal with that when your turn comes.

Both questions are equally irrelevant.

I suggest that the position of the farming community is that these overhead burdens are too much for them to bear. There is no use in talking about cures for them here or there, while these overhead burdens remain on them. We are told that they are responsible for 85 per cent. of production in this country.

Yes, at a loss.

Columbcille went back 300 years but I do not want to go so far back as that. I am making what I consider an honest suggestion here, what I consider a proper suggestion, that we should get down to bed-rock on this question. I suggest that if 85 per cent. of production in this country comes from the agricultural community, then we should consider what is the maximum amount that can be borne by that community both for central and social services and let us cut down to that. Let us cut our Civil Service, our High Court and our legal profession down to that. When we have done that, we will have some basis to work on with regard to the agricultural community. You are not going to cure their ills by coming in here looking for a grant of £100,000, £200,000 or even £500,000 for the agricultural community and then, in the heel of the evening, clapping several thousand pounds on them to provide for extra inspectors and extra civil servants. The sooner Deputies here get down to bedrock and cut down overhead charges, the better it will be for everybody concerned. Overhead charges in regard to rates have gone up enormously in the last few years. They have gone up justly, I would say, in part but unjustly in regard to other expenditure. They have increased justly in regard to social services, such as housing, that were completely neglected here for ten or 12 years, social services that had to be undertaken by the present Government when it came into office. On the other hand, they have gone up unjustly in regard to the enormous amount spent on roads to make them fit for modern traffic. That is a burden the agricultural community should not be asked to bear. There is no use in talking about pinpricks or in talking about the floor of a house when the roof is falling in. You have got to get at the roof first and I suggest that the roof in this case is the cost of government and the cost of the Civil Service in this country.

A Deputy

Who is responsible?

Who was responsible for Article No. 10 of the Treaty? Who was responsible for the host of parasites that were sprung into the Civil Service from 1924 to 1931?

How many have come in in the last few years?

Have a look at the Estimates and see the number of gentlemen who are paid £1,200 a year, who come in at ten in the morning and remain until four in the evening, with their golf sticks in the back of the car. Deputies should remember an occasion here last year when we had four lawyers, three on one side and one on the other, sitting here fixing salaries of £2,500 a year for judges, with the other 150 Deputies looking on with their mouths open. Let them ask themselves who is responsible.

You included.

That has been the position here. There is no use in setting up a commission to inquire into the question of how to increase agricultural production. We all know how to increase it. Even Deputy Brasier, who is like St. Paul—all things to all men—told us how to increase agricultural production. The Deputy has a different tune every day for the different fiddles he plays. He told us that the non-agriculturists are eating dearer bread so that the farmer may get a price for his wheat; that they are consuming dearer sugar so that the farmer may get an economic price for his beet, but in a few moments, when he gets up to speak, he will be telling us about the unfortunate farmer who cannot pay his way. At the same time he complains about the price that the farmer is getting for his produce. The truth is that the farmer will produce if he is paid for what he produces. There is one good thing at any rate to our credit: the guaranteed markets that we have provided here for the farmer for certain things that he produces. We have given him a guaranteed price for his wheat and his beet. We have made these two markets at least available to him so that before he sets his crops he knows what he is going to get for them. That is one good thing we have done for the farmer. You cannot do that with the British market. Over a considerable period we pointed that out to the Party opposite, and now they have come to realise the truth of it because they are getting less for their cattle now than in March when the tariff was on. That is one lesson we brought home to them, that as far as the British market is concerned they have to be satisfied by selling their surplus produce in it.

We have Deputies spending evenings here talking about the plight of the farmers, and bringing before the House ridiculous motions and amendments such as we have on the Order Paper to-day to set up a commission composed of officials from the banks, from the I.A.O.S. and from the Federation of Irish Industries to find out what is wrong with the farmer. I am surprised to see farmer Deputies, who should have better sense, supporting motions of the kind. I do not think that a motion of the kind should ever have been put down. I understand that the Minister for Agriculture has agreed to set up a commission to inquire into the question of increasing agricultural production. There is no need, in my opinion, to set up a commission to do that. Deputies opposite tried to diminish our agricultural production. They went out on a definite campaign against the growing of wheat. That went on for a number of years. I knew very well that the campaign would be useless, because so long as the farmer is paid for any crop he will grow it. So long as he has a guaranteed price for his wheat he will grow it. If we were able to give a guaranteed price for a cwt. of beef, you would soon have the country full of beef. You can increase agricultural production any day by giving the cost of production plus a profit to the farmer. That is all he looks for, and you do not need a commission to be told that.

Deputy Brennan attacked the admixture scheme. How many of the Deputies opposite are going to agree with him? I challenge Deputy Hughes, or any other farmer Deputy opposite, to stand up and say he agrees with Deputy Brennan in his remarks on the admixture scheme. Does Deputy Cogan or Deputy Brasier agree with him? Of course not. They know what the position of the farmers in this country was in 1932 in regard to barley and oats. It would be a very serious matter for any Government to consider driving the farmers of this country back into that position again. What was their position at that time? They had to take their barley in to the maltster and ask him for heaven's sake to take it, and tell them in three months what he was going to give them for it. That was their position in 1932 and at the time that the admixture scheme was brought in. I fear that we will go back to that position again. If we agriculturists are to pay for artificial manures and agricultural machinery produced in this country, then I say we are entitled to a market here for what we can produce as well as an economic price for it.

If a commission is to be set up, I suggest that its job should be to find out what is the maximum amount that the agricultural community can bear both for Central Government services and for social services. When that is found out, let us come in here with the axe and cut off what we do not want. Unfortunately, the Civil Service system we have here is an inherited one. We started building our house on a par with an industrial country like Great Britain. This country cannot afford it, and it is ridiculous to have 85 per cent. of the population of this country paying exorbitant salaries to the other 15 per cent. That is what is happening. You have the professional classes organised. You have the doctors and officials of local bodies through the country looking for increases of salaries.

And pensions for T.Ds.

And we have Deputy Curran agreeing to that.

I am not getting a pension.

I am suggesting to the House one cure for all that.

For the pension.

I suggest to Deputy Curran that he should get down to that cure that I have given. As far as pensions are concerned, I suppose if Deputy Curran had done anything to earn one he would have got it.

A lot of people earned them and did not get them.

If the Deputy had shaken himself up and had done something for his country, when the country wanted him, he would have a pension.

I never looked for a pension.

Good boy. I suggest to Deputies opposite that they should tackle this question on the lines I have indicated. It is the only cure. Any other method will be merely feeding the dog with a piece of his own tail, as Deputy Brennan remarked. I have given the House the real cure, and I hope it will adopt it.

I am sure the Minister for Agriculture must have been very pleased when he found Deputy Dillon coming to his rescue with the amendment that he tabled to Deputy Cogan's motion. It enabled the Minister to avoid the issues raised in the motion. Instead of having a discussion on the issues raised in the motion, such, for instance, as the depression in agriculture and the granting of long term loans to farmers free of interest, Deputy Dillon with his amendment came to the rescue of the Minister with his proposal to set up a commission on lines somewhat similar to the Banking Commission that reported recently. This commission, I suppose, like the others, will come along in three years' time or so with its report; but in the meantime it will have found no solution for giving immediate relief to the farmers of the country. While we agree with the Minister and with the Opposition in having this commission, we believe it is only prolonging the agony by appealing for derating of all agricultural land. Deputy McGovern and Deputy Hughes asked for derating. The former Deputy said that as a representative of the small farmers in County Cavan he could say they were unanimously in favour of derating, which I consider would give concessions only to large ranches who do not employ anyone. What concession will the small farmers get from derating?

The Minister will be very sympathetic towards Deputy McGovern's Party if the question is raised in the meantime, by pointing out that, as a commission has been appointed, he cannot anticipate its findings. Deputy Corry pointed to the position in the rural areas. It is not so much one affecting local services, but rather the bigger concessions that are necessary. Speaking for the constituency I represent, I say that the roads should be a national service, the hospitals should be a national service, and the State should take over the relief of the poor. In that way the burden of rates will be removed from the farmers, because they would not then be paying for trunk roads that some of them never use, as well as for hospital services, and for home assistance. Such relief would give greater assistance to the agricultural community than derating. I believe that derating land would put the burden on the farmers' out-offices and buildings.

What would then be left to tax?

Deputy Hughes and Deputy McGovern appealed for derating. What is to become of men who are unable to pay their annuities or rates at present?

The Deputy should read the amendment.

It is not that these people are unwilling to pay, but are really unable to pay. I can speak on this question as one who knows the facts. I give every credit to the Land Commission for its endeavour to meet them in every way, and to accept payment by instalments. The Land Commission is not out to crush them. I do not agree with Deputies who suggest that the Land Commission are tyrants. I went to the Land Commission on behalf of these people, and I can say that small farmers, who were unable to pay their annuities, received every consideration. We say that appointing a commission, the findings of which will not be available for some time, will not give immediate relief. Long-term loans will have to be given to these farmers. Deputy McGovern asked what was the use of giving farmers something that they might not be able to repay. Are honest farmers who, through no fault of their own, have no capital to be refused loans to enable them to restock their land?

I object. The Deputy is misrepresenting what I said.

Let the Deputy continue.

Deputy McGovern objects to the granting of loans.

That is wrong.

The Deputy asked what was the use of granting loans to some farmers at the present time.

That is not objecting to the granting of loans. Put farmers in the position of being able to repay.

How are they to be put into that position?

That is the question.

Are we to wait for three or four years for the result of this commission, pending which, if we had complaints about the depression in agriculture, the Minister and the Government would be able to reply: "Have we not appointed a commission on which farmers have representatives, and pending their report we cannot act"? I am concerned about what is happening in my constituency. We have honest men there, and, as a Labour Party, we are interested in the prosperity of the agricultural community, because their prosperity means prosperity for rural workers. I fought farmers many a time—and, please God, when prosperity returns, I will fight them again—in order to get a living wage for the workers. If the farmers are prosperous the agricultural workers will be properous, and for that reason we demand that loans should be given free of interest.

This is not a loan; it is a grant free of interest.

It is better than bounties.

Pending the giving of other concessions to people in the rural areas loans should be given. The rates have been increased from 2/- to 3/- in the £ because agricultural grants have been withheld owing to the non-payment of land annuities. As a result the general public have to make up the amount of grants withheld. Without anticipating the findings of the commission, to the setting-up of which the two Parties have agreed, all the agricultural grants that were withheld should be made available to the public bodies affected. In that way the rates could be reduced and the farming community would get immediate relief. Why should the general public, small farmers and labourers, have to make good by the payment of increased rates the amount of unpaid land annuities? The Government are losing nothing, because they are holding on to grants that should be given to public bodies. I appeal to the Minister to give immediate relief to the rural community, without waiting for the findings of this commission, by giving public bodies the grants that have been withheld for the past few years. The services I mentioned should be State services, and the rural community should not be asked to maintain roads and hospitals, or to pay for home assistance.

Deputy Cogan has asked that the payment of outstanding land annuities should be spread over a number of years. There is nothing wrong in that. The House has already committed itself to that procedure. A Land Act was passed some years ago funding the arrears. Why not do so now? If the House thinks that the appointment of a commission is going to bring happiness and prosperity to the farming community we do not agree.

I do not suppose we will vote against the motion, but we believe it is only giving the Government the excuse they are looking for. They have no agricultural policy. No debate concerning depression in agriculture will be possible for the next two or three years, as we will be told that we must wait for this pet commission to bring in its findings which will, probably, be something like the Banking Commission. Nothing will be done, and, in the meantime, we will have the flying squads and the turmoil we have at present. As Deputy Cogan put his cards on the table, the Fine Gael Party have side-tracked the issue, by giving the Government the opportunity not to do any of the things for the agricultural community that the Deputy asked for. I say that certain farmers in the Fine Gael Party had to agree that loans are necessary for farmers who have been unable to pay their annuities for three or four years, and that repayment should be spread over a period if they were to get on their feet. While we are waiting for the report of this commission we will have the flying squads out as the annuities will not be paid, and, as a result, the burden on people who are in a position to pay their rates will be increased by other burdens that will be imposed upon them. They will have to bear the burden of the people who are unable to pay their rates at the present time and, therefore, you are going to make the burden heavier on a smaller section of the community. For that reason I oppose the setting up of the commission because I believe it is only an excuse for the Government not to do what Deputy Cogan has asked them to do.

In view of the Minister's statement that he is going to set up a commission meeting the terms of the amendment, the discussion boils down really to the question of whether, in the meantime, the collection of rates should not be discontinued, pending that report, and the question of the provision of credit, but the debate has since taken such a wide scope, going in more or less to the merits of the matter that this commission is supposed to decide and whether a case should be put up there instead of here, that one can scarcely let pass some of the comments without referring to them. Deputy Everett has referred to the large rancher and Deputy Everett is not alone in that. I have heard men here of a high standard of intelligence, some of them in official capacities discharging very onerous State functions, who talked also about the rancher and, in discussing this question of derating, they all agreed that they would give it heartily in the morning were it not for the presence in Ireland of the rancher.

If the rancher does exist in any county in Ireland, he exists because of the apathy and slowness of this Government and the previous Government, in dealing with the rancher, in dealing with the man with the dog, because in the 1923 Act provision was made to deal with him, and if they have failed to reach a few of them it is because of the slowness in which the previous Government and this Government have utilised the machinery at their disposal. We have been told here by members of the Government Party and members of the Executive Council that they never had to alter a line of the 1923 Act dealing with the rancher in finding land for congested and uneconomic holdings. That is true. We all accept that. They did not need to. The machinery was provided to deal with him. But where is the rancher to-day? The rancher was there ten or fifteen years ago. He is gone, or nearly gone, and if there are a few specimens left that the operation of the 1923 Act has not reached, it is only a matter of time until he will be reached. But to use it as an argument, either by members of this Dáil or people outside, is merely doing a thing that should not be done —using an argument that has no application and no relation to the facts. The man and the dog, if he exists to-day, exists by the slowness with which this Government and the previous Government acted in dealing with him, and why this State should be made bear an unjust burden because of a few individuals who may be still left is more than I can understand.

I made a speech here in regard to derating before, and I do not want to repeat a word of what I said then. I showed, as far as I knew how, where equity and justice were denied to a vast section of the people here. There can be no question of that. I also pointed out in that speech, or in another one, the amount of loss that was sustained by the people in this country who bore the brunt of the economic war. I think we may pass over Deputy Corry's speech as raising no question that need be answered.

I have also heard it said, and quite seriously, even by members of this House, that the reason rating should be continued was that it kept the local bodies in existence, and that only for the local district councils and county councils we would have nobody qualified to come into this House: that it was a school for training public men to fit them to come into this House. But, remember, derating in this country of agricultural land means about £1,500,000. We could keep I do not know how many thousand men at Oxford or the universities here for the £500,000 we could spare of the £1,500,000, and it would be cheap at the price, and would fit them better than having them down at the county councils and district councils doing their local spouting. I think the price of training our public men at £1,500,000 is too dear, even if it does fit them to come into this House.

The real kernel of the question is whether the Government will accede to the terms of the amendment, that is, to discontinue the collection of rates and make available to agriculturists a loan at a rate of interest not exceeding 3 per cent. Deputy Everett talks about a loan without interest. A loan without interest, to my mind, is a grant. If the State is able to find a loan without interest it will please me all the better but, if it cannot find a loan at less than 3 per cent. interest, then I am very much concerned that the benefit of that should reach the people in the country who fought the economic war and who need it in the country. It has been suggested that they should go to, perhaps, the Credit Corporation or the banks, but none of those institutions has been able to lend money at 3 per cent. Even if they got money at 3 per cent., it would be 4½ or 5 per cent. before it would reach the unfortunate people in the country. I suggest another method: the Land Commission is collecting the annuities and I do not think I need ask the question whether it was easier to collect the full annuity before the economic war or to collect half the annuity since. I think nobody need ask the question. Everybody knows the answer. Nobody, banker or otherwise, in this State is in a better position to know the credit-worthy than the Land Commission. After 20 or 30 years' experience in the Land Commission, nobody is a better judge of the people who should get a loan, or who should get an advance. Your funded arrears of annuities have increased the halved annuity by the amount funded.

Plus interest.

If this loan at 3 per cent. is available and handed to the Land Commission to distribute they can do it without any additional expense and give it at 3 per cent. to the people and, to a good many people, may justify the existence of the Land Commission in its present strength. The Land Commission is costing the people of this country a considerable amount of money. There are huge staffs and the method I am suggesting might justify their existence in the minds of a good many people. It would only mean that you would have to multiply the figures, collecting 40 where you are at present collecting 20, but it would do the thing I am concerned with and that I want, that is, it would mean that the people could get the money at the cheapest possible rate.

I am not interested in directors or corporations, credit corporations, banks or anyone else. What I am interested in is the people it is proposed to serve and not directors or prospective directors. I suggest, Sir, to you and to the country, and even to this commission when it comes along, that this angle of the question is at least well worthy of consideration. The main object of this Dáil is that the people should get the assistance of money at the lowest possible point. So much for credit.

With regard to derating, nobody knows the country better than I do— at least, my own county. There is scarcely a home in Kilkenny that I have not been in and nobody knows better than I do the condition of the people there. I have been in nine or ten campaigns during the last 16 years in Kilkenny and there is not a home in the county that I have not visited. Nobody knows it better than I do. My county is not an exception. I say that derating was never more needed than it is to-day. Some immediate relief is most essential.

Many a man to-day has no bank credit, no creamery or shop credit, or any other credit. Very few of them have bank credit, and as regards the few who have, their lives are not worth living with the worry they are getting.

Deputy Corry talks about the admixture scheme and the harm it would do. Feeders tell me it did harm, when it was 50 per cent. and 35 per cent., but with the 7 per cent. at the present time I do not see that it can do any great harm. But experts have told me that it did harm and I am quite prepared to admit, to a certain extent, although I do not know what the percentage was, that the pig and fowl population have been reduced. This much I am prepared to assert, that the major reason why the pig and fowl population have decreased was because a considerable number of the producers had neither the means nor the credit to buy feeding stuffs in order to feed the pigs and the fowl. A scheme was embarked upon by the Pigs Marketing Board of sending out I do not know how many thousand sows. Where are they now, and they are only out a couple of months? How many are now available?

What did they do with them?

They either ate them or sold them. I suppose 70 per cent. of them are gone. It is easy to get a sow, a young pig; one would cost about 30/- or £2, whatever the amount may be. To get one is within the reach of most people, but what is outside the reach of most is the credit to feed the litter and to fatten them. That is what people had not and that is one of the things which proves the great urgency of a derating scheme. The Government cannot afford to ignore it. Nobody has better proof of the need for it than they have. They have ample proof through the Land Commission, through the sheriffs, through the Pigs Marketing Board, and in 20 different directions. They have proof through the banks of Ireland and they have confidential information that there can be no doubt about. Nobody knows the position better than they do and they cannot afford to ignore the urgency of this call. As regards the equity and the justice part, I dealt with that before and I am not now going to go into it. This is not the tribunal that is going to decide it.

The marriage rate here has been instanced as an indication of the position in the country. The figures of the marriage rate for the Twenty-Six counties are not illuminating. You are given the total, but I would like to go very much further and I should like to see the distinction between the urban and the rural areas. I make the assertion that it is infinitely more marked in the rural than in the urban areas. I hear of no marriages in the rural areas in my county. There are many cases of three or four members of a family growing old together, no sign of a marriage, no sign of a young family. The school attendance figures in the rural areas will give you further evidence of the condition of things.

Anyone who wants to be honest, and who is not subsidised like Deputy Corry, cannot afford to grin and laugh at the position in the country. Deputy Corry has been subsidised in relation to everything he has produced in the last four or five years. Take wheat and beet as an example. Nobody knows how to fight his corner better than Deputy Corry, and I admire him when he is fighting it. But the people who produce wheat and beet form only a small section of the community. There are bigger sections outside who are subsidising Deputy Corry, extending charity to him to enable him to carry out his agricultural operations as he is carrying them out. There is no question about that.

There are seven Deputies from County Kerry and they can tell you that there is very little wheat or beet grown there. Still the people in that county are subsidising big men like Deputy Corry, living on the best land in Ireland. What wheat or beet is grown in Leitrim or in Wicklow or in most other counties in Ireland? What are the conditions in the poorest counties? Notwithstanding all that we have opposition from Deputy Corry on this question of derating. He talks about the capacity of people to pay. Why should we pay? Why should anybody in the State pay more than any other citizen in the State? Why should not all citizens have a common burden?

Who will pay for derating?

The State will pay for it.

What is the State?

The State is the whole of the people. It suits Deputy Davin to live as a parasite all his life on the backs of the community.

Now will the Deputy shut-up?

I will ask the Chair to advise Deputy Gorey to realise that he is not the only person in the world who works. He talks more about work than many and perhaps he does not do so much.

It would be much better if Deputy Gorey did not refer to other Deputies in their private capacities.

When Deputies interrupt me I merely reply to their interruptions.

It was not an interruption; it was an awkward question.

It was not awkward, and Deputy Davin would not consider it awkward only he is so ignorant of most things. It is Deputy Davin's superior ignorance that makes him consider it an awkward question.

It would be much better if the Deputy avoided being personal.

Since Deputy Davin escaped from the land he is under the impression that the people living on the land should look up to him. He has possibly £200 or £300 a year besides the salary he gets while he is in this House, and I expect he pays 4/6 in the £ on his income over several hundreds, whatever the amount is. But his brother has to pay a tax on the first pound of his income. Deputy Davin is quite satisfied and, of course, it is quite natural that the parasite is in most of us.

I do not know whether it is in order for this gentleman, this alleged gentleman, to refer to me as a parasite.

It is certainly in very bad taste.

I am more often up at a quarter to five or five o'clock than he is, and parasites do not do that kind of thing.

If Deputy Davin wants anything personal, he will be the sorriest man who ever stood up in this House. Remember that, if I am driven to it——

If the Deputy cannot refrain from referring to the personal sides and the personal interests and activities of other Deputies in the House, he will have to discontinue his speech.

If Deputy Gorey wants to continue that I will meet him in my own constituency or in his.

Come down to mine. Now on this question of derating we cannot lose sight here of the English farmer's position and the position of the North of Ireland farmer. These farmers have got a market at their doors. They have got derating on their land and on their agricultural buildings. They have only to pay tax on their habitations. When it comes to the question of income tax, he pays income tax on the basis according to whether he is married or whether he has children or not. If it is justice to give derating to the Englishman and the North of Ireland man who have a market at their doors, how much more so is it justice to give derating here? I did promise that I would not go any farther into this question and so I will leave it, but the point was raised by interruptions and that is why I referred to it. On the question of the personnel of the commission I confess I have some sympathy with the ideas put forward by Deputies Corry and Everett. My opinion is that anybody who is to act as a judge and jury on agricultural matters should have an intimate knowledge of agricultural matters and should have put in at least 12 months' work on an agricultural farm.

Twelve years.

Yes, 12 years is better. Let them be in a position to compare generally the position of the agricultural community and their uncertainty with that of other classes. It is all very well for a man to go into a shop or business and have a certain turnover and a certain profit. He has the shelter of a house, and it is a fine day always with him. It is very different with the farmer outside on his land, who has to meet all the extremes of weather. Very often the entire work that a man has done for three or four years is knocked on the head in one season. He has to put up with it. He has to be silent and he has to build it up again. That does not happen in the case of the business man. Therefore I say that the business man who has purely a business training alone is not fitted to be a judge on what the agriculturist has to face. That is why I say I have a good deal of sympathy with what Deputy Corry said about the personnel of this commission. We have been taunted that we stepped in to save the Government on the question of derating some years ago. We had an assurance from the Minister that there would be an interim report. We were told that derating should form the basis of the interim report, and that other matters could wait.

Having got the Executive Council into its present frame of mind, I think we must be satisfied that the Minister has met us in a reasonable and fair way. The Minister has said: "If I had money I could find a better way of spending it." It is easy to spend other people's money. It is easy to take money off people by force and to spend it. The question of justice did not enter into his mind at all; neither did the question of whether he was taking the money off some people unjustly, and spending it on others. It seems to me that the Minister was unjust, as his predecessors have been unjust for 90 years. Deputy McGovern said 300 years. I do not know as to that, but I know definitely that for 90 years the agricultural community have been treated unjustly. It began with 3d. in the £1. Then the unfortunate people had no option in this country because the garrison, the English monopolists, had everything as grand jurors. They ruled the country. You to-day are the heritors of that English position, those slave conditions. That is in force to-day because we are continuing it in force.

To my mind a very objectionable position has arisen with regard to the agricultural grant. We know how that grant has been manipulated during the last three or four years. There is no question about it that the present Government Party bought public support from the section of the community with the biggest vote. The man with a valuation of £10 and under got away without paying any rates. The man with a valuation of £20 was allowed 6/- in the £. At all events that is the allowance in my county. In County Cork it is 6/2. The Government got his vote and they paid for it with the man's own money. He paid 4/9 and he gave you his vote, because of the juggling you are able to do with regard to the agricultural grant.

I do not know if the Deputy is addressing the Chair.

I am not addressing the Chair, Sir. I was addressing the Party opposite.

Deputies

Oh! Oh!

The Deputy should address the Chair.

If there is some other way that you could suggest, Sir, in which I could hit harder, I will do it.

There is another question and it is a very big one. Last year and this year an Agricultural Wages Board is set up. The farmer in the country has to pay a minimum wage to his workers. That is now to be the agricultural wage. Is it not the farmers with 50, 60, 100 acres or more who are paying the wages to the agricultural labourers? My sons and I have ten men working with us. If you are going to have an agricultural wage enforced by law you must take cognisance of the fact that it is the large farmer in the country who has got to pay this wage. The Government has been making it a question of the large farmer against the small farmer. I do not know how many labourers' cottages have been built in the country, but the Minister can give us the figures. These cottages have been built to meet the needs of agricultural workers. These workers and their families must be added to those who have to be supported out of the land. Now, on this question of the big farmers against the small farmers, to my mind it is only a question of whether the Government is going to do away with the agricultural workers and turn them all into small farmers. But where you have agricultural workers, employment on the land must be found for them and that employment will be found by the large farmer. That is a point that must be taken into consideration. It is a well-known fact that the large farms, worked as they are, are carrying more people than these same farms carry when they are broken up and divided. More is got out of the land worked by large farmers than out of the land in the hands of small farmers. There are, as anyone will find, numbers of agricultural workers in the country who do not want land and who will not accept it. These men must go for employment to the large farmers. An opportunity must be given to the large farmers to give these men employment. I want to impress on the House that in 99 cases out of 100 the agricultural labourer working on a large farm is better off than is the man who gets this land when it is broken up and divided. I say again that more people are supported out of a farm of 150 acres than can be supported out of the same land when it is broken up and divided. Remember this—the agricultural labourers of the country who live in labourers' cottages have to look for employment entirely to the large farmers.

Anybody passing along the railways or the roads can see the condition of the land. He can travel down to Cork or to Kilkenny and it is there for him to see. There is infinitely better use made of it when in the hands of the bigger men who employ labour, and all these factors must be taken into consideration by a commission or by a Government which has charge of the country.

Notwithstanding the personal abuse poured out on me by the last speaker, I want to assure, not him, but those who do not understand my position that I have continuously represented my native constituency since this State was established and I speak in this House in the name of thousands of farmers of my native constituency who know me far better than the last speaker. I rise to take part in this debate surprised that the Government have agreed to accept the amendment. I understand that they have agreed to accept it and to refer to a commission to be set up the matters referred to both in the motion and in the amendment.

For the Deputy's information, the Government are not accepting the amendment. The Minister for Agriculture has informed the House that the Government propose to set up a commission in order to make recommendations as to how agricultural production might be best encouraged. We are not accepting the amendment in its present form.

I agree that the Government are not accepting the amendment in its present form, but they are accepting the principle contained in it.

They are presumably referring to a commission for consideration and report in a year, two years, three years, four years or five years, matters which are of urgent importance to the farming community and which, if the Government has an agricultural policy, could be immediately dealt with and decided without any reference to a long-term commission of this type. The leaders of every Party in this House, and the members of every Party, are agreed that some kind of relief must be provided in the immediate future for the farming community, if for no other purpose than to give them the assistance they are entitled to, after the financial sufferings they have borne during the last five or six years. Although not a farmer, I have the responsibility of being an executor for relatives and I am responsible for the running of farms in my own part of the country. In that way, I know a good deal more than some of my abusers are prepared to give me credit for knowing about the condition of the farmers. I am in close and constant personal touch with my own family relatives since I left the county 30 years ago. I am the eldest son of a family of ten who could not all find a home on a farm of £45 valuation. Some of them had to go away and I, being the eldest, went away, but I have not lost contact with my relatives, and I hope so long as I live— and whether a member of this House or not—to maintain contact with those relatives who are all engaged in the farming business.

Everybody agrees that some kind of relief is immediately required for the farmers, and the question for the House of decide, under the terms of the motion, is: what is to be the form of relief, apart from the matters which do not require immediate attention and which perhaps ought to be, and could be, reasonably referred to a commission. Deputy Cogan in his motion asks the Government to provide special long-term loans for farmers on easy terms. He does not indicate as clearly as Deputy Dillon does the rate of interest which he is prepared to agree to for these loans. The last speaker referred to the question of loans free of interest, and apparently thinks that that is a proposal without precedent.

The provision of loans free of interest is tantamount to giving a subsidy to the farmers, and I should prefer to see the taxpayers as a whole providing free loans to farmers rather than paying bounties which do not get back to the agricultural producers. Millions of pounds have been thrown away during the past few years by way of bounties which found their way into the pockets of the middlemen and not into the pockets of the producers for whom they were intended. Before the dissolution this House agreed to the raising of £10,000,000 to pay off a debt to John Bull which was said not to be due. What is the repayment of that loan costing the taxpayers? I understand that the repayment of that £10,000,000 is costing them roughly £450,000 a year. I am not a financial expert, and I have had no access to private information, but I should like to know from Deputy Corry, or from the Minister for Education, if I am overstating the case when I say that.

I take no responsibility whatever for what the Deputy says.

The Minister is not in a position to deny it?

If I started denying all the misstatements the Deputy has made since he began, I am afraid I would take a very long time.

The House will be asked probably before the Christmas adjournment to put up an additional amount for the defence of the country against an unknown enemy, and I dare say the Deputies on the Government Benches will march, with their clear majority, into the Lobby in favour of any such proposal and thereby impose increased taxation upon the community. They were willing to raise £10,000,000 to pay off this illegal debt, this debt which was neither legally nor morally due, and to place that burden on the community. If we are prepared to find another £1,000,000 or £2,000,000 for the purpose of defending the country against this unknown and hidden enemy, surely we ought to be able to agree to find a specified sum, either free of interest or at a very low rate of interest, for the immediate provision of loans to farmers to enable them to stock their lands, to purchase machinery and seeds and to work the land to the best possible advantage. The farmer, whether he is large or small, whose farm is only half stocked, who has not got the necessary machinery to work his farm, is in the same position as a shopkeeper with a lot of assistants who has no stock to sell. If a farmer has his land fully stocked and the necessary capital or credit to buy machinery and seeds, he can pay his rates and annuities far better than he can pay them if his land is only half stocked and he has no capital or credit to work it to full advantage.

So far as I am aware, the majority of farmers to-day, as a result of the last five or six years, are in the position that they have neither credit nor capital to work their land to full advantage. That is not an issue to be referred to a commission, one of the members of which is to be a representative of the Royal Dublin Society, nor is it an issue to be referred to a commission, one of the members of which is to be a member of the Banks' Standing Committee, when we know that it has been the policy of the Banks' Standing Committee for a long period of years to refuse to give any loans to farmers on the security of their land, or to give loans on any consideration, except on the security of a person who has a deposit in the bank and whose deposit is marked off against whatever loan may be given. These are the types of people it is suggested should be put on the commission which the Minister for Agriculture proposes to set up. The people responsible for this amendment will give representation to the Banks' Standing Committee, the Royal Dublin Society and the Federation of Irish Industries, but they will give no representation whatever to the organised Trade Union movement of this country, numbering from 225,000 to 250,000. That shows the mentality of the mover of the amendment and of the Minister who, apparently, is prepared to accept the amendment in principle. I am prepared to say that an amendment has been drafted and lodged in the Clerk's office as a result of the fairly long consideration our Party has given to this matter.

Three months.

I do not profess to be an expert political tactician like Deputy Cosgrave, and I sincerely say that he is an expert political tactician, but if this discussion does not end before 10.30 to-night he will be able to read the policy of this Party, which will be circulated to Deputies.

You could lose a war in three months.

Yes, you could, but the members of that Party have not been so often in the House as to enable them to give that careful consideration to the matter that one would expect. However, if this discussion does not collapse before 10.30 to night it will not be a secret, and I am adding my voice to the discussion in order to see that it does not collapse, within the time at my disposal. I seriously suggest, however, that if a commission is to be set up to consider matters that can be put on the long finger for a long period that commission will not be on the lines suggested in this motion which stands in the name of Deputy Dillon. It has been suggested and strongly urged—and that policy has been adopted for a considerable period by the people now in opposition—that, pending the report of the commission, the Minister should agree to the complete derating of agricultural land as from the 1st April next.

This Party is opposed, in principle, to the complete derating of agricultural land. Our policy in regard to derating is that the cost of the main and trunk roads of this country, which is an increasing charge on the ratepayers as the years go by, should be made a central charge; that this burden should be taken from the people and that the construction of the main roads of this country should be under a central authority such as the Department of Local Government and Public Health, thus cutting out the waste of the money that is being allocated to-day for that purpose. We also say—and we have said so before on many occasions—that the cost of the mental hospitals should be made a national charge and taken from the agricultural community, in that way cutting down the rates of the whole community as well as of the agricultural community. Then there is a number of people who are in receipt of home assistance. This Government had a plan for the cutting down of unemployment and destitution. If that plan had been put into operation and work provided as promised by this Government under the plan they had prepared previous to 1932, there would be no charge on the ratepaying community for home assistance except for those who might be physically unfit. Our policy is to reduce rates gradually by carrying out a policy of that kind.

If the agricultural community are going to get complete derating of their agricultural land, I can see—and I say it now from these benches—a far better case being made for the unemployed worker who lives in a house owned by a local authority than for the farmer who has a farm and who is able to feed his family. That policy would get the support of people who live in houses owned by a local authority, and I say that the unemployed worker, trying to keep his family on 9s. or 10s. a week, would have a far better case to put forward than the farmer who was making a claim for the complete derating of his agricultural land. At any rate, if more money has to be raised by the whole of the community for the purpose of carrying out this policy of either partial or total derating, it has to be raised by way of increased taxation, presumably on the necessaries of life. That is a policy which this Party, whether it be small or large in the future, is not prepared to support, and I hope that the Opposition will remember that there are other people than the farmers entitled to relief and that the farmers are not the only people entitled to concessions by way of derating or assistance from the taxpaying community.

I do not know whether the commission which it is proposed to set up would deal with questions affecting the acquisition and distribution of land, but if we are to have a member of the Banks' Standing Committee on any commission which is set up to deal with the distribution of land, we all know what attitude that gentleman would be likely to adopt and what policy he is likely to support.

That is why they put him on.

Presumably, the terms of reference of this commission will include the question of whether or not there should be a speeding up or a slowing down of the acquisition and distribution of land in this country. In that connection, I may say that I voted with pleasure for the passing of the many Bills through this House that were introduced for the purpose of encouraging the speedy acquisition and distribution of land, and I am prepared to encourage and support any Government, whether of to-day or tomorrow, to go ahead as quickly as possible with that policy until all the ranches of this country are divided up and a greater number of homes provided for the landless men and uneconomic holders of this country. In that connection, I want to say that a considerable number of very deserving landless men, such as herds and agricultural labourers, who were formerely employed by landlords, have been given land by the last Government as well as the present Government, and I am sorry to say about these people—I can speak with actual knowledge of cases in my own constituency—that they have been unable to work the land which was given to them because of lack of capital to enable them to work the land. I want to urge on this Government, as I have previously urged both this Government and the previous Government in this House, that in dividing land and giving it to good, landless men in the future they should provide these people with the necessary capital or with loans at nominal rates of interest. They will have to do that if they expect these people to work the land in the future. I am sorry to say that good men have got land and have had to let the land out to graziers simply because they could not get money from the banks or the Agricultural Credit Corporation or, indeed, from any other source.

What I want to see is that these people should be given land under proper conditions, and that some assistance should be given to them to enable them to work the land. For instance, we already have the case of the people who were brought into County Meath and who were given land, supplied with implements and so on, and also given a weekly income. Why should these people get preferential treatment over any other section of landless men in any other part of the country? If the policy of the Government in assisting landless men is in accordance with the procedure adopted towards the people in County Meath, then the other landless men in other parts of the country should get some assistance by way of grants or by way of loans at nominal rates of interest in order to enable them to work their land. I hope that the Minister for Agriculture and his colleagues will go ahead as speedily as possible with the acquisition or division of land, and that policy should be pursued no matter what commission might be set up to deal with that or any of the rural problems of the day. That is a matter upon which the Government ought to have a definite policy, and they ought to pursue that policy without any reference to the opinions of the members of any commission such as the Minister has proposed to set up in this case.

The terms of reference of the commission are: "To recommend proposals for increasing the volume and value of agricultural production in all its branches." That indicates to me a sort of desire on the part of the people responsible for that proposal to get on the commission economic experts from our universities. Now I would say, although I am not a farmer, that I would have as good a knowledge of the requirements of the practical farmer as a theoretical individual who might be selected from the universities under cover of wording of that kind. This is, apparently, the type of people who are being asked to frame a progressive agricultural policy by the members of the Opposition. I take that to be the meaning of that section of the amendment standing in the name of Deputy Dillon.

Is the Deputy inclined to qualify it? There are three members of the Dáil to go on the commission.

There are three members to be appointed by the Committee of Selection.

You may be one of them.

I have neither the hope nor the desire to be on the commission. I will leave that to the people who believe they are infallible on questions concerning the requirements of the farming community. I would point out to the Minister, who was absent when I was referring to the matter, that it is a striking thing that although the Opposition are asking him to put on the commission a member of the Royal Dublin Society, a member of the Banks' Standing Committee, a member of the Federation of Irish Industries, and presumably a number of Professors from the University Colleges, they are of the opinion that the organised workers of this country, who number from 225,000 to 250,000, should not have any representation on the commission. There is to be representation for all classes on this commission, except the representatives of the organised workers, who, presumably, could not possibly find a man with as much commonsense on this kind of question as anybody else who might be proposed as representing any other body. This motion also demands that a moratorium be granted on the payment of land annuities. I am sorry I did not hear the Minister when he was concluding; I did not hear whether or not he promised to do anything in regard to that. This is a means by which immediate relief might be given to a section of the community. It is a matter, at any rate, which I think should not be left to the Commission of Inquiry if the commission is not going to be limited in the period of its work. Of course, there are many farmers in the country who would not get any benefit under the terms of that section of Deputy Hogan's motion, and I am sure he realises that. I am sure that applies to the farmers of County Wicklow as well as elsewhere.

I should be interested, however, to hear what the Minister has to say to that, or whether that is one of the questions which the Government will take on itself to decide, and not refer for consideration to this proposed commission. The motion also says: "...and that the payment of arrears outstanding be spread over a number of years, in order to promote the recovery and expansion of the agricultural industry." That is a matter which the Government might take on themselves to decide also. The Government went to the country a few months ago and asked for a clear majority, for a majority to clear out people like the members of the Labour Party from preventing them, as they alleged at the time, from carrying out their clear-cut and well-defined policy, and from putting into operation their plan for finding work for every able-bodied citizen of this State. Nobody was more delighted than I was that they got their clear majority, and the Minister for Agriculture knows it. I will tell you why. During the past five years——

That is one for "Dublin Opinion."

——and Deputy Corry knows it, in regard to everything that they did not do they said they could not do it because the Labour Party would not allow them to do it.

In regard to everything that was done by the Government, and that met with the general approval of the people, they claimed all the credit for themselves.

That is right.

We were in the way when they did not want to do things, and we had to be cleared out of the way. Now we are out of the way. They have their clear-cut majority; they have their responsibility, and it is a heavy one. As an individual Deputy of this House I am prepared to co-operate with this or any other Government which will face up to its responsibilities. In my opinion this country is never going to be prosperous until we put on a prosperous footing the people who have to make their living out of the land. I am strongly of opinion that that cannot be done until the farming community are provided with the necessary capital and credit to enable them to work their land to the best possible advantage. That is not going to be done by leaving the matter to a long-winded commission which is going to sit for two or three or four years. The Government, with its clear majority, has a mandate from the people to do those things without reference to a commission. When we ask why a drainage scheme is not being carried out we are told that this question of drainage has been referred to a commission, too numerous to mention, and while that commission is sitting and talking, the land drainage problem of this country will have to wait. When that drainage commission reports, the Government—as in the case of the Banking Commission—will look for a considerable amount of time to consider that report. Now, we were told that that Government had a clear-cut policy in regard to agriculture, and for every problem that had to be solved in this country. But they are going to evade taking the responsibility on their own shoulders. They are going to evade coming before this House, with their own clear-cut majority, and putting their policy before the members of the House and carrying it with their own clear-cut majority. They are putting it on the long finger. They are leaving over for further consideration the providing of loans free of interest or at a nominal rate of interest. I challenge them, now that they are here with their clear-cut policy, to get up in this House before this commission is set up, and define the terms of reference of that proposed commission.

I have already done it.

The terms of reference?

And the personnel?

Almost.

You have accepted the principle of the amendment, I understand?

But I did not understand that you had defined the actual terms of reference on the proposed commission?

Well, I did; almost, anyhow. It is a pity the Deputy was not there.

The wording of the terms of reference is very important.

The widest possible terms.

Am I to understand that the Minister is referring to this commission the question of providing loans to farmers free of interest or at a nominal rate of interest?

You are quite free to consider that.

Is that going to the commission, or are you going to shoulder the responsibility placed on you by the majority of the people of this country to face up to the problems which require immediate attention?

I presume the Deputy, in saying "you," is referring to the Ceann Comhairle, who has nothing to do with the commission.

I am sorry, Sir. Well, Sir, I invite the Minister to take the House into his confidence as to what he is going to do in regard to the urgent demand for the provision of long-term loans for farmers. I hope that Deputy Cogan, the mover of the motion, will get a very clear-cut answer from the Minister on that question before he decides, if he so decides, to withdraw the motion standing in his name. I hope also, if and when the commission is set up, that the subject-matters to be referred to it will be ones which can wait over for a period; will be matters which are not calling for urgent decision. I hope, too, that the personnel of the commission itself will be very carefully thought out, and will be much more representative than the personnel of the commission proposed in the terms of the amendment standing in the name of Deputy Dillon.

It was not my intention to intervene in this debate at all, but in view of the Minister's statement this evening, and the last contribution which we have heard just now, I think it well to put before the House some considerations which occurred to us in connection with this motion. If we were to take the last contribution, to which we have just listened, as a sample of what might be expected in a Parliament of the people, we would be very disappointed indeed.

I do not know whether the Deputy was considering exclusively political propaganda or political support, but he certainly was very far away from the real purpose of the amendment. He did not mention it even once. The real purpose of the amendment is to find means to increase the value and the volume of agricultural production in this country. If it were possible to do that, most of the things of which he complains would be solved for us very easily indeed, and it might be possible for those engaged in agriculture to bear a very much heavier burden of rates or taxation than they are bearing at present and bear it much more easily.

Those proposal have been present to our minds for many years and it is more than disappointing, it is disheartening, to hear the sort of speech to which we have just listened. The motion was handed in on the 14th of July and the amendment was handed in on the 19th of July, and we were promised to-night, if the discussion on the motion lasts long enough, an amendment from the Labour Party. This motion was not put down for a political purpose; it was put down for an economic purpose. The personnel of the suggested commission was selected because of their experience and the contribution they could bring to bear on a solution of the problem which is going to engage the attention of whatever political Party is in power in this country for the future. There is no institution in this State that has such a long association with agriculture as the Royal Dublin Society. There is no institution more closely in touch with agricultural loans than the banks, because they have lent some £12,000,000 to persons engaged in agriculture.

We all know.

The facts are there whether we all know them or not. They were discovered for us recently by a commission set up by the Government itself, and if we are going to see in what respect credit is to be available the information at the disposal of the banks ought to be of incalculable benefit. The motion deals with agriculture and its problems. The amendment deals with increasing the volume and value of our agricultural production. This evening Deputy Mulcahy read out from a report what has happened during the last twelve months in connection with the sale of eggs from continental countries in the British market. Their sales have increased by 25 per cent., while our export of eggs to that market was down by 24 per cent. That is a matter that ought to concern everybody. What is operating against the expansion of agricultural production and value in this country must concern everybody engaged in industry, commerce and banking, and those selected from the other activities and walks of life are expected to bring towards a solution of the problem something that will be of value.

We want to know in what way the soil of the country can produce more, how the climate affects production, why with the soil we have got we should not be the best cattle producing country in the world. At present Scotch producers can get practically ten times the price we get for pedigree stock. Similarly with regard to horses. There is no country in the world that has the advantage we have, with our soil and climate, to produce the best racehorses, the best steeple-chasers, the best hunters, and the best working horses. No single class can be excluded from the potentialities of this country if we can only secure the means and adopt the plans that will produce the results. Similarly with regard to sheep, pigs and poultry, Pigs and poultry lend themselves to more rapid expansion than any of the others. We should have a veterinary research department here far beyond that in any other country and professional men capable of giving advice with regard to eliminating those infirmities or diseases which are rare in this country but which it should be the object of our agricultural policy to eradicate at all cost.

For one reason or another we have three or four different classes in agricultural production at present. We have the well-to-do; we have those whom we might call border-line cases; and we have those who are financially embarrassed. The purpose of the amendment is not to gain the support, political or otherwise, of those who are financially embarrassed; but, in considering the country as a whole, to ensure that they will not be a drag upon themselves and upon the rest of the community. If by means of money or credit some way can be found of putting them into an economic position that should be the object of the commission and we hope as a result of a commission with a personnel of the character outlined that every effort will be made to find a way by which that can be done. If for a time it should happen that money has to be expended or that it might entail a loss, its use by these people would be of such advantage to the State that after some years a profit would accrue to our national economy which would more than recompense for the loss that would be sustained by the State's meeting a proportion of or all the interest charges in respect of that money.

We are not wedded, as I said on another occasion, to derating, but if the position of the farming community is such that the payment of rates is interfering with the production of the farms and lessens that production, and in consequence is a drag on the national economy of the State, then it might be a very cheap way of spending £1,500,000 to enable them to put that money into profitable production and thus increase the traffic on our railways, increase employment on the land and provide an attraction towards rural life which has almost vanished during the last ten or 15 years. If the proposal we have heard from the last speaker is supported by his Party, that the rates should be reduced by the cost of the roads and the mental hospitals, it would be well that we should have some clarification of thought or expression in connection with that proposal.

Main and trunk roads.

If it is the intention to take the cost of the main and trunk roads and the mental hospitals, it represents more than £1,500,000 if there is no allowance made in respect of the sums provided from the agricultural grant. But if we are going to take them all, it could be done for less than £1,500,000. That is not the issue here. The issue here is: in what way can we manage to do what other countries have succeeded in doing. The aim of this commission should be to see that agricultural production is increased in this country by 100 per cent. within the next 20 years; that the quality of the output should be far above that of any other country; and that we should command the highest price for every article of agricultural production. If it should happen after examination that certain productions we are engaged in are found not to be profitable, we should hear about it. Let us make up our minds whether or not it is advisable to engage in them even at that cost. The question of the personnel of this commission is of some importance, because I am looking at it, not so much from the viewpoint of the support that it is going to get from particular classes engaged in agriculture, as from the viewpoint of the report that we are going to get from the commission. Unless the intention behind the commission is to increase, almost limitlessly increase, our whole agricultural production, the commission is going to be of no use. If they turn their minds towards that, the mere halting contribution that is at present capable of being made by certain of those engaged in agriculture is a special subject to be examined specially by itself.

It is said that the proposal we have made in connection with derating is one that is made in the interests of the larger holders. It may be, but it so happens that these larger holders employ 90 per cent. of the people engaged in agriculture. That is the Minister's own statement, and if anybody is in doubt about it, he will find it in the report of the Derating Commission. If the numbers engaged in agriculture are to be maintained, obviously those who are giving employment must be in a position to continue that employment.

If they require to be helped in that connection, it is much better to do it perhaps by way of derating than by some of the other methods adopted during the last few years to assist agriculture. It would, I believe, be the wish of all Parties in this House to see twice the number of people engaged in agriculture in this country than there are at the present moment. If it is felt that a nominee from the trade union movement could contribute anything towards improving agricultural production, towards making the industry more profitable or improving the quality of the production, then by all means let us have such a nominee on it.

You were good enough to put one on your commission.

I have no objection whatever to him. I am anxious to get people who will bend their energies towards the one purpose we have in mind, namely, increasing the volume and the value of agricultural production in this country, believing, as we do, that quite a number of other problems which are engaging the attention of the Minister, and which are perhaps wasting his time and the time of other Departments, can be solved in this way. If the Minister can select a commission which will be competent to achieve these objects, then I do not care what nominees are put on it or what interests are represented, but it is no use saying that the problem can be solved by five men from the industry itself. Five men from the industry might be far more suitably employed in dealing with their own particular problems than in finding solutions for the troubles that are agitating all phases of agriculture at present. That is why we have suggested people from such different bodies as the I.A.O.S. and the Banks' Standing Committee. If the Minister is prepared to meet us on that question I do not think there will be a lot of difference between us. I should like to remind Deputy Davin that he supported that Government when they were giving £80,000 a year less for the relief of agricultural rates than their predecessors did. However, we can forget these things now, if we are all agreed on the principle that the value and the volume of the agricultural production in this country should be increased and its quality raised to a standard second to none in the world.

I should like to add my voice to the note of approval that has been given to the Minister's acceptance of the principle of the amendment. There is no question that, considering the fact that the farmers of this country have had to go through a nightmare it is a move in the right direction. The Minister has mentioned the fact that rates plus half an annuity in this country would be as good as the whole annuity without rates in Northern Ireland. He has, however, overlooked one very important factor, and that is that the rates of this country are increasing, ever-increasing. They have reached a figure out of all proportion to what they were some years ago or what they were at the time to which Deputy Gorey referred, when the Grand Jury system was in operation here. The rates at that time did not bear heavily upon the agricultural community. They had an unlimited market, a market that was there for them at all times and it absorbed the surplus produce of the land of this country. There can be no question that that market was available for the farmer and it provided him with the means of paying his way. Now, when we have the rates constantly increasing and when they are being added to by the various schemes of the Government, I feel that the farmer is entitled to get the relief which is claimed for him here, considering the terrible trials which he has gone through. The point I wish to emphasise is that the motion proposed by Deputy Cogan is a popular motion. We have asked for derating. I, myself, had a motion asking that loans be given to farmers at low rates of interest and that is a motion which is incorporated in Deputy Cogan's motion. The proposal to remit land annuities and arrears of land annuities is one with which we must all have a certain sympathy for the reason that these arrears accumulated during a period when the farmer was deprived of his market, during a period when from the price of every beast sent over from this country to Britain, there was deducted a penal tariff equal to about £5 per head. Such sums were deducted as enabled the British Government to collect from the farmers of the country £26,000,000. On top of that they had to pay a sum of £17,000,000 to the Irish Government.

Finally the Irish Government came to a settlement for a sum of £10,000,000. Is the Government now willing to give that sum of £10,000,000, or the results accruing from its payment, to the farmer, or else give him derating? If he is not given relief, then arrears of rates can only accumulate to a greater degree. Reference has been made to ranchers in this country, but those are the very men who are unable to meet the ever-rising tide of rates, whether for roads, mental hospitals, or in whatever direction that tide is rising. A book issued by the Cork County Council shows that one man owed as much as £700 for rates. These men are unable to meet the demands for rates and the demands for half annuities as well. Unless relief be given, I say very definitely the Government cannot continue imposing taxation on the present scale upon the agricultural community. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Might I make a suggestion? If it is agreed to set up a commission, I think it is desirable that that should be done as soon as possible. Will any purpose be served by continuing to debate this motion for three or four weeks further, seeing that it can only postpone the setting up of the commission?

If the mover of the motion is agreeable to accept the Minister's proposal so that the Government can go ahead with the setting up of the commission at once, there will be no objection to the withdrawal of the motion in so far as this Party is concerned.

Unfortunately I am unable to accept the view that a commission will serve the purpose which I had in view in moving the motion. It would only tend to delay the remedies which we are seeking. Therefore I have no intention of withdrawing the motion.

The debate adjourned.

The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until Wednesday, 9th November, at 3 p.m.

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