Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 9 Jun 1944

Vol. 94 No. 1

Nomination of Taoiseach.

Tairgim:—

Go n-ainmnítear Éamon de Valéra mar Thaoiseach.

Tá sé d'onóir agamsa an Teachta Éamon de Valéra a mholadh don Dáil chun bheith ina Thaoiseach ath-uair. Ní gá dhom cur síos a dhéanamh ar a shaothar agus ar a ghníomhartha ar son na hEireann agus ar a thréithe mar státaire, mar is maith is eol don Dáil iad agus do mhuintir na tíre ar fad. Is léir go bhfuil iontaoibh ag muintir na hEireann as, mar a thaisbeánann toradh an Ioltoghcháin a bhí againn le déanaí. Dá bhrí sin, tairgim go dtoghfar an Teachta Éamon de Valéra mar Thaoiseach.

Is mian liomsa cuidiú leis an tairiscint atá curtha fé bhráid na Dála ag an Teachta O Cinnéide go mbeidh an Teachta Éamon de Valéra ina Thaoiseach arís agus gur féna chúram a bheidh cúrsaí na tire á stiúradh. Tá obair iongantach déanta aige ar son na tíre seo cheana, agus isé toil na ndaoine go leanfaidh sé den obair sin. Is cúis áthais dom, mar sin, cuidiú leis an tairiscint, gurb é an Teachta Éamon de Valéra a bheidh ina Thaoiseach arís.

Tá dualgas le comhlíonadh ag gach duine againn sa tigh seo. Tá dualgas fé leith ar gach dream sa Dáil, ach tá ar gach duine a dhualgas féin. Agus, ag comhlíonadh an dualgais sin dom, táimse á rá, ar mo shon féin agus ar son Fine Ghael, sa Dáil seo, nach bhfuil aon iontaoibh againn as Eamon de Valéra mar Phríomh-Aire os cionn Rialtais.

We have all our functions and our duties to the various sections of the people to discharge here. In the discharge of these duties, we on the Fine Gael Benches are desirous, in so far as discussions are carried on here, to be informative, to be clear, to be honest and to be outspoken and, in so far as we contribute to decisions in this House, to be clear and straight in these. As regards the proposal that Deputy de Valera should be Taoiseach in the present Parliament, we have discussed in various ways throughout the country the reasons why we think that should not be so. There is no occasion to develop that discussion now, but there is occasion for us in a clear and formal way to express in Parliament here our lack of confidence in him as Taoiseach.

The people did not do so.

Well, the people spoke with their own voices and I hope that Deputies who are elected to this House as representatives of the people, will speak with their voices here.

We always have done so.

There was never an occasion to my mind when the rank and file of the Fianna Fáil Party spoke with clear outspoken voices on the problems that confronted this House. I have repeatedly myself from these benches challenged the seats of silence behind the Fianna Fáil Ministers and asked them individually and collectively to play the part in this House that they were sent here to play. Week after week and month after month, through very difficult times here, I appealed to those on the Fianna Fáil Benches to be outspoken on Irish affairs. One of the most sinister, disturbing and destructive things in our time has been the silence of the Fianna Fáil Party. However, I did not rise to go into that matter here. I am anxious to state the case simply. I do not desire to go into the past. Deputies on the other side may, by interruption or otherwise, desire to lead the discussion further than I do at present but I shall try to avoid that. Deputy Kennedy has indicated that he does not want to go into the past of the Taoiseach. Nobody wants to do that. Nobody, realising the critical circumstances of the world, having regard to our function here and to the critical situation which may lie in front of the country, ought to want to go into the past. When I speak of our lack of confidence in Eamon de Valera as Taoiseach, I necessarily base my lack of confidence on the happenings of the past but I do not bring my mind to bear on that past. It is in relation to the present and the future, and because we want to be outspoken and clear, that I make the statement that we have no confidence in the Taoiseach as leader of a Government. Though that statement is based on happenings in the past, I have no desire to go into the past. The Government of to-morrow will have very big jobs to do and will have a very serious responsibility. But, in my opinion, the job that will fall to the lot of the Opposition Parties in this House will be bigger and graver and may easily be more responsible.

No Government in any country has greater powers than the Government here has. With two exceptions, every single power that any group of men serving as a Government might require the members of the present Government have. As regards the two exceptions, they are explicitly prevented from imposing taxation without reference to Parliament and they are explicitly prevented from imposing conscription, industrial or military, without reference to Parliament. These are the only two powers they cannot exercise without reference to Parliament. I anticipate that a Fianna Fáil Government will be set up under the leadership of Eamon de Valera. That Government will have a majority in this House. There will be nothing to prevent them from imposing, by weight of that majority, either taxation or conscription, so that, so far as the Government is concerned, they will have all the powers that any set of men could have. They will, therefore, have the fullest possible facility for tackling their work. They will have the complete support of the people in doing anything that will be for the good of the country. Ever since this emergency occurred, that has been made perfectly clear from every side of the House and that support will continue so far as this side of the House is concerned. In the case of a Government equipped with such powers, a Government that may in the future show the spirit that the Fianna Fáil Government has shown in the past, occasions may arise upon which a very serious responsibility will fall upon opposition Parties to defend the liberties and the interests of the people generally. We hope that those occasions will not arise.

There is one fundamental difference between our Party and the Fianna Fáil Party. The Fianna Fáil Party in the past, and in its presentation of matters during the election campaign, developed, by propaganda and otherwise, the idea of one-man government. Serious and necessary criticism either by members of the Oireachtas or by persons outside was represented as personal. Normal, natural, called-for criticism in the public interest is degraded by propaganda and it is suggested that it is inspired by personal motives. Most of us have been long enough in the public life of the country and have engaged in pursuits ourselves and called upon others to carry out work of so serious a kind that we should be given credit for being above mere personalities. We should be given credit for being concerned with the real interests of the country. When we get up and criticise here, I hope that we will get away from certain difficulties which arose in the past and that we will be given credit for offering definitely-stated opinions on definitely stated facts entirely in the public interest. If we have any sense of personal dignity or personal responsibility and if we have regard for the difficulties of our own people and the shocking difficulties under which other people are labouring, we should be completely lifted above personalities of any kind. When I say on the part of our Party, and on my own behalf, that we have no confidence in Eamon de Valera as Taoiseach, I do not say that in a merely personal way but as a matter of grave public policy and as a warning, if warnings can be of any use that those things which inspired that want of confidence in the past on our part ought to disappear. If he, and the other members of the Fianna Fáil Party, were fully sensible of the position which requires to be dealt with and of the fact that only the people as a whole can deal with it, I believe they would rise above the feelings, actions and policies which have caused that want of confidence and which have led to loss of opportunity for the country.

Whatever assistance we can give to the Government, by advice or otherwise, we are prepared to give. I think that every member of the Fine Gael Party has in the past given full and complete proof of that. We believe that a Government lifted up to a sense of the Christian and democratic dignity of life and its responsibility should deal with our present situation here. We have been recently concerned for the safety of Rome. Why? Our concern for the safety of Rome is only convention and humbug if we do not relate it to our Christian faith. We believe that the policy which Fianna Fáil have run with regard to one man is contrary to the Christian and democratic way of life and outlook on life. Propaganda is used to dull and obscure the minds of our people and to demean them in their own opinion. While it is customary on the part of some Fianna Fáil leaders to charge other people with being Communists, the whole technique on the political side of the Fianna Fáil Party has been to breed in the minds of our people that lack of confidence in themselves, that lack of appreciation of Christian and human dignity, which our faith should keep clearly before us, which goes to create Communism.

The main difference between us is that we stand for a democratic way of life, for the democratic lifting of our people, by making them face the facts of Irish life and realise that they have their part, either as individuals or in communities of one kind or another, to play in both defending and building up the country. The attitude of the Fianna Fáil Party is the other way, to make it a one-man Government, and through Party favouritism of one kind, and Party patronage in business, in commerce, in the Civil Service, and in every other way, to build up a machine that will serve the one man, controlling the national life. It is for that reason that in a formal and clear way we desire to show our lack of confidence in the Taoiseach as Leader of an Irish Government, by voting against this motion.

I very much regret to say that I feel that the Twelfth Dáil has opened with what I consider to be a bitter note. As an Irishman I believe, for the sake of our country, that that should not be the case at the present time. We have had a lot of talk. Many people are inclined to look to the past but, as the leader of a Party with ten months' experience in the Dáil, I have no hesitation in saying that it is looking back on the past has left this country in the position it has been in since we got our freedom. What we should do is to forget the past and to look to the future. If we did that we would be doing something, no matter what Party is in the ascendant—Fianna Fáil, Labour, Fine Gael, or Independents, because it was for that purpose the people sent us here. Last year the Party I have the honour to speak for was the most criticised Party that ever existed in this country, because of their attitude in the Dáil. We were told that we were no good; that we did not do this or do that. All sides in this House made propaganda out of our attitude. Some people said we were henchmen of Deputy de Valera, and later on before the year was out Fianna Fáil was saying that we were henchmen of Deputy O'Higgins. As far as we are concerned our attitude in the Twelfth Dáil will be that any business that comes before the House that we consider to be for the benefit of the country, regardless of the Party or of the individuals it comes from, will have our solid support. If we consider that it is not in the interests of our people, then it will definitely have our opposition.

The Deputy must be aware of the motion before the House to which I have not yet heard him refer.

It is not our intention to follow the example of the Leader of the Fine Gael Party. We will adopt the very same attitude that we adopted ten months ago, when Fianna Fáil was elected as the largest Party in the House and as such were entitled to elect the Taoiseach. The same thing applies to-day. That Party is definitely entitled to do that. I could criticise the Taoiseach as head of the Government and the Government Party as regards their attitude towards agriculture and other things, but there will be plenty of time for that. Criticism will come from these benches. This is not exactly the time for it, but this Party expects and believes, in view of the shattering events that are happening near our shores, that our attitude here, as far as possible, should be to show that there is no disunity within this House. One appeal that I make to the newly-elected Taoiseach and to all Parties is to remember that this Twelfth Dáil will have an opportunity of smashing the Border that now divides this country.

It is further away than ever.

I believe the opportunity will present itself. Unfortunately when people speak of it here individuals get up and say: "Go out. Terrorist! Gunman!" Such is not the case. I hope if the opportunity does present itself during the life of this Dáil, that we will be all standing to have that scar in the life of our country removed. Our attitude regarding the election of the Taoiseach is the same as it was last year. We believe that the largest Party in the Dáil is entitled to elect the Taoiseach, and we are not voting against the motion.

The result of this election has given the Fianna Fáil Party a clear majority, and knowing the Fianna Fáil policy or knowing the Taoiseach I have no doubt that majority will be used to instal a Fianna Fáil Government to-day. That, of course, puts on the Fianna Fáil Party the responsibility of electing a Government. Having had experience of the Government's handling of economic and social issues during the last five years, experience of the muddling of price control, and having regard to the efficient way in which it kept wages low, and forced down the standard of living of the workers, and having no evidence whatever of the Government's policy for the next five years, the nomination of Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach does not commend itself to this Party. It is quite clear now that this Parliament will last for another five years. These will be exceptionally trying and critical years as far as this nation is concerned. They will be years during which this country will be exposed to enormous dangers. On the one hand, one has only to survey the course of the war to realise the repercussions that will flow from the gigantic military struggles which are at present taking place, to realise that during the next five years our economic structure here will be tested as never before. Having regard to the weakness of our economic fabric it is very doubtful, unless all Parties unite in its defence, whether our economic fabric can stand up to the insistent impact upon it as a result of the present economic and military situation throughout the world. It seems to us that in the period through which we are about to pass the goodwill and the co-operation of every Party in this House will be necessary in order primarily to ensure to whatever Government is elected and, secondly, to the people, the maximum possible measure of co-operation that can be given. As far as the Labour Party is concerned its voice and vote in this House will champion every good cause and plead for the support of legislation which will make for national well-being, and which will have as its object the raising of the standard of living of the mass of the people.

So far as this Government is concerned, probably no other Government in the world has got more co-operation in the matter of military defence and of unity against external danger than has the Fianna Fáil Government. I think it will, and should, continue to get that support in the face of external danger. I would go further and say that, even in the field of economic and social endeavour, the circumstances through which we are now passing demand that there should be generous support for a social and economic policy calculated to enrich the people and calculated to overcome the many social and economic difficulties and evils which beset them to-day. But I am very doubtful whether the Government want any co-operation in the economic field at all, or whether they want any co-operation in difficulties other than in military and defence difficulties. We had an example of the Government's attitude only this week. We had a statement by the Minister for Supplies on Wednesday night last telling the Parliament and the people through the wireless of certain difficulties regarding a shortage of electricity and a shortage of coal supplies. That was not the first occasion on which the Minister for Supplies utilised the radio for the purpose of conveying information that ought to be told to the nation through the people's Parliament, and I have no doubt that during the next five years the same Minister for Supplies will utilise the radio, or a Fianna Fáil Cumann, as a means of communicating to the nation information which ought properly be conveyed to the nation through the people's Parliament.

Hear, hear!

If there is shortage of electricity, or if there are fuel difficulties, I would suggest that these are not merely the difficulties of the Fianna Fáil Government, but are difficulties that are common to the whole nation. They are difficulties which the whole people ought to be assisted to bear by united action amongst all political Parties in this country. I suggest to the Government that in the circumstances of a fuel shortage, of a shortage of coal, with a consequent serious repercussion on employment, the Government ought surely have sought in this sphere economic co-operation; the same kind of unity that they sought in the sphere of defence difficulties. What we have been used to from the Fianna Fáil Party are just purely Party decisions, and then an appeal to everybody to support the line taken by the Government. Any attempt to criticise the Government's line, because of its shortcomings and its obvious imperfections, has usually been met by the charge of sabotage. The criticism which has been directed against the Government's policy has been criticism based on the belief that the Government were not handling these problems correctly; it was based on the belief that there were other and better courses which could be adopted.

What the Government ought to do in present circumstances, particularly in the circumstances through which we are now passing, is to seek in the economic and social sphere the same kind of co-operation as it rightly sought, and justly got, in the field of military defence. I put it to the Government, and to Deputy de Valera especially, that the Opposition Parties in this House are a part of Parliament, a part of the nation, and are entitled to be consulted, especially in these days of trials and difficulties, on economic and social matters, in the same way as they have been consulted, and their co-operation secured, in matters of military defence. I know, of course, that it is very easy for a Party, with a clear majority in this House, to be an arrogant political Party. This Government may be that—or it may not be that—but whatever it is it ought to remember this: that its total vote in the recent election was less than the total vote of all other Opposition Parties. It ought, at the same time, to realise that the Opposition Parties, and every Deputy in this House, is as much a part of the Parliament as the Government is, and is as much a part of the nation as the Fianna Fáil Party is part of the nation. As I have said, the nomination of Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach does not commend itself to this Party because of its want of a positive policy in the past. We have no information and no knowledge of what its future policy is to be. We have no knowledge of what the Government's policy is to be in the event of a cessation of military hostilities over the world. We have no knowledge of what the Government's plans are for dealing with the enormous economic problems which will be thrown up for solution the moment our people start to drift back from Britain. Because of a want of confidence in the Government's policy, particularly its complete inability to control prices, and at the same time its sustained attack on the standard of living of the masses of our people, we are not prepared to support the nomination of Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach.

In opening, I would like, if I may, to express my admiration of the lofty tone and dignity with which the leader of the Opposition announced the attitude of the Fine Gael Party in regard to this motion. I often marvel at his patience and resolve to keep pronouncements of that kind on the level which he succeeded in doing in the face of the not infrequent provocative interruptions of some of the less reputable members of Fianna Fáil. I confess that if I had to deal with them I doubt if I would have been able to maintain his patient calm. I have no hesitation in declaring that it is a service to public life in this country that he has been able to do so. There is one patent fact outstanding in the present situation, and that is that the astutest politician since Machiavelli has won a general election. That is a fact which Deputies applaud, but it is certainly true. Now, generations of Irishmen fought to ensure that the Irish people would have complete freedom to do wrong if they wanted to do wrong. The theory that the Irish people have no right to do wrong began in the Fianna Fáil Party, and I pray to God that it will end there. I admit the right of the Irish people, under God, to do wrong. They never did a worse wrong than they did on the day they elected Eamon de Valera, but they did it. That is where I differ with Deputy Donnellan. In the Eleventh Dáil they did not do it. They returned to this House a majority against Eamon de Valera, and if that majority had combined together and formed an alternative Government our modern Machiavelli would not have got his chance for his midnight ride to the Park. Therefore, a very different verdict might have been given by the people in an election when they had time to consider the issues truly joined between the Parties. But, in the Eleventh Dáil, certain Deputies of this House not fully foreseeing the nature of the gentleman they were making Taoiseach, failed to take effective action to prevent his being chosen, and so we had the midnight ride to the Park. Now we have 76 Fianna Fáil Deputies. With these, there is a majority of this whole House returned in support of Eamon de Valera, so that no combination of Parties can to-day prevent his being elected Taoiseach. Therefore, I say the Irish people have decided that he is to be Taoiseach.

Deputies

Hear, hear!

I re-affirm the right of the sovereign Irish people to do wrong in the sphere of politics, if they want to do wrong. It is the one fundamental right in defence of which every section of this House is prepared to combine against outsiders whencesoever they may come. Self-government is infinitely more important than good government. The Irish people, by electing and returning 76 Fianna Fáil Deputies, have done wrong. All my instincts are to vote against Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach, as I know what a disaster it will be to this country if he should be elected Taoiseach; but the fundamental principle remains that the Irish people have the right to do wrong, Deputy de Valera notwithstanding. He was the first man in this country to say that the Irish people have no right to do wrong, and to act accordingly. I reject that doctrine and I affirm that they have that right to do wrong in the sphere of politics, if they wish to exercise it. Though all my instincts are to vote against the motion to appoint Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach and though I am convinced that his election is a great disservice to the interests of the nation, a higher principle is at stake and that is the right of the Irish people to do what they please in the sphere of politics.

In this election, the Irish people have clearly chosen the worst candidate in the country for Taoiseach. Very well, they have chosen him. I do not challenge their right to make that choice and I will not vote against it. If we had, by a combination of all the other Deputies, a majority of one, I would exhort that majority to join with me in putting out Deputy de Valera; but inasmuch as he has a clear majority, put there by the Irish people, who have the right to do wrong if they wish, I will not, by my vote, challenge their decision in that matter. I deplore it, I regret it and I foresee great and lamentable consequences for this country as a result of that choice; but our job is to accept the decision and to do what we can to make its consequences as little disastrous as we can. It is not in our power to alter that decision and, inasmuch as it is the decision of the Irish people, I will not oppose it by my vote.

In abstaining from voting on this motion, I do not want a shadow of doubt to be on the minds of anyone in my constituency or in this House that I detest the prospect of Deputy de Valera being appointed Taoiseach. Anything I could do to prevent it, prior to the election, I did; and if there were a majority of one on the Opposition Benches, I would do everything I could to prevent his election. My abstention from voting is in no sense any kind of assent to the proposition that he is the proper person to elect. My abstention is due to one thing only: the supreme principle I desire to vindicate is that the Irish people have the right to do wrong if they wish. They have done so this time and I will do nothing, in this House or outside it, to challenge that sovereign right, for which so many generations of Irishmen fought so hard.

I regret that on this occasion there should be any opposition to the nation's wish to the appointment of Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach. This year, above all other times, the Taoiseach will be dependent on the support of all sections of this House and should receive that support in the grave situation with which this country may be confronted in regard to external affairs. For that reason we, as a small Party—but representing a large section of the people—are prepared to go into the Lobby and vote for the people's choice of Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach of the Irish nation.

I disagree with the Fianna Fáil policy, but this is not the time to criticise it. There will be an opportunity on another occasion to fight and protest against the low wages Order. There will be opportunities to protest against many of the things I believe should be protested against, in the interests of the people I represent; but this is not the occasion to draw in a red herring. We do not know what is happening now in other parts of the world or what may happen, and we may want the support of all sections of the community. The people have decided, in a free election, where it wishes to place the power. I did my part in pointing out the faults of the Fianna Fáil Party, but the people have decided in their favour and I am prepared to accept the people's choice and opinion. I believe we are interpreting the people's wishes by voting for Deputy de Valera as Taoiseach.

I do not propose to refer to Fianna Fáil policy, as did Deputy Norton and Deputy Donnellan. I am quite confident that I am going to be here for five years to refer to that policy, so there is very little use in occupying the time of the House by referring to it to-day. The question before the House at the moment is the proposition by Deputy Kennedy, seconded by Deputy O'Sullivan, that Deputy Eamon de Valera be elected Taoiseach. Deputy Mulcahy has opposed that. Deputy Dillon says that if his vote could prevent Deputy de Valera from being Taoiseach, he would put him out. If we vote against Deputy de Valera, where will we find a better man to vote for? I know that he is wrong, as wrong as could be, but where is there a better? I would not vote for him, nor would I dream of voting for Deputy Mulcahy as Taoiseach. I would not vote for Deputy Dillon, Deputy Donnellan or Deputy Norton, nor would I take the position myself. It does not matter one iota to the people on top of the Slieve Bloom mountains or on Clonsast Bog, who put me in, whether Deputy de Valera is Taoiseach or not. It does not matter to this House, nor does it matter to the nation, who is Taoiseach. There is going to be a continuance of poverty, debt, emigration, low wages, starvation and destitution, no matter who is Taoiseach under this administration.

I assume that, as Deputy de Valera has 76 men behind him, he will be chosen by them. He need not thank Leix-Offaly for that 76, as they gave me 10,000 votes to come up here to ballyrag him every time I can, although Deputy de Valera himself came down to Leix-Offaly and plotted to undermine my position and have my seat taken from me. He even came to my own town to use his influence, but he failed and I was elected.

As far as I am concerned, if Deputy de Valera is elected as Taoiseach, my words will come to pass at the end of this term of five years, the same as they came to pass at the end of the Eleventh Dáil. At the opening of the last Dáil, I said that that Dáil would fail to fulfil its obligations to the Irish people. That has been so. I am not a prophet, but I am going to prophesy that the Twelfth Dáil will fail no matter who is Taoiseach. If Deputy de Valera is elected to that post, he will have to bend the knee to Sir John Keane and the banks.

The Deputy last year attempted to discuss monetary reform on a similar occasion. He was then told it was not in order. That is still true.

I do not wish to do so now. I am just pointing out, with all respect to the Chair, how powerless the Taoiseach is.

The Deputy may not, with or without respect to the Chair, discuss monetary reform or the power of the banks.

In conclusion, I may as well say that I am not going to vote against him, nor will I vote for him. I find it impossible to support him and there is no better man to vote for; therefore I will not vote at all. I have explained my views here and also to the labouring men in my constituency who have heard the Fianna Fáil policy preached during the election. There are high rates and taxes and the cost of living has gone up by leaps and bounds, while wages are going up with the speed of a snail. That is what we have as Fianna Fáil policy and, so far as I am aware, there is no plan. Their only plan in Leix-Offaly was the plan to put Deputy Flanagan out, but that failed. They had nothing constructive to put before the people and they got their answer in Leix-Offaly.

I am quite certain, with respect to the Chair, that it is all the same who is Taoiseach. Let us do our best to get something done for the people, to raise their standard of living and to make Ireland a land where our people will have happiness and comfort. As far as the Taoiseach is concerned, I do not care who he is, as it is not going to make the least difference.

Whatever case was made, or could have been made, justifiably, last year for the election of someone other than Deputy de Valera to the position of Taoiseach, I do not see on this occasion that any argument can justifiably be made for refusing his nomination. Undoubtedly, the people have expressed in no uncertain way their desire, at this juncture, to elect Deputy de Valera and his Party. The verdict given was an unmistakable one and Parties or individuals here who would attempt to interpret the decision of the electorate otherwise would not be acting justly, nor would they be interpreting the feelings of the people they purport to represent here.

There may be, as a result of the election, a danger that the Fianna Fáil Party may take the verdict given by the people last week as indicating approval of their general policy. I may say, speaking as an Independent, that the verdict given for the Fianna Fáil Party was strong and undeniable and it confirms the desire that Fianna Fáil should continue as a Government, but I suggest that verdict was given for reasons other than approval of the general policy of Fianna Fáil. I am not suggesting that the members of the Fianna Fáil Party are not in as close touch with the needs of the country as I am, but I suggest that there are many of them who do not understand the position as well as I do and I believe it would be a serious mistake if the Government Party were to accept the verdict given last week as indicating approval of their economic policy generally. It did not. I suggest that considerable reform will be necessary and very serious attention will be required from the Government in order to deal with the reasonable requirements of the country.

I am sorry to find, in connection with this motion, that a degree of bitterness has been expressed from some sections of the House. I think the time has come when the people will not be prepared to tolerate any criticism that has for its object merely the discrediting of opponents. We have seen that sort of thing practised in many elections. Smart action that may, in the opinion of members of a Party, be serviceable to them in the event of an appeal to the country, has on occasions brought results that were not very beneficial for those concerned. The desire of the people is that their representatives, regardless of Party, should interest themselves in submitting serious suggestions for the betterment of the community. If debates and criticism were carried out in this House on those lines, much better results might accrue and greater rewards might come from the people during general elections.

I trust that, in their strength, the Government Party will listen with as much earnestness to the depleted Parties—some of them are depleted now as compared with their position after the 1943 election—and consider their arguments with as much seriousness as if their position was much more powerful. Speaking as an Independent, I hope that the suggestions put forward by myself and by others similarly situated will receive as much attention from the Government as if we were appealing for Parties just as powerful as some other Parties in this House. I was hoping—but it appears that it will not now occur—that the motion to reelect Deputy de Valera as An Taoiseach would have unanimous approval.

I desire to endorse most of what Deputy Maguire has said. His contributions in this House are always to the point, very rarely out of order, and usually of a constructive character. I also had hopes that this Vote would go through unanimously, that there would not be a division, but when I heard that another candidate was to be proposed, or rather that the re-election of Deputy de Valera was to be opposed, I felt that the opposition might be expressed in the speeches of the Leaders of the different Parties in the Dáil, mainly the Fine Gael Party, the two sections of the Labour Party and the Farmers' Party, with possibly one speaker from the Independent Benches. I never anticipated that we would have such a spate of oratory as we have had on this occasion.

I really think too much has been made out of what may be thought elsewhere over the opposition to the re-election of An Taoiseach to-day. Too much stress has been laid on what foreign opinion will be on this action of ours. That is the sort of thing that I think Deputies should get out of their minds as quickly as possible. The fact of the matter is that foreign Powers do not give two hoots about what we do here. We have been trying to make ourselves a lot more important than we are. I think the nation has shown that we are 100 per cent. behind An Taoiseach when we are faced with a serious problem such as that of defence. He had the support of all Parties in his attitude on that matter. But he was not the only person in this House who was instrumental in putting us in the position that we could say "No" to the British and the Americans or any other Government. What enabled us to do that was the Statute of Westminster, as is well known. I am not going to deal with that matter now.

I think that some people are laying too much stress on the ill-effects of opposition to the re-election of Deputy de Valera on this occasion—to the effect it will have, particularly, on foreign opinion. We are really taking ourselves too seriously. Everybody knows —people in foreign countries included —that there are 76 Deputies on the Government side and 62 Deputies on the Opposition Benches. Surely foreign opinion is not so unenlightened that it does not know that? This is my attitude in relation to this proposal. Deputy Mulcahy, the Leader of the principal Opposition Party, and Deputy Norton gave expression to views which I hold very strongly. At the same time I feel it would be more effective for all Parties in the Dáil to vote for the re-election of An Taoiseach, to keep him in his present position. Anyway, he will remain as Taoiseach in spite of all our opposition. But, as an Independent Deputy, I am not going to absent myself from voting. I declare that I will vote for Deputy Eamon de Valera as Taoiseach.

I would like, perhaps, to be in the position to follow Deputy Anthony into the Division Lobby to support the re-election of the Taoiseach, but there are, however, some very definite reasons why I could not adopt that attitude. It was made quite clear, in the course of the election campaign by myself and other members of this Party, that we do not believe in, and do not approve, the system of one-Party Government. All during the emergency we have made it clear that we consider it is the duty of all Parties to co-operate in the carrying on of the government of the country, and since that is the duty of all Parties, it is the duty of the head of the Government to invite all Parties to co-operate with him in that essential task.

Now the Taoiseach has had a long and distinguished career in this country. His career has been crowded with much achievement and with much good fortune and I think it would be the crowning act of that career if he were to avail of this opportunity to heal the old sores which have existed in this country since the establishment of the State by inviting prominent members of the Opposition Parties into the Government and thus giving the Government a more representative character. If the Taoiseach or his Party during the election, or at any time, had declared their intention of so doing, I would have been very enthusiastic in supporting the election of Deputy de Valera to the position of Taoiseach. Because, however, it is apparently the intention of Deputy de Valera and the Fianna Fáil Party to adhere to the narrow Party system of government, to exploit every difficulty and every emergency for the advancement of Party, because they are determined to advance along those narrow lines, I cannot support the nomination of Deputy de Valera.

I am glad that Deputy Dillon to-day has seen the wisdom of adopting the same course which we adopted last year, that is, of realising that it is not possible at the moment to form an alternative Government and, realising that, of offering no opposition to the nomination of the Taoiseach. We cannot, however, support that nomination. We cannot support it because of the policy that was pursued in regard to agriculture during the past year, a policy which it is foreshadowed will be pursued during the coming year. We cannot support Deputy de Valera's nomination because of the manner in which the national emergency and difficulty was exploited in order to gain support for the Fianna Fáil Party.

Just a few months ago, when a Note was presented to this country by the American Government, I met a member of the Fianna Fáil Party and he told me: "The only thing we want now is a general election and Deputy de Valera will sweep the country." That was the first plain hint I got that the Fianna Fáil Party were going to cash in on the Cordell Hull note. They have cashed in on that Note and reaped some advantage from it and they are welcome to it. One thing they have to do now is to undo some of the harm they did to this country's national interests during the election. During the election the Fianna Fáil Party preached throughout the length and breadth of the country that the nation was in serious danger of attack when the American Note was presented to it.

It is not permissible to refight the election in this House.

I have no such intention. I want to make a very urgent appeal to the Fianna Fáil Party, and to Deputy de Valera in particular, to undo that harm by seeking to re-establish good relations with the nations which were thereby slandered by being accused of attempting to make an attack on this country.

The question is, that Deputy de Valera be nominated as Taoiseach. If the Deputy has any ministerial statement of policy which he would like to advance against that, he may do so, but not quote what every supporter of Fianna Fáil may have stated during the election.

I quite agree that, in the main, Deputy de Valera abstained from using the type of propaganda which was used by Deputy MacEntee and other Ministers—that this country was in danger of attack from the United Nations and that only Deputy de Valera could defend the nation. As that propaganda was used, there is an opportunity now to rectify the matter by publicly declaring—and we want that declaration to come from the man who is being proposed as head of the Government—that there never was at any time any threat to the neutrality of this country from the United Nations. We want to see him making every attempt to preserve, maintain, and extend good relations between this country and the neighbouring State.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 81; Níl, 37.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Anthony, Richard S.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Martin.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Fred H.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • de Valera, Eamon.
  • Dwyer, William.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O Cléirigh, Mícheál.
  • O'Connor, John S.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Skinner, Leo B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl

  • Bennett, George C.
  • Broderick, William J.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Burke, Patrick (Clare).
  • Coburn, James.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • Norton, William.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.

The gallery is packed as usual.

They came specially to hear your good manners.

Aithníonn ciaróg ciaróg eile.

Ba mhaith liom fíorbhuíochas a chur in iúl don Dáil as ucht mé d'ainmiú mar Thaoiseach. Is eol do chuile dhuine nach éadtrom cúramaí na hoifige na laetheannta so ach déanfad mo dhícheall mo dhualgaisí do chomhlíonadh mar ba chóir, agus iarraim ar na Teachtaí go léir, ó gach dream atá sa Dáil annso, cúnamh a thabhairt dom. Ba mhian linn i gcomhnaí comh-oibriú leis na páirtithe eile chomh fada agus is féidir. Tá fhios ag chuile dhuine nach é an tuairim chéanna atá againn go Iéir i dtaobh a lán rudaí ach, buíochas le Dia, go bhfuilimid ar aon tuairim i dtaobh cuid des na rudaí is tábhachtaí agus isé mo thuairim go leanfaidh sé mar sin ar feadh an téarma atá le teacht. Ní dhéanfad aon tagairt do na rudaí a dúradh nuair a bhí an díospóireacht ar siúl. Caithfidh mé dul agus a chur in iúl don Uachtarán go bhfuil mé ainmnithe agus, mar sin, ní mór dom a mholadh go ndéanfar sos ar obair na Dála go dtí 5.45 a chlog. Sílim go mbeinn i ndon an turas a dhéanamh taobh istigh den am sin.

Téann tú go tapaidh i gcomhnaí nuair atá tú ag dul suas go dtí an teach sin.

Business suspended at 4.45 p.m. and resumed at 5.45 p.m.

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