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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 3 Jan 1940

Vol. 78 No. 10

Emergency Powers (Amendment) Bill, 1940—Committee.

Section 1 and 2 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
SECTION 3.

I move:—

Before Section 3, to insert a new section as follows:—

(1) Any Irish citizen whose detention has been ordered or directed by a Minister under the powers contained in Section 2 of the Principal Act shall have the right to appeal to the High Court against such order, direction and detention.

(2) On the hearing of such appeal such person shall submit himself to cross-examination on oath by counsel for a Minister or the Attorney-General.

(3) After hearing any evidence that may be submitted by or on behalf of such person and such cross-examination as aforesaid and such evidence as may be submitted by a Minister or the Attorney-General the court shall determine whether or not there are reasonable grounds for the continued detention of such person or may order his release.

(4) Such release as aforesaid shall not be ordered unless the court is satisfied that the person appealing was not a member of or associated with an unlawful association or was not engaged in unlawful activities or that he has ceased to be a member of such organisation and that he undertakes to refrain from all unlawful activities and enters into a recognisance with satisfactory sureties to keep the peace.

This amendment is designed to secure that an innocent, honest man will have his remedy if, at any time, an order of internment should be made against him. The terms of the amendment are almost identical with what is to be found in some other Acts dealing with much the same sort of subject, but not so important as the liberty of the individual. Powers of internment may, and can, and might be used against individuals either by mistake or otherwise. The amendment is framed to meet a case of that sort. It gives an opportunity to an aggrieved person to go before the High Court, to make his case against detention, and to subject himself to cross-examination by counsel for the Minister or for the Attorney-General. It gives, in my opinion, a fair opportunity to the citizen to make his case. But it goes further, because it provides, in sub-section (4), for the case of a person who wishes either to sever his connection with an organisation which is regarded as unlawful, or who has already severed his connection with that organisation. The amendment will not interfere with the administration of the law as described in Section 2 of the Bill.

I understand that an order is in course of preparation for the setting up of a commission. My objection to that commission is that there is only one person of legal knowledge on it. It is possible, of course, that two others may be placed on it, but a solicitor or a barrister of seven years' standing does not appear to be as suitable a person as a judge of the High Court. It is true, of course, that provision is also made for having, instead of a solicitor or a barrister of seven years' standing, a person who has been a judge of the Supreme Court, the High Court, the Circuit Court or a justice of the District Court. You have not a very large number of person who have been judges of the Supreme Court, the High Court, the Circuit Court or justices of the District Court, and it may be that they might not be agreeable to undertake this work. I should say, as regards persons who have been members of one or other of these courts, that in the vast majority of cases they are advanced in years. I am moving the amendment which has for its object the liberty of the individual, of the honest man, the man who is not guilty of, and has not taken part in, any unlawful activity in this State, and, alternatively, for the person who, having been so engaged, now ceases to do so or ceases to do so within the prescribed time.

I desire to support the amendment. The point that I stressed most in my Second Reading speech on the Bill was that the Government were seeking these very wide powers without giving any safeguards for the individuals who may be detained under the Act. This amendment meets the point that I was very anxious about. The Government should be prepared to give the protection that would be afforded by this amendment to any person who may be detained or may be interned under the Act.

Mr. Boland

We do not propose to accept the amendment. We are adopting the method that Deputy Cosgrave himself was responsible for when he was head of the Government, and we think it is the better way. The provision made in the Bill for a commission corresponds to the provision to be found in three Acts for which Deputy Cosgrave was responsible, giving power for internment. I refer the House to the Public Safety (Emergency Powers) Act, 1926. Sub-section (1) of Section 6 of that Act provides:

(1) As soon as may be after every occasion on which this Part of this Act comes into force there shall be established by an Executive Minister one or more appeal councils consisting of not less than three members of whom one shall be a practising barrister or solicitor of not less than five years' standing or shall be or have been a recorder or County Court judge in Ireland, or a judge of the Supreme Court, High Court or Circuit Court, or a justice of the District Court.

That was the line that we followed in setting up this commission, but I may say this: we are prepared to consider the suggestion in the next Bill. I think the Deputy will realise that it will probably be necessary to consult the courts. I understand it is a rather unusual type of function to give to a court and as the Deputy will realise, they at least ought to be consulted before we commit ourselves. I promise that I will consider it in connection with the other Bill and, if we are satisfied that there ought to be something on these lines instead of a commission, then we can amend the order which we propose to table in connection with this Bill. I think that ought to be acceptable, and it is as far as we are prepared to go.

I must say that I was rather surprised at the attitude of the Government. They have got the support of the Opposition as regards the main purpose of the Bill. Here is a case in which the Opposition do try to make some effort to safeguard the liberty of the individual, yet the Minister responsible for the Bill has not argued one single bit against the amendment: he has contented himself with quoting from an Act of 13 years ago as if nothing could be learned in the way of wisdom in the last 13 years by anybody in this House. Could he not say what is objectionable in this amendment?

I could quite understand him if the amendment did not load the case rather in favour of the Government. It does that; it throws the onus on the suspect—a most unusual thing. I am not anxious to embarrass the Government; as I understand the matter the onus is thrown on the individual who is interned to prove his innocence and to give guarantees. What then is the objection? The only objection, I think, that the Minister may have is that you have a body to decide, namely, a judge who is not removable at the will of the Government. In all justice and in all desire to make the Bill work a little more smoothly—there are difficulties in its working—I think the Government should reconsider the full acceptance of this amendment. I doubt whether the Government have really given any consideration to the amendment. They have satisfied themselves with a repetition of what was in the Act of 1926. They have not argued the matter or shown any reason for the rejection of this amendment. What is the objection? The Minister pointed out that the judge may not do it. If the judge has thrown on him the responsibility he will certainly do it. There is, then, no objection.

Mr. Boland

I have said that we are prepared to consider it. We only got it a few hours ago and if we find it acceptable it will be put in the Order.

The Minister says he is prepared to consider it in connection with the other Bill but not in connection with this Bill. We want the guarantee now. He is ready to consider it in connection with the other Bill and then in the Order under this Bill he will include it.

Mr. Boland

If it is found acceptable.

Will the Minister do it?

Mr. Boland

I am not going to say that.

We are dealing with this Bill now. We are giving the Government powers and I must say that the Government has met the efforts of the Opposition now in the usual way. I have told the Minister already the difficulty which we had in giving the Government support for the enormous powers. It was not an easy thing, but we did it. In the light of what has been done in the last couple of months, I think it is most unreasonable that this should not be considered now.

The Minister takes his stand against this amendment on the grounds that they have not consulted the Court. I wonder, in connection with the case which gave rise to this legislation, has the Minister or the appellant consulted the court to know whether the court was willing to hear the case. What is this in substance but habeas corpus in respect of an individual against whom a case does not lie, unless the Minister is going to make the case that a man who is going to separate himself from this organisation —or resign from it if he is a member— is not going to be given salvation? I do not agree with that.

If the objection is not to sub-section (4), the only objection is that the court may not be willing to deal with the case. Surely the court has to consider here much less than they would have in a case of habeas corpus. What objection is there to their considering a case of habeas corpus? Would the Minister tell us if he has consulted an ex-judge of the Supreme Court, an ex-judge of the High Court, an ex-judge of the Circuit Court or an ex-district justice, to know if they would act, as he proposes to ask them to act under the order. I have the greatest doubts that they have been asked. I do not want to take the Minister at any disadvantage in this case but if the only objection to this amendment is what the Minister has told us, it does not carry conviction to me.

I have heard many astonishing statements in this House, but I must frankly confess that I have never heard a more astonishing statement than that which has fallen from the lips of the Minister for Justice. Here we are legislating, and we are suggesting an amendment whereby an appeal will lie to a judge of the High Court exercising his judicial function as a judge of the High Court; and the Minister gets up in this House and states he does not know whether the judges will carry out the judicial work for which they are paid. He says: "I do not know whether judges will do their duty imposed upon them by statutes passed in this House." A more astonishing statement than that I have not heard. Does the Minister suggest that the judges of this State deliberately pick and choose between the statues which they will administer and the statues which they will refuse to administer? That is the point, and the only point, which the Minister is endeavouring to make against this amendment.

The Minister quotes the Act of 1926. Is he aware that not a single person was interned under that Act? I quite agree with the Minister to a certain extent that appeals under this Bill when it becomes an Act will be very few. As I stated before, in my judgment, if you take a person who has the slightest bit of I.R.A. principles in him and intern him he will be turned into a red hot I.R.A. man in a very short time. But there will be no appeal in the case of persons where there has been a complete out-and-out mistake. Where the Minister, acting as he means to act without the slightest bit of evidence, interns a man upon mere suggestion and mere rumour and makes a mistake and arrests and interns somebody with no I.R.A. sympathies whatever, should not that person have an appeal to a tribunal which must be above all suspicion, namely, an appeal to a judge of the High Court? What objection can the Minister have to that? Does he say that the court would not be a fair one? Is it his objection that it would be too fair? That is a question I should like to hear the Minister answering. The Minister said that he had had very little time. Whose fault is that? If he wishes to run the Bill through all stages in one day, how could there be any more time given? If there was an abridgement of the time it was not because of the amendment handed in by Deputy Cosgrave. The Deputy handed in the amendment and gave the maximum time allowed for considering it.

Mr. Boland

This amendment would not be in place in the Bill. If it were to be accepted at all it would be an amendment to the order.

Mr. Boland

Because this Act will be operated by order. All these provisions are operated by Orders that are laid on the Table. The order will contain provisions for the setting up of the commission, so that it would be an amendment to the order.

Mr. Boland

If we were to accept the amendment that is the way we would have to do it.

Could you not remove the order the day after you made it?

Mr. Boland

Yes, but the Deputy would have an opportunity of putting down an amendment to the order. If we were going to accept it at all, or if we accepted it at a later date, it is an amendment to the order we would have. I am advised that this is an unusual proposal, a sort of inversion of the ordinary law, and that it is not the type of case that the High Court usually deals with. If we consider it, we would like an opportunity of consulting the judges on the matter. Everyone will admit that this is not the usual type of case.

Is it the usual type of legislation?

Mr. Boland

It is not. Ordinary evidence cannot be produced. I think we have met the Opposition fairly on the point. I said that we were going to consider it on the other Bill. If we are satisfied that it is desirable to accept this amendment, rather than the other tribunal, then we will put it into the Offences Against the State Bill, and we will also amend the order.

May I point out that the Minister has said to the House: "I am not going to accept the amendment because I am not going to accept it".

Mr. Boland

Nonsense.

This is a deliberative Assembly and the Minister has not told us what the Government intends doing. Why is it not possible to put the amendment into the section?

Mr. Boland

Because it is not desirable. It spoils the whole Bill. I am not much of a lawyer but I would like to see safeguards.

I thought the Minister for Justice was taking this matter of the public safety very seriously.

Mr. Boland

So I am.

He is now trying to make a joke of it. He is taking the cue from his leader. That is not good enough. Some reason must be given for the decision. The Minister has given absolutely no reason. He says that this amendment is unusual. So is the legislation. Can he indicate why a judge should refuse to administer an Act passed by this House? Can he show how the Bill would be spoiled by throwing the whole onus on the person interned of showing his innocence? It may be difficult to prove a man's guilt but here a man is bound to prove his innocence. We are going to support the Government in this Bill. We did so with hesitation. I am sorry to see the spirit in which the Government is meeting a very reasonable offer, but it is in keeping with their whole attitude towards Parliament.

Mr. Boland

I paid the Deputy the compliment of saying that this Bill was a copy of his own legislation.

You are joking.

Mr. Boland

I am not.

If we cannot improve on what happened after a civil war then we have not progressed. May I point out that one elementary problem of logic is that if a man is charged with being in London, and if he has to prove that he was not there, you have to comb out every man to prove that he was there. The onus is thrown on the person to prove that he is innocent. On the occasion of the introduction of the measure in September last, I put down an amendment dealing with this matter, leaving the right of. appeal to a tribunal to natural-born Irish citizens as they were described. I did not put in the words "natural-born Irish citizens". We had time since to look at the Act and to find that persons requiring citizenship are at the Minister's will and beck. The sum and substance of the apprehension that is felt is that the matter is at the Minister's will and pleasure. We do not want that. We want to see that in legislation passed through this House care is taken to ensure that a person whose liberty is menaced can go before a court to prove his innocence. Surely, if he is able to do that, he is entitled to his liberty. What is the point in connection with the order that the Minister undertakes to deal with? What is the equivalent? A judge on the Bench who is not removable. I am prepared to accept that. As it stands it is a commission, and the Minister will probably be able to get advice as to what exactly is meant by a commission. Has the decision to be a unanimous one? Can a decision be given by that commission which provides that two non-legal persons can override the legal person on it? As the Bill is drawn it does not appear to me to indicate what is to happen in that case. Like the Minister I am a lay person.

Mr. Boland

I think I have met the Opposition in this matter. I think Deputy O'Sullivan was joking. I have met the Opposition by the promise that we would consider the matter.

You did not promise to do what we asked.

Mr. Boland

Certainly not. Why should I when I require to have the matter considered? I promise to have it examined and, if we are satisfied that it is a better system than the one we propose, then we will put it into the Offences Against the State Act, and into the order concerned with this Act. That is the way to do it. Otherwise, we will simply have to say that we will not do it.

But our power will be gone.

Mr. Boland

No. The order can be annulled by the Dáil at any time. A motion can be put down to annul it.

Can it be amended?

Mr. Boland

Annulled or amended.

The only effect of annulling the order would be to leave the internee without any body to appeal to.

Does the Minister ever think for himself? If he does has he not a simple problem to deal with?

Mr. Boland

I often think for myself but, in matters of this kind, I get good advice. Unlike the Deputy I am not a lawyer and I am going to get advice before I act. Surely that is the proper thing to do.

I wish to contradict a statement that was made by Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney. He said that no one was interned under the Act of 1926. That statement is not correct. The Deputy should know the position, as he was a member of the Executive Council at the time.

I can tell the Deputy that from 1926 onwards no one was interned. I believe that from 1926 to 1927 no one was interned.

I happened to be interned in November, 1926.

In November, 1926, on an order signed by Deputy McGilligan.

I did not think I was such a hero.

The Minister said that we could bring an order before the House. Might I point out to him, although I am only a layman, that I find here no powers to alter or amend it, only to annul it. Therefore, what we would be doing would be taking away the power of his removable court and having no power at all. The Minister has not answered my question. Is the commission going to decide this by a majority or must it be unanimous? Can there be a case in which the legal person comes to one decision and the two lay persons to another and that the majority carries?

Will the Minister tell me were the courts consulted about the Emergency Powers Act of last year?

Mr. Boland

That is a different matter altogether. They were not because that would be asking them to do something which it would be unusual for them to do.

Is it unusual to ask a district justice to hear a case which has not arisen inside his area?

Mr. Boland

I am not going to be cross-examined by Deputy McGilligan. If he thinks he is going to try me that way he is making a great mistake. As to Deputy Cosgrave's question, I believe a majority decision is sufficient, but I am not quite sure. I will let the Deputy know later.

The Minister understands, I suppose, that we cannot amend an order; that we can only annul it?

Does the Deputy consider that under the Act a man, after being found not guilty by a district justice, can then be interned? Apparently there must have been that power because after the district justice refused informations they were interned.

Read the Act.

I hope some day to get my own back and I make no bones about it.

Mr. Boland

I can answer Deputy Cosgrave's question now. It is a majority decision of the commission.

Surely that makes my case almost copper-fastened.

Mr. Boland

All these things will be taken into consideration.

I am not satisfied with the Minister's answer and I will put this to a division.

There are one or two things in this Act, now that we are reconstructing it, that ought to be clearly before the minds of the people passing it. We are giving power to the Government by an order made to authorise and provide for the detention of persons where such detention is, in the opinion of a Minister, expedient in the interests of public safety or the preservation of the State. You cut out the limitation forbidding such detention to operate in the case of a natural-born citizen. We are allowing the Government by order to arrest without warrant all persons whose detention has been ordered or directed by a Minister. In a later paragraph of that same section, as I read it, the Government, when they make an emergency order, instead of making provision for doing any particular thing, in ordering the arrest of a person may authorise a Minister or any other person to do that for them. So that the Government, when making an order, instead of authorising, say, the Minister for Justice, who would appear to be the proper person, to intern people like Deputy Corry, can order Deputy Corry to authorise the detention of all sorts of people. Is that intended?

Mr. Boland

We will take good care that he will not do that.

That was an odious comparison. Is it intended that the Government will authorise anybody except a Minister?

Mr. Boland

To intern? It is not.

The power is there. Will the Minister agree that the power is there?

How did you sign my warrant when you were not Minister for Justice?

I do not think the Pounds Act was passed then.

You never know; I might get my turn at you yet.

I should like to have this point clear. It was raised on the Emergency Powers Act in September, and I understand that it was then admitted that under paragraphs (k) and (1) there may be authorised the detention of persons where the Minister thinks it is expedient to have them interned; and in sub-section (3) the Government have power, instead of requiring the doing of a thing, to delegate that power to any other person. I may be wrong in my reading of the Act, but whether I am wrong or not I want a guarantee from the Government that they are not going to delegate such power to anybody other than a member of the Government.

Mr. Boland

You can have that guarantee.

It is proposed to insert in the Act the amendment which we have put down here. That would provide that no matter what the Government could do by Order, they could not remove this: It is not everybody whom they may intern, but if they ever intern an Irish citizen that Irish citizen would have the right to appeal to the High Court against his detention. There is a provision that such a person shall submit himself to cross-examination and that the court shall determine whether or not there are reasonable grounds for the continued detention of such person. By another sub-section the court would be forbidden to regard the case for release as having been made "unless the court is satisfied that the person appealing was not a member of or associated with an unlawful association or was not engaged in unlawful activities or that he has ceased to be a member of such organisation and that he undertakes to refrain from all unlawful activities and enters into a recognisance with satisfactory sureties to keep the peace".

We seek to have that embedded in the Act. The Minister says that he will consider putting it in the Order. That is no safeguard. The Order could be wiped the day after it is made. The Order setting up a commission need not be made, and, if it is made, it could be revoked by the Minister the day after it is made. What we seek to do is to put it in the Act so that no Order of the Minister's could override it. What is unreasonable about that? Is it really considered an impossible thing to ask the High Court to consider an application made by a person, whom it is proposed to intern to determine whether there are reasonable grounds why he should be interned? You safeguard the State by saying that the court cannot consider it a reasonable ground or order his release unless he disavows the unlawful association and enters into recognisances to keep the peace.

Remember, again, that we are embedding this whole thing in an Act which abrogates the Constitution. Once that Act is passed in the form in which it goes, the Government have complete power of arrest and detention over every person in this State— natural-born citizens, aliens, everybody; and the Minister has only to certify that he thinks it is expedient and this is completely removed then from all association or conflict with the courts. The courts cannot hear it, if the Ministry are right in their interpretation of the law. Surely, when such extraordinary powers are being taken with regard to everybody in the State, it is not unreasonable to ask that the Government should preclude themselves from inserting in any order anything that would take away this particular power. Will the Minister tell me any point in this that is considered unreasonable? I am omitting the nonsense about not consulting the judges. If the judges are not prepared to do their duty in an emergency and to accept certain odious responsibilities which we in this House are taking on, then the sooner we get rid of them the better. The individuals who object are well out of the courts if they raise any such objection. Will the Minister tell me any one point that he finds objectionable in this? Can he give me any solid reason for not having this in the form in which we want it? We want to prevent his interning or taking away from any Irish citizen whom he may propose to intern the protection of the High Court if he gives the guarantees set out and it is reasonable to let him out.

Mr. Boland

I have not turned this proposal down. I have said that we are going to consider it. If we do accept it, the best form in which to have it would be in the form of an order.

You have not given any guarantee to continue it.

Mr. Boland

The whole Act is temporary. You must trust the Minister to continue the provision as you trust him in other matters.

You cannot bind the Minister to continue it in the form of an order.

Mr. Boland

If we promise to make provision for this procedure——

You have not promised.

Mr. Boland

If we do this, we will see that it is put in the order and that it will be left in the order. We are not going to change it if we think that it is the proper form. There seems to be something wrong with Deputies tonight when they will not accept this assurance.

You are giving us nothing.

Question put: "That the new section be therein inserted."
The Committee divided: Tá, 31; Níl, 64.

  • Bennett, George C.
  • Benson, Ernest E.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William J.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Burke, Thomas.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Curran, Richard.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Keating, John.
  • Linehan, Timothy.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Sullivan, John.
  • Reidy, James.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Fred Hugh.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Fuller, Stephen.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hogan, Daniel.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kelly, James P.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Loughman, Francis.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McDevitt, Henry A.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Meaney, Cornelius.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Mullen, Thomas.
  • Munnelly, John.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Brigid M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Bennett and McMenamin; Níl: Deputies Smith and Brady.
Question declared lost.
Sections 3, 4, and Title of the Bill, put and agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment.
Question—"That the Bill be received for final consideration"—put and agreed to.
Question put: "That the Bill do now pass."
The Dáil divided: Tá, 82; Níl, 9.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William J.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Fuller, Stephen.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hogan, Daniel.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Keating, John.
  • Kelly, James P.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Loughman, Francis.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McDevitt, Henry A.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Meaney, Cornelius.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crowley, Fred Hugh.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Curran, Richard.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Mullen, Thomas.
  • Munnelly, John.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy J.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Rice, Brigid M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl

  • Burke, Thomas.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Everett, James.
  • Hannigan, Joseph.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hurley, Jeremiah.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Norton, William.
  • Pattison, James P.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Smith and Brady; Níl: Deputies Keyes and Hickey.
Question declared carried.
The Dáil adjourned at 1.50 a.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, January 4th.
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