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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 2 May 1944

Vol. 93 No. 12

Committee on Finance. - Transport Bill, 1944—Second Stage (Resumed).

At one o'clock to-day I was referring to the fact that the Minister had been a fairy godfather to the shareholders of the Great Southern Railways and the Dublin United Transport Company because he had given them in compensation for the stock which they held a sum of money which is fantastic compared to the normal actuarial value of this stock and much more, I suggest, than the shareholders themselves ever dreamed they would get. Under the Bill we give to the Dublin United Transport Company shareholders something like 26/- for shares which were quoted a few years ago at 7/6. If they have an enhanced value it is only because of the emergency in which passengers have been almost tinned in the limited accommodation available for passenger transport. Similarly the Great Southern Railways shareholders are getting a fantastic price for their stock. We have guaranteed £16,000,000 in debentures as to principal and 3 per cent. interest on this £16,000,000 redeemable debenture stock so that if the company does not make a profit they can come along and say: "Come on lads you promised in 1944 to guarantee 3 per cent. on the £16,000,000 redeemable debenture stock, hand out now the equivalent sum in dividends." If it should happen to fail, then the State through the taxpayers will be liable to refund to the stockholders £16,000,000 principal which the State guarantees under this Bill. An examination of the movements of railway stocks is particularly interesting. In March of last year the chairman of the Great Southern Railways Company who is the Minister's nominee painted what can only be described as a very depressing picture of the finances of the railway. He said that no dividend could be paid and that the reason for the nonpayment of dividend was that on over 50 per cent. of the company's lines no profits were being earned. Generally the picture he painted was rather distressing from the point of view of the shareholders and indeed not very encouraging from the point of view of prospective investors. It gave very little encouragement from the point of view of the gamblers in stock exchange shares.

What happened after March, 1943? Ordinary stock worth £9 in March, 1943, had jumped to £52 by March, 1944. Preference stock worth £14 in 1943 was worth £52 in March, 1944, and debenture stock which was worth £56 in 1943 was worth £90 in March, 1944. It is very clear from this that the method adopted by the Minister to compensate shareholders in respect of their share interest in both companies has been very unsatisfactory and certainly unprofitable from the point of view of the taxpayers who have been called upon to guarantee the principal and interest of £16,000,000 of debenture stock. If, for instance, the Minister had bought the shares of this company in 1943 he would have bought them at approximately £5,000,000 less than the shareholders are getting for these shares to-day. Because of the method adopted by the Minister, the position to-day is that—and the public ought to realise it because it is being done in their name—these people are getting £50 to £80 for shares which could have been bought 12 months ago for from £12 to £15. I do not know why the Minister is compensating these people on such a generous basis. It is little wonder that these people realise the Minister's generosity when, notwithstanding a campaign against the Minister's and the directors' proposals, they have accepted the Minister's guarantee with such enthusiasm.

The transport and railway companies have been operating on the legislation passed in 1933. The whole community knows that that legislation was in operation and that the companies concerned were subject to its provisions and the investing public knew if they were buying shares in these companies that they were subject to this legislation. It seems to be a reasonable proposition to suggest that in these circumstances the value of the shares held by the shareholders in both companies should not be the artificial values which are the outcome of an emergency situation, but the average value of the shares over the past ten years. If the Minister would apply that method to the valuation of the shares—and it is a reasonable one— then the shareholders will not get for their shares at the public expense the inflated price which they will get under the scheme of compensation in this Bill. Reading through the Bill one thing stands out prominently—the care and solicitude bestowed on the capital interests and the solicitude which the Minister has shown towards the holders of capital invested in the companies. Wherever their interests were affected the Minister is most generous and lavish. Evidence of that is to be found by the examination of the compensation provisions in the Bill. Shares not worth a song a few years ago have now become gilt-edged securities, and as I have already said, we are paying £50 to £80 for shares worth £12 to £15. Wherever the capital interests were concerned the Minister has been generous in the method of making provision for the people concerned. The Minister has guaranteed the profit of gamblers on the stock exchange who have now managed, because of the advance information they possessed, to get shares the value of which has been considerably enhanced because of the community's guarantee of the principal and interest of the £16,000,000 debenture stocks. While there has been a very generous and magnanimous attitude adopted towards the capital interests concerned in the Bill, there has been a most niggardly and unsatisfactory attitude adopted in the Bill towards the staff. The Minister told us there was to be provision in the Bill for compensation for persons who may lose their employment as a result of this merger. When one examines the Bill one discovers that this applies only to persons who may lose their livelihood within a period of six months following the operation of the Bill so that as between the 1st July next and the 31st December next anybody who loses employment will get compensation in the manner provided in the Fifth Schedule of this Bill. But everybody knows that it inevitably takes some time before a scheme of this kind gets into operation.

Some preliminary work has to be done. Plans have to be formulated. They are subject to examination and review and, finally, a decision as to their implementation has to be taken. Then the process of putting them into operation begins. It is very difficult, and oftentimes impossible, to have a scheme of this kind in operation within six months of the nominally operative date. I suggest to the Minister that the effects of this merger will become obvious only after six months from the 5th July next. But any person who loses his employment with either company after 31st December next will get no compensation whatever under the provisions of this Bill. To obtain compensation he must lose his employment within six months after the date of operation of the Bill. If he loses his employment seven months after the date of operation of the Bill, then, although he may have 30 or 40 years' service, he can get no compensation from the company. The company may, for its own reasons, say: "We shall tolerate redundancy for six months because, after six months, the reins are off so far as we are concerned and we can do what we like with the staff." They can adopt the attitude that, by tolerating redundancy for six months, they will be free to do what they like by the end of that period and that it will be better for them to put up with redundancy for that time and save the cost of pensions for life in the case of persons with service of five years or more. Even if the company do not adopt that attitude of deliberately, and legally, avoiding their moral obligations, they can slow down and soft-pedal in connection with reorganisation. They can permit that reorganisation to develop leisurely, so that it will become operative only after six months from the date of the operation of the Bill. In that event, the company can ride away without making any provision for compensation for railway employees who may have given a life-time of service to the railway industry. If the Minister thinks that he is treating the staff justly, I do not know what his conception of justice is so far as the staff is concerned, though his conception of justice so far as the shareholders are concerned is most marked in the provisions of this Bill.

Assuming that redundancy takes place within six months from the date of operation of the Bill and assuming that a man is dismissed within that period, another interesting situation develops. It is a defence by the company against a claim for payment of compensation, if they can show that the dismissal of the man or his redundancy was brought about by the closing of railway lines. If the railways company want to get rid of a certain person, they can say that they are closing a certain line. That is sufficient.

There is provision in other Acts for the payment of compensation in such cases.

What other Acts?

The Act of 1933.

If that be so, why is this provision inserted in this Bill?

The provision is intended to deal with a simple matter. If a branch line is closed and people are disemployed, the obligation to pay compensation to the persons disemployed rests on the company by reason of the provisions of the 1933 Act. It is not necessary to make such provision in this Act.

Will that apply to the lines recently closed? Will compensation be paid in those cases?

Those lines have not been closed. The services have been temporarily suspended.

Suppose a man has lost his employment?

That aspect will have to be considered.

The line is closed so far as his wages are concerned.

I am talking about the abandoning of a branch line—not the temporary suspension of services because of lack of coal.

I do not understand why this provision is put in—that it is a defence against a claim for compensation if a line is closed—if the Minister says there is provision in another Act for dealing with cases of that kind. Another clause of this Bill appears rather strange from my point of view—that it is a defence by the company against a claim for compensation that there has been an alteration in the methods of working. If there is an alteration in the methods of working and if that brings about the dismissal of an employee, that is a defence against a claim for compensation by the employee. The company can, in the month of August, introduce new methods of working. As a result, they can dismiss staff. Having dismissed that staff, they have got rid of their liability to them because alteration of the methods of working is a defence which the company can legally plead against a claim for compensation by the dismissed staff. Having got rid of the staff, the company might discover that the new methods of working were not satisfactory and they might get back to the original methods of working. In the meantime, they could have unloaded any number of staff on the market without any liability to pay compensation. I should like the Minister to examine that matter so that he will see that he is opening a very dangerous door which enables the railways company to exploit the difficulties of their employees. It seems to me that the latter provision is calculated to deprive staff of an opportunity of obtaining compensation when they lose their livelihood. In consequence of an Act of this Legislature, nominally introduced in the public interest, many old railway employees may be sentenced to what can be described only as economic death.

One aspect of this Bill deserves special mention. While directors are to be compensated in an unprecedented manner—some of them pretty generously, having regard to their circumstances—and while stockholders are to be treated with equal generosity, there is no provision in the Bill which I can discover to safeguard the existing rights of the present staffs, as set out in the Railway Acts of 1924 and 1933. I shall develop that point in a moment. I want now to refer to the superannuation scheme. In the Bill, there is a provision whereby the company is empowered to establish a superannuation scheme. The Minister has indicated that the staff may be compelled to contribute to the scheme, even though they may be in violent conflict with the principles on which the scheme is based or in violent conflict with the method of administering the scheme. They will have no voice in determining the manner in which the scheme is to be administered. They may be in violent conflict with the provisions of the scheme and in complete disagreement with the management of the scheme and, yet, under the provisions of the Bill, they will be compelled to contribute to it. The company and the Minister have to be satisfied with the scheme but the folk who have to subscribe need not be satisfied but may, in fact, be in violent disagreement with the scheme. It is their privilege to pay; they are not supposed to be satisfied.

I should like to know from the Minister what exactly the company has in mind—or, rather, what the chairman has in mind because he is the company—so far as superannuation is concerned. In the course of a speech which he delivered in March last, the chairman indicated that he proposed to set up a scheme somewhat on the lines of the Dublin United Transport superannuation scheme. Under the latter scheme, I understand the company has power to cease its contribution to the scheme on giving three months' notice. That is the most amazing type of superannuation scheme of which I have over heard, where one party to the scheme—the party who is responsible for the management and the entire control of the scheme—can say: "I can give you three months' notice that I am not going to pay any more." I suggest to the Minister that if a company, whether it be the Dublin United Transport Company or the new company, is to be enabled to get rid of obligations of that character by a provision of that kind, that provision can very well be utilised to blackmail the staff into accepting reductions of wages or worsened conditions of employment under the threat that if they do not do that, then the company will withdraw its contribution to the superannuation scheme and that the superannuation scheme will not be as favourable as those which were operative when the company was making a contribution.

It is an insurance scheme, not a superannuation scheme.

I am just using the phraseology in the Bill. I suggest that the whole attitude of the company and of the chairman is an attitude of hostility, naked hostility, and that that attitude of the chairman of the company has manifested itself long ago towards the trades unions. The chairman of the company does not believe in trades unions; he believes in little organisations without any strength, without financial resources, which can be chloroformed by schemes of social services and deprived of all ability to stand for the rights of their members. That is the kind of organisation in which the chairman of the company believes and, in discussions which he has had with representatives of the staff, the chairman of the company has been particularly anxious to exclude trade union representatives from any of these discussions.

I suggest that that has not been accidental. If there were any doubts on the point, these doubts were removed by an intimation from the chairman in the discussions on the superannuation schemes that he would not discuss the question of superannuation with the trades unions at all. He wanted to have the discussion with the ordinary rank and file, knowing that, as single individuals, they had no collective strength. They could discuss matters with the chairman but only for the purpose of providing an audience for the chairman. The idea that they had any ability to discuss these matters with any real purpose of safeguarding their interests was ludicrous, but that, nevertheless, was the method by which the chairman proceeded when these discussions were in progress.

Recent correspondence in the paper indicates quite clearly that the chairman of the company has rather strange and unusual methods of doing other things and concluding other agreements. I suggest to the Minister that that type of attitude by the chairman of the company, particularly if he is to be chairman of the new company, is one that is going to cause endless difficulty for the Minister, and endless difficulty for the shareholders, and that it will possibly lead to a dislocation of the railway industry from time to time. The chairman, while he may be chairman of the company, must realise that the company is not run by the chairman alone, that into the running of the railway industry go the creative talents of men who have given a life time of service to the company, that they have a vital interest in the running of the company and that they are not going willingly to tolerate that dictatorial attitude of the chairman in negotiations, in which in the past they have been treated as equal partners.

I notice that in this Bill Section 55 of the Act of 1924 is conspicuous by its absence. I have searched the Schedules to see whether Section 55 is repealed, but it does not appear to be repealed. I, therefore, take it that the legal position is that anything in the 1924 Act which is not repealed in this Bill will still exist. The Minister nods his head that that is the position, that Section 55, not being repealed, still stands. Section 56 of the 1924 Act is, however, being re-enacted in this Bill. Why has it been necessary, in order to continue the life of Section 56 in the 1924 Act, to re-enact it in this Bill if it has not been necessary to re-enact Section 55? There may be some legal explanation for that procedure but the position should be cleared up. It should be put beyond all doubt that the rights which are enshrined in Section 55 of the Railways Act of 1924 are preserved for railway-men because these provisions have been vital to the maintenance of peace on the railways since 1924.

I, however, have some concern because of recent developments in the railway service for the future wellbeing of the railway industry. I think the whole country will share the desire that, so far as the railway service is concerned, there should be industrial peace there because the railways provide a vital service for the whole community. Everybody, no matter what his political viewpoint, even no matter what his economical or social viewpoint, desires that we should have an efficient, continuous and smoothly operating railway service. If we are to have that efficient service, a service which will meet the needs of the community and which at the same time will provide satisfactory conditions of employment for the staff engaged in the industry, we can only get it by a scheme of collective bargaining, a scheme of negotiation between representatives of the shareholders on the one hand and representatives of the staff on the other hand, an exchange of views and a clash, perhaps, of interests, but all the time with that impact of reason on reason by which you may eventually evolve a scheme of wages and conditions which will provide reasonable satisfaction for the staff.

My fear is that the railway management, as at present constituted, displays a tendency to break away from the principle of collective bargaining which has been a feature of the railway industry in the past. I suggest to the Minister that it would be well worth his while to intimate to the chairman whom he proposes to appoint, and to the other directors, that it is his desire and the desire of the Legislature that the principle of collective bargaining, as between the directors on the one hand and the railway trades unions on the other, should be maintained and operated to the fullest in a spirit of peace and harmony because that is the only way in which you can maintain industrial peace in the railway service. Apart from a few unofficial and sporadic strikes, mainly of road workers who were outside the scope of the railway negotiating machinery, there has been peace in the railway industry since 1921. With, I think, the exception of a short strike by a break-away organisation, in the main there has been, since 1921, peace on the railways so far as the unions are concerned, which is the best evidence that they have played their part in the efficient running of the railways and in the avoidance of cause of friction. I suggest to the Minister that he should intimate to the chairman and other directors of the new company that it is his desire that that state of affairs should be continued and that every effort should be made to avoid friction in the operation of the railway service.

The scenes which took place at Kingsbridge last month and the truculent and arrogant attitude adopted by officials of the company towards railway trades unions are not calculated to maintain peace in the railway services. I think those controlling this vital service for the community should be told definitely by the Minister that an attitude of truculence and insolence is something which the community is not prepared to tolerate and that the country is not prepared to risk an interruption of its railway services in order that the bad temper and dictatorial outlook of certain people may be gratified. I think the Minister, from his experience in handling industrial disputes and his experience in the Department of Industry and Commerce, must realise that there is no better method of adjusting disputes than by means of the conference table. There, if you can get reason on both sides, you can usually evolve a satisfactory settlement. In the long run, it is at the conference table that a satisfactory solution of such difficulties must be found.

I am sure the Minister desires that the railway service should be maintained as an efficient service and that it should operate free from any danger of constant industrial friction. But if that condition of affairs is to be arrived at, then the Minister ought to make it clear to the new directorate that the goodwill of the employees of the railway service is an essential requisite for the maintenance of an efficient transport service. I think before this Bill passes through this House the Minister should consent to meet certain amendments which will be introduced on the Committee Stage designed to protect the interests of the railway workers and designed to protect them against possible exploitation at the hands of the directorate of the company if the Bill goes through in its present form.

I want to support the amendment put down in the names of Deputy O'Higgins and Deputy McGilligan and to add a word of protest against the unwisdom of introducing this Bill at the present time when matters pertaining to Great Southern Railways stock are sub judice. The Minister suggested that there was nothing in the Bill that related to the questions before the inquiry. I suggest that there is the question of a pension to a particular individual and there is, also the question of the guarantee of certain stock. The House may decide in relation to the guarantee of certain stock and the issue of new stock that is outlined in the Bill, that if the finding of the tribunal is that confidential information has been abused and that leakages have occurred, no guarantee should operate in regard to any stock that has changed hands as a result of such leakage of information. The House may decide that we should guarantee stock held before any speculation occurred in regard to the reorganisation of transport in this country. I suggest that we should very seriously consider the wisdom of refusing to guarantee any stock that has changed hands as a result of any leakage of information. Obviously we must be restrained in references to the matters that are the subject of inquiry, in view of the fact that the matter is sub judice, but it is utterly ridiculous for the Minister to attempt to suggest that you could not relate this Bill to the matters that are before the tribunal.

Of course, the Deputy is aware that the Chair has ruled on that?

I have not gone outside the ruling of the Chair.

I know that. I am only drawing the Deputy's attention to the ruling.

I am well aware of that. The most notable characteristic of the Minister's speech, in my opinion, was the paucity of the information given to the House. Whatever information was given was altogether insufficient to enable Deputies to make up their minds on an important and comprehensive measure of the magnitude of this Bill. There was no information or no forecast as to the possible type of transport that is likely to be available in the post-war period. There was no information regarding the mileage of the railways that is likely to be preserved and the branch lines that are likely to be closed. There was no information as to the amount of road development necessary for the carriage of goods or for passenger service. There was no attempt to give any picture of the type of transport required for agricultural purposes in the post-war period and the type of services envisaged for agricultural purposes. There was no estimate of the actual net earnings of the company, their ability to meet their liabilities under this new financial provision, the payment of dividends and the redemption of stock.

The Minister gave us no information whatever on those aspects of the problem and I suggest that the House is entitled to full and frank information on these points. I think the House is being treated in a very discourteous and shabby fashion. The Minister has not even informed us as to whom he has consulted. He has not told us what railway or transport experts have been consulted in this matter. I am sure the Minister does not claim that he or his Department is an authority on these matters. He has not told us who has been consulted outside the Department. Those in his Department who have been dealing with transport for a number of years, to that extent, may claim that they can speak with some authority on some aspects of our transport problem, but the Minister failed to give us any information as to who are the people he consulted and who helped him to formulate the scheme at present before the House. Has the chairman of the Great Southern Railways Company been consulted and, if so, what are his experiences in dealing with transport? It is true that he has some experience in the matter of bus and passenger and road transport services and another individual associated with him may claim to have some experience in a limited way in the matter of road transport services, but I fail to see who was consulted who could claim to speak with authority on rail problems.

The Minister referred to the Transport Tribunal and praised its report. While there is a good deal of very valuable factual information in that report, it is extraordinary that none of the recommendations of either the Minority Report or the Majority Report has been implemented. There again the Minister made no attempt whatever to give us the reasons why he has completely departed from the recommendations of the Transport Tribunal in that respect, even on the financial side of it. In the proposals put before the tribunal by the railway company it was set out that £2,000,000 approximately would meet the requirements for the reorganisation of the company. The tribunal recommended that they should reduce that amount to £1,250,000 and, in the Majority Report, expressed the opinion that with certain restrictions on private transport, capital to the amount of £1,250,000 would be ample to provide the necessary extra buses and lorries and the reorganisation of rolling-stock on the railway. The Minister has given no details whatever as to the type of development that is going to take place. He informed the House that it is unlikely that there will be any great development until the war is over. We all appreciate the fact that there is no possibility of securing materials, buses, lorries, rolling-stock, locomotives for the necessary reorganisation. But the House is asked to provide a very substantial sum of State money without getting any details of the exact requirements, and without any forecast as to what type of national transport is required for the post-war period.

So far as the Transport Tribunal is concerned it struck me when reading the report that the tribunal was not so much concerned with the provision of an efficient and reasonably cheap type of national transport service as with the preservation of the old Great Southern Railways Company, what sort of transfusion could be provided for a company that was slowly but surely dying, and what provision could be made to infuse new life into the type of transport organisation that would be needed in the future. A cheap and efficient transport system is a vital consideration in the development of agriculture. We hear a great deal about the expansion of agriculture and I am sure the Minister appreciates the importance of it, but we got little or no information on that aspect of the problem. When the Minister asked the House for authority to set up the Transport Tribunal some six years ago he made reference to certain types of transport competition that seriously affected the statutory companies, and gave the impression that it was likely certain restrictions would have to be placed on some individuals. I am glad the Minister has seen fit to change his mind in that respect.

The Minister gave no information as to the present financial position of the Great Southern Railways Company or the Dublin United Transport Company, although the House is considering the question of the value of the existing stock of these companies. He advised the House to bear in mind the history of transport legislation here, and the writing down of certain stocks in 1933, from £26,000,000 to £12,500,000. When people put their money into public concerns of that sort they cannot expect the State to guarantee them against loss for all time. I do not want to be unduly critical, but I think they have been treated more than generously in fixing the valuation of the existing assets of the two companies round about £13,500,000. No matter what effort the Minister has made to defend the wisdom of bringing the Dublin United Transport Company into the new scheme, it appears to me that it was brought in deliberately to bolster up a rotten inefficient company, and that it is on that structure the Minister proposes to build a new organisation. On that basis he expressed optimism as to the future of the new company and the possibility of making it an organisation that will give us cheap transport. But he did not indicate how that is going to be brought about. He did not indicate what the annual financial liability will be on the redemption of the very substantial capital sum involved, if the State is not going to be mulcted in loss. The Bill proposes to create a national transport monopoly and a transport dictator with a board of six "yes-men". He has not given any reasons why any individual should be put into the position of a virtual dictator. The five other members of the board may be in absolute agreement as to the wisdom of taking a certain line of action, but if the chairman is not in agreement his decision goes, and that is the end of it. In effect that suggests that one man is wiser than the other five. How the Minister can defend the wisdom of putting a man in an all-powerful position, when dealing with a very complex problem, I do not know. I am sure no one can claim to know the complexities that arise from day to day and to take a decision that might involve the whole future of transport. It appears to me to be an extraordinary way of dealing with this question to put such a power into the hands of one individual. If the chairman is absent through sickness or for some other reason the Minister may nominate someone to act in his place. In fact, the chairman may be a meeting in himself, and may make decisions without any co-operation from other members of the board. In a situation like that where the other members are merely ornaments and are unnecessary, I do not see why they should be paid salaries. Have we, in fact, a man possessing the necessary qualifications to fill that office with success, a man with such a knowledge of national transport, road and rail problems that this Parliament can with confidence leave grave national decisions in his hands?

One big objection that I have to the Bill is this: that there is a very strong analogy between this type of legislation and the type of legislation proposed in the Arterial Drainage Bill. Recent legislation seems to be shaped and moulded on the same lines. The line is this, that, for example, when the Arterial Drainage Bill is passed into law all power and authority is to be handed over to the Board of Works. No representative of the people, no local authority, and not even this Parliament can exercise any further power or control over that legislation once it passes into the hands of the Board of Works. We have the same thing in this Bill. Complete authority is to be handed over to an outside body in the person of one individual who is not even being asked to put on the Table of the House an annual trading report. The position is to be that the moneys provided for that body in the first instance are not to be voted by the Oireachtas. They will go to it from the Central Fund. Power is being taken in Section 17 to finance this scheme in that way. The position may arise, of course, that some further advances may have to be voted by the Dáil, because it is doubtful if the company requires extra money that it will be able to get it in the ordinary way by the flotation of a loan. It is provided in sub-section (5) of Section 17 that the company will repay within a period of 12 months any advances made to it. If it is not in a position to make that repayment, then the money is to be provided by a Vote of the Dáil. Will the Minister tell us why the money which is being provided for the company in the first instance is not being provided by a Vote of the Dáil? While that is not done, the Minister can come along 12 months afterwards, when certain commitments have been entered into, and ask the Dáil to vote certain sums of money already advanced out of the Central Fund. Surely that is not a democratic way of providing money for this concern. I suggest that we should not give authority to any Minister to make, in the first instance, payments out of the Central Fund, and that if later these advances cannot be made good by the flotation of a loan or in some other way he can, by getting a Vote of the House, make good the repayments. That shows clearly that this Parliament will have no power whatever over this concern once this Bill is passed into law. In the case of the Arterial Drainage Bill, all power is to be handed over to the Board of Works, while in the case of this Bill all power and authority are to be handed over to an outside dictator, despite the fact that substantial sums of money are being provided by the State to finance the scheme. I take very strong exception to that proposal in the Bill. The Minister has not made any effort whatever to defend this new method of financing outside business.

Provision is being made for the redemption of stock between 1955 and 1966. I wonder what is the necessity for redeeming the stock within such a short period? Is not the obligation to do so going to impose a heavy financial strain on the company? It seems to me to be an unreasonable provision. The amount of money that will be required to meet the capital outlay involved in the reorganisation of the company to meet interest charges and for the redemption of capital, is going to be a very serious matter. The Minister has given us no estimate of the annual sum that will be required to meet all these charges.

On the question of the closing down of branch lines, whenever and wherever the board decide that it is uneconomic to work a branch line, the Minister is taking power to make the decision of the board effective. There is no provision for the holding of any type of inquiry before the closing down takes place. No group of individuals is to be allowed to put a case forward as to why the line should remain in operation. Surely that is not reasonable. Power is also being taken for the abolition of the Railway Tribunal. Some of its powers and functions are to be transferred to the High Court; but its other powers, particularly those dealing with the fixation of maximum freight charges, are, according to the proposals here, to be vested in the Minister.

I do not say that the Railway Tribunal has functioned in the best interests of the railway company or the country as a whole, but I agree that the idea behind the setting up of it was absolutely sound. Before that tribunal the carrying company had the opportunity of making its case for the charges it proposed to levy for the carrying of particular types of goods. The particular sections in the community that had to bear those charges had an equal opportunity of making their case to the tribunal. The departure from that system proposed in this Bill has some very important aspects, so far as the carriage of agricultural produce is concerned. We know that in many countries a departure has been made from the orthodox method of charging on a tonnage basis. That has been done in the interests of agriculture. It would be interesting to compare those charges with the charges in operation here, and of how they have affected the free flow of agricultural produce. Under a proper agricultural policy, it ought to be our aim to ensure that there is a free flow of agricultural goods from all parts of the country, and that the remoter parts of the country are not unduly handicapped by the operation of a transport system of freight charges that are detrimental to their interests. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
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