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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 13 Feb 1946

Vol. 99 No. 7

Committee on Finance. - Local Government Bill, 1945—Committee (resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment.
31a. To delete sub-section (1) and substitute the following subsections:—
(1) If, at any time after the rate in the pound of the rate for a local financial year has been determined by a rating authority, it appears to the Minister that such rate at such rate in the pound is likely to be insufficient to meet the part defrayable out of rates of the expenses to be incurred by the rating authority in that financial year in— (a) maintaining at a reasonable standard the public services for the maintenance of which the rating authority is responsible, and
(b) paying to any other body any sums which the rating authority are bound to supply to that body,
the Minister, after holding a local inquiry into the sufficiency of such rate, may require the rating authority either to revoke such determination and determine a new rate in the pound for such rate or (if by reason of any steps already taken for the making, levying or collecting of such rate, such a course is more convenient) determine a rate in the pound of a supplementary rate for that local financial year.
(2) Within fourteen days after the date of the receipt by the secretary or clerk of a rating authority of notification that a requirement has been made under sub-section (1) of this section, the rating authority shall comply with such requirement.
(3) Where a rating authority determine pursuant to a requirement under sub-section (1) of this section a rate in the pound of a supplementary rate, it shall be the duty of the rating authority to make, levy, collect and recover such supplementary rate.
(4) Where a rating authority in relation to whom a requirement is made under sub-section (1) of this section determine and make pursuant to the direction either—
(a) a new rate in the pound of a rate, or
(b) a rate in the pound of a supplementary rate,
which in the opinion of the Minister is insufficient, the Minister may by Order remove from office the members of the rating authority.
(5) For the purposes of Part IV of the Act of 1941, an Order under sub-section (4) of this section shall be deemed to be an Order under Section 44 of that Act, and the removal from office of the members of the rating authority concerned shall be deemed to be a removal from office under that section.
(6) Where a person or persons has or have been appointed under Part IV of the Act of 1941 to be a commissioner or commissioners for a rating authority whose members have been removed from office, such person or persons may revoke any determination by the rating authority of a rate in the pound of a rate for the current or the next local financial year as had been made before his or their appointment (whether it is the first determination of a rate in the pound, the determination of the rate in the pound of a new rate or the determination of the rate in the pound of a supplementary rate) and may determine the rate in the pound of such rate as if no earlier determination had been made, or may determine a rate in the pound of a supplementary rate for such local financial year, and make, levy, collect and recover such supplementary rate."—(Aire Rialtais Aitiúil agus Sláinte Poiblí.)

Anybody who has been at all conversant with local government for the last few years must have known that whatever administrative powers local bodies possessed—and they were practically nil—they were stripped of practically every power they possessed in the last seven or eight years. There were, however, some people who held the erroneous belief that there still remained to these bodies the power of striking a rate and of making provision for what they deemed necessary in local expenditure. Whatever shadow of doubt anybody had in that respect must have been removed by this amendment. One wonders why the Minister thought it necessary to bring in the amendment. He had already power to dissolve local authorities if they hesitated or refused to strike a rate. He had power even to remove a manager if he stood out against the Minister, but seemingly neither of these powers sufficed. In a recent speech, or lecture, in the Mansion House, the Minister himself said that the county system was inequitable, and that new administrative territories would have to be devised. This new administrative territory that is to be devised is the Minister's office in the Custom House. In future, all Orders and regulations relating to the financing and proceedings of local bodies will be issued by the Minister from his office in the Custom House. In the same speech, the Minister made the remarkable statement that we had a superstructure of local administration as democratic and progressive as any in the world, but the foundations were unsound. The Minister's remedy for this is to throw an atomic bomb into the foundations and blow the foundations, structure and all, sky high.

Practically all the arguments that could have been directed against this amendment were made in the course of the debate on the last day, but to me one apparent reason for the introduction of the amendment seems to be that the Minister is afraid that local bodies all over the country, and managers as well, will rise against the Minister on this question of the financing of local bodies. The Minister was afraid of that himself because in the speech to which I have already referred he expressed the opinion that local authorities would find difficulty in discharging their present responsibilities under the law, not to speak of any additional services which the public might be expected to demand. I suppose one could interpret that as meaning any additional services the Minister might demand because there has been gradually, from day to day, a number of services inflicted on local bodies which they might reasonably expect would not be a charge on local rates. The tendency gradually has been to divert from central funds to local funds charges that should really be met out of the national taxation. One can envisage that in the near future, when there is a general public demand for a reduction of taxation in the country, the Government through the Minister for Local Government and Public Health are going to pass on to local bodies the financing of services which should really be made the subject of a national charge.

I think every Deputy who has any sense of responsibility will resist this amendment. No case could possibly be made for the amendment. The Minister did not make a case for it, and I suppose he cannot make a case when he gets up to reply. The Minister in his own flowery language, employing the high-sounding phraseology of which he is capable, in that speech to which I have referred, spoke of the foundations and fundamental ideas of local government. I should like the Minister to give the House his real conception of what local government should be, whether it is to be a system directed, as the Minister seems to think it should be, from a central office in Dublin or whether local government rather should not be, as the name implies, a system under which local bodies will have some real power to control finance or do anything they consider necessary in the interests of the ratepayers. While we all recognised that local government in this country was dying, it seems to me beyond yea or nay, that this amendment has killed and buried it.

If the Government and the Minister were honest, they would get rid of the codology and come before the people and say: "In future we are going to run and to finance all services in this country, whether local or national services, through the central authority— the Government—in Dublin." Now, people might not like it, but at least they would know where they stood, and would know where to place the blame for anything that might go wrong in the country. No possible case can be made for this amendment, and I think that every decent Deputy should vote against it. Mind you, some of the Deputies on the Government Benches have spoken very strongly against the amendment, and I hope that all these Deputies, whether on the Government Benches, these benches, or any other benches, will have the courage of their convictions and vote against it, because I am quite sure that there is not a Deputy in this House who is not satisfied that the Minister, in asking us to pass this amendment, is attempting to inflict a grave injustice on this country.

There is one point, Sir, that I think nobody has yet made in connection with this amendment. This, so far as I know, is the first time that an attempt has been made by a Minister for Local Government and Public Health to impose a heavy fine on individual members of a local authority who refuse to do what he orders them to do. Heretofore, the only sanction the Minister sought against members of a local body, if they were not prepared to fall in with his views, was to dissolve the local body and deprive them of membership, but I suggest that this proposes to impose on individual members of a county council a fine which might very well cripple a small farmer who had undertaken the duties of a county councillor. Sub-section (1) authorises the Minister

"after holding a local inquiry into the sufficiency of a rate, to require the rating authority either to revoke such determination and determine a new rate in the pound for such rate or (if by reason of any steps already taken for the making, levying or collecting of such rate, such a course is more convenient) determine a rate in the pound of a supplementary rate for that local financial year."

So the Minister may stipulate the new rate which has to be made and which, in his opinion, is sufficient. Now sub-section (2) says:

"Within 14 days after the date of the receipt by the secretary or clerk of a rating authority of notification that a requirement has been made under sub-section (1) of this section, the rating authority shall comply with such requirement."

Now, there are several alternative courses left open to the Minister if the rating authority makes an insufficient additional assessment. Supposing that the rating authority sit back and say: "We differ from the Minister. We conscientiously believe that no such rate should be struck at all, and we refuse to comply with his requirement under sub-section (1)", is it not open to him under sub-section (2) to start mandamus proceedings and compel them to do what he asks them? And if he does so start mandamus proceedings and the members of the authority believe themselves to be right and resist in the course of a High Court action, is it not open to him to recover from them and get back from them the cost of whatever resulted from their original refusal to comply with his requirements? I think that that is quite clear. What small farmer in this country can in future offer himself for election to a county council if he finds himself faced with this dilemma: that having secured the suffrages of his fellow-ratepayers and having given a solemn undertaking to act on that body and do his duty as he sees it, he now knows that, pursuant to that declaration, the fulfilment of it may involve him in expenses calculated to cripple himself and beggar his family? In future, the only candidates for a local authority must be men who will go on a county council with the mental reservation that they will do their duty up to the point where the Minister makes an Order under sub-section (1) of this section, and that thereafter they will comply with the Minister's directions whether they agree with them or not.

Now, some Deputies may feel that whatever the expenses of mandamus proceedings might be, when spread over all the members of a county council they could not constitute a very heavy expense on any man, but I think it is open to the auditor of a council to impose the penalty on an individual county councillor, who voted against the surcharge, and to exempt the others who did not vote against it. Is there any other occasion on which a Minister for Local Government and Public Health has sought power, not only to determine the existence of a local authority, but to impose a heavy fine on the individual members of it, who are doing what they conscientiously believe to be their duty? I know of no other case heretofore.

Where a surcharge was due even to manifest misfeasance on the part of members of a local body, where the Minister was satisfied that the misfeasance was due to a mistake and because the members did not understand the issue, he could waive the surcharge. Here, however, the Minister envisages a case of his being in conflict with men on a local authority who clearly understand the issue, who cannot possibly claim subsequently that they did not appreciate the nature of what they were about to do, and who must accept the responsibility of mandamus proceedings and the subsequent surcharge liability. What malignance inspires the Minister to seek that kind of penal power against persons who, remember, are almost the last class of persons in the public life of this country who undertake to do their work for nothing? County councillors are now practically the only people in this country who stand for elective office and undertake to do the work of that office without any pay or allowance, good, bad or indifferent. Even as we are whittling down the powers of these local authorities, so we have made it more and more difficult to get the right type of men to offer themselves for election. If, in addition to the other obstacles we have put in the way of really good men, we are now to add the Sword of Damocles in the way of a heavy fine of this kind, should they find themselves in conflict with the Minister for Local Government, can you imagine any prudent man taking that risk? If any 10-acre or 15-acre farmer came to the Minister for Local Government in his personal capacity to-morrow, directed his attention to this proposed insertion in the Local Government Bill and said: "Having a wife and family, would you consider that I would be justified in taking the risk of going on a county council when I honestly believe that the present rate burden is too heavy, and when I am quite convinced that at a very early date my friends and I are virtually certain to come in conflict with the county manager as to the gross rate which it is legitimate to call upon the ratepayers to pay?" Would it not be only right for the Minister to say to that man: "Well, then, in my opinion, it would not be right for you to go on the council, because a possible consequence of your doing so might be having to face a fine of £70 or £80 to cover the cost of mandamus proceedings resulting from your doing your duty".

That may sound a fantastic picture, but in fact it is merely a description of what took place very recently in this country. Everyone in County Roscommon knew that, when Clann na Talmhan claimed to get control of the Roscommon County Council, one of their principal objectives was to bring down the rates and that they proposed to fix upon a global sum and say to the Roscommon County Manager: "You have got to bring your services within that sum." With certain limitations, the attitude of the men constituting that organisation was that they left it to the discretion of the county manager to make his economies where he thought they would work least hardship on the community as a whole. Of course, immediately they found themselves in collision with the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, who took the view that the economies which they demanded would represent too severe an inroad on the appropriation for the maintenance of roads in County Roscommon. He pointed that out to them. I knew most of the men on the Roscommon County Council and, whether they were right or whether they were wrong, they believed they were all acting in good faith. They believed that they had a duty to resist an increase in the rates and they believed that that duty was made more binding than it would be ordinarily by their express undertaking to the voters that, if elected, they would insist on a reduction in the rates. Therefore, when the Minister's remonstrance reached them they calmly and deliberately informed him that they believed it was their duty to reaffirm their original decision and the council was then dissolved and a commissioner put in.

Had this section been in operation, the Minister could have addressed a requisition to them to strike a supplementary rate. If the members of Clann na Talmhan on the Roscommon County Council had replied: "We cannot conscientiously do that," under sub-section (2) the Minister could start mandamus proceedings. There are at least two men on that council whom I believe the cost of the mandamus proceedings would have put into bankruptcy. They were poor, hard-working men who could not contemplate such an expense. Does the House want to give the Custom House, for that is what it means, power to blackmail local representatives into either doing what they are told to do or suffering a heavy financial penalty which they feel their family responsibilities will not permit of? It is quite unprecedented, and I would be glad to hear from the Minister whether that is his intention.

This section, in my opinion, would be bad enough if it merely provided for the sanction that, if the council did not do what the Minister required them to do, under sub-section (1) the Minister was free to dissolve the council. It is utterly intolerable if it includes the addition that, without abolishing the council, the Minister can place an insupportable financial burden on the individual members who believe it to be their conscientious duty to differ from him.

Deputies O'Rourke and Allen of the Fianna Fáil Party have declared that this section is one which they could not conscientiously recommend to their supporters. But they will vote for it. Otherwise all they can do is trot downstairs and sit down at the foot of the stairs and not vote at all. I suppose if you depend for your political existence on hanging on to the tailboard of a political band-wagon, you have to resort to these kinds of expedients. But it seems rather humiliating to the Minister to see his own supporters being dragged by the hair into the Division Lobby after him, knowing that they are violating their own conscience in submitting to the Party Whip. The evidence of that alone ought to be enough to make the Minister think twice. When you have to resort to the deplorable expedient of publicly flogging your own supporters into the Lobby, Parliamentary deliberation has been brought to a very low level.

I suggest to the Minister that the powers which he has at present are quite sufficient to meet the unlikely contingency of a local authority which wishes to conspire within itself for the destruction of the services of its own county. I suppose it is conceivable that a county council or a corporation might try to take steps to destroy its own local services. I do not think it is probable. But if that contingency arose, under the law as it stands the Minister can dissolve the local authority and put in a commissioner. Why does he want this alternative power? Why does he want to go for a mandamus? Why does he want this right vindictively to fine men who believe they have a conscientious duty and discharge it, unlike his own colleagues in this House who, believing they have a conscientious duty to vote against the Government in the Lobby, sublimate it and work it off at the foot of the stairs. I admire a councillor who did what he believed was right very much more than I could admire a Fianna Fáil T.D. who, seeing his duty, ran away from it.

It seems to me to be a strange standard to set for the country that we should legislate in this House by the procedure of bringing members of the Oireachtas to their feet to say: "Voting for this amendment would be a betrayal of my trust, but, inasmuch as I depend for my existence on the Party, I shall of course betray my trust if told to do so." I want to warn the Minister, who is about to drive them into that course, that he is forcing them to be guilty of a breach of trust. Surely an amendment that brings that situation about must be fundamentally wrong. I ask the Minister to tell us why he wants the additional power vindictively to fine men who do their duty.

The Deputy seems somewhat repetitive.

And fantastical.

I do not think so. I agree that it is a fantastic situation in which we have Fianna Fáil T.D.s voting for what they believe to be wrong. I agree that much of the legislation which Fianna Fáil sponsors in this House is fantastic. The fantasy is not my fault, but the fault of the Minister and his colleagues. I hope that some of the fantasy may now be abandoned by the Minister in view of the representations made from this side of the House.

I want to say, at the outset, that I do not think the Minister has made any case whatsoever for this amendment. Generally speaking, since local authorities were first established in this country, they have carried out the duties imposed upon them by law. During the emergency they have also carried out some extraordinary obligations placed upon them. The fact that they are to-day functioning and striking rates which have been increased by 46 per cent. since 1942 does not show any inclination on their part not to carry out the law as passed by this House. Taking his usual line, the Minister said that, if Deputies wished to see mental and other hospitals maintained and if they wished to see roads maintained, they must vote for this amendment. That is sheer, utter nonsense—and no one knows that better than the Minister. He knows that, not only have they struck rates adequate to maintain all the services over the last five or ten years, but in many counties they also had overdrafts running from £10,000 to £150,000 in the banks in order to keep the turf schemes going.

This extraordinary amendment, as it has been properly described, is brought in for one purpose alone—not that there is any fear on the Minister's part that local authorities will refuse to strike a rate to carry out their normal functions, but that he is afraid they will refuse to strike a rate to meet charges, which he is going to place on the local authorities, charges which were never intended to be placed on them. He is afraid that the local authorities will refuse to meet the very heavy charges which are going to be placed upon them, without their having any say in the matter except to strike the rate, under the Public Health Bill when it becomes law. May I ask the Minister if he would have it at the back of his mind that he might require an amendment such as this to compel the local authorities to pay out of the local rates all the losses incurred over the turf schemes during the last five or six years and for which at least an implied promise was given in this House?

There was nothing implied about it: there was a firm undertaking, provided that the turf was cut efficiently and not extravagantly.

Mr. Morrissey

Now, we will talk about how the turf was produced when we come to the Turf Bill and we hope to have something to say then about the efficiency and the extravagance in connection with the production and distribution of turf over the last five or six years. We may have something to say also about the Minister's estimate as to the rate at which he could produce turf in Clonsast at 10/6 a ton, and a few things like that. However, I want the Minister to say now that county councils which, in response to the Department's request to meet an emergency situation, took every step that was necessary to produce the turf and went to the banks for heavy overdrafts and paid interest on them, will not be saddled, if this amendment becomes law, with meeting the total amount. As to whether the turf was produced efficiently and not extravagantly, that did not lie altogether with the county council or even with the local officials. The Minister may know that certain directions and instructions as to how the turf should be produced, saved and transported were imposed from Dublin on local authorities.

The Minister said: "We must make certain that the financial conduct of the local authorities will be above criticism" and "We must see that they budget in the same way to meet their obligations as the Minister for Finance does here in Dáil Éireann." That came very well from a member of the Front Bench opposite, and particularly well from an ex-Minister for Finance, as neither he nor his successors have produced a balanced Budget in the last 13 years. We are told they must make sufficient provision when striking the rate, that there must be no heel-tapping; and we are told that on the very day that we have five Supplementary Estimates here on the Order Paper. Of course, the Minister brushed that aside in his speech and said that, in extraordinary circumstances during the emergency, on one or two occasions it was necessary to come to the House for extra money. I have some little knowledge of the work of local authorities and can say that, if anything, their financial conduct has been on a far higher plane than that of the people charged with the responsibility of looking after the finances in this House.

As has been said here, it is better to call a spade a spade, and the fact of the matter is that this amendment removes the last and only power left to local authorities. Deputies who are members of local authorities will recollect the appeal made by the present Minister for Local Government, before the last local elections, that the best people in the country should go forward for election, as he wanted the councils manned by the best men to be found. He went out of his way, at considerable trouble and expense, to prepare a special paper, which was circulated to every member and prospective member of a local authority, setting out clearly that they had powers and functions. Perhaps I am not putting it correctly when I say "setting out clearly." He tried, through the medium of that White Paper, to convince them that they had powers and functions they did not know they had. There are members of local authorities on both sides of the House, and we all know that up to now the only matter in which there was power at all worth talking about was in regard to what the Minister more than once described as the "power and control of the purse." That is being completely removed now. When the Minister has reason to believe that a local authority is not striking a rate adequate to discharge its obligations, he can order the holding of an inquiry —and we know, of course, what the holding of an inquiry under the present Minister means.

When the inquiry is held and the Minister is satisfied—and, mark you, there is nobody to be satisfied but the Minister, and we must presume that the findings of the inquiry will be dealt with in the same way as in connection with the Cork Street Committee—then the machinery is set going. It was bad enough to have the powers filched from the local authorities and given to a manager to operate, a manager with whom they had some contact and with whom they could argue and reason on the spot; but the Minister is taking this power from the local authority, not to transfer it to a manager, but to keep it to himself.

If his new section becomes law, in my opinion it will mark the end of local government and of local authorities in this country, because local authorities will cease to have any function. It will be merely a waste of time for men who are seriously concerned with local government to attend meetings, and I am afraid you will have local authorities consisting only of people who want to use a meeting for the sole purpose of getting their names into the local papers. They will have no power good, bad or indifferent, and it will mean the end of local government as we know it. It will mean that you will have a council with no authority, and the manager completely under the thumb and at the mercy of the Department.

Why talk, as the Minister talked recently, about democracy in this country? It is the very negation of all democracy; it is sheer dictation—the Minister dictating to the local authority. It is the Minister who will determine the rate in the future, not the local authority. And the Minister can not only dictate the striking of the rate to the local authority—I am speaking about the local authority in the sense of the personnel of a county council or a borough council, as the case may be—but he can dictate the making of the estimates which the manager should prepare. If the manager, with his local knowledge, prepares the estimates and calculates the rate and submits it to the county council, and if the county council passes that rate or reduces it, the person who will finally decide whether or not that rate is sufficient is the Minister.

I believe the amendment is introduced, not because the Minister has the slightest fear of local authorities refusing to carry out their normal obligations, the obligations which fall to be carried out by a local authority; the amendment is introduced with an eye to the future. It means that the Government will expand their policy of shifting to the local authorities the financial responsibility for schemes introduced here, which should be financed out of national taxation. There is no question about that. Remember, those schemes will be foisted on the local authorities without their having any say in the matter.

It is the Minister who will determine under the public health legislation what expenditure the local authorities shall have to undergo. It is the Minister who will determine what they will have to provide under the terms of that legislation. The Minister is taking good care in this amendment that they will not have any say in the matter, and that they cannot stop him merely by refusing to strike a rate to meet obligations which they conscientiously believe should not have been placed upon them.

I must confess that I would be surprised if the Houses pass this amendment. I do not take the view exactly of Deputy O'Rourke or Deputy Allen that has been taken by other members of this House. I think those Deputies are to be commended for having the courage to express their views and to give the Minister the warning which they gave, arising out of their long experience as members of local authorities. Those of us who are members of Parties recognise that there are certain obligations to Parties. There are times when it is for a Deputy to decide whether a matter is of sufficient importance for him to put it before his Party. I look upon it as a healthy sign that members of the Government Party should express their disapproval of the Minister's amendment, whether they vote for or against the amendment. I would welcome it still more if other members of the Party opposite gave expression to the views which they honestly hold and which arise out of their long experience of the working of local authorities.

Let it be quite clear that there is no use in the Minister talking inside or outside this House about local government if and when this amendment becomes law, because local government will no longer exist except in name; it will be only a sham and no person in this country interested in local or national government, with any shred of self-respect, would allow his name to go forward as a member of a local authority once this becomes law.

I ask the Minister to think very seriously whether it is worth it. He has got evidence, just the same as the Government and members of the House, that local authorities have never yet refused to face up to any responsibility placed upon them to provide whatever money was necessary, and the fact that every local authority to-day is operating a rate that is sufficient to produce a sum 46 per cent. in excess of the sum that had to be produced by the ratepayers before the present Government came into power ought to be ample proof of that.

I could, under certain circumstances, be sympathetic with the Minister's viewpoint in relation to this amendment because I suppose, in company with other members of the House, I have been anxious at all times to see the provision for social services and various benefits for the masses of the people on a much higher level than we now provide. But I can foresee, in the course of time, that in certain localities the local authorities may have objections to the imposition of a particular burden on the ratepayers. I can, although it is somewhat doubtful at the moment, picture a situation when the Minister, and indeed the whole Fianna Fáil Administration, might be more progressive in their social outlook than a local authority. It might be felt that the local authority was not discharging its duties in relation to providing certain essential services and that power should be taken to see that the local authority would meet its obligations. The line of development that we see opening out under this amendment is, in my opinion, one that will not be helpful to the Government or to the Oireachtas in trying to bring into existence not only improved social services, but a new and more businesslike code of local government and a higher sense of responsibility on the part of those constituting the local authorities.

What the Minister said during his contribution to the debate on the previous day is quite true—that this House is the supreme authority and that we, in our wisdom or lack of wisdom, at times impose by law certain obligations on local authorities in regard to services which we have decided are essential. At the same time, we should realise that we have within our community two interlocking machines, if you like—one based on national representation and having its embodiment in this House, and the other on local representation, having its embodiment in the local authority. Unless we find ways and means of getting these two machines to work harmoniously together, it seems to me that the whole future which we are trying to envisage for the people will be somewhat difficult to realise.

We have during recent months passed a number of important measures which will affect the whole sphere of local government. We have brought into law the Mental Treatment Act, which many members said was a credit to the Ministry responsible for its introduction, and have opened up a new field and a new approach to this problem, but that Act will, of necessity, impose certain financial burdens on the ratepayers which will have to be considered and embodied in the form of rates by the local authorities. We are about to approach the debate on the Public Health Bill, a Bill which, in its general tendency, is to be welcomed, but which again will possibly impose additional financial burdens on local ratepayers. Is it not clear that one of the most essential factors in respect of both these pieces of legislation, and factors which are even more essential if we are to develop the whole field of social services, is that we should find a basis on which we can secure the co-operation and willing help of the local authorities? Surely the approach shown in this amendment will not be helpful in producing that co-operative spirit.

We have always taken the view that those who are taxed, either by way of State taxation or local rates, are entitled to representation and to control of the moneys they contribute, and it seems to me to be illogical to argue that, merely because we are the national Legislature and because we impose the State taxes, what we say should, in all spheres of social and communal activity, be overriding and should deny to local people any effective control or limitation of the moneys they have raised and their expenditure. That is what we are setting down in this amendment. Behind all the legal phrases, the position is as referred to by Deputy Morrissey, that the only safeguard which the local ratepayers and their representatives had under the managerial system, the power to hold the purse strings and to determine the rates is being taken away. While we are apparently leaving them that power, in substance and in fact, we are taking it away from them.

It may be argued by the Minister, as it has repeatedly been argued on questions of this kind which came before the House, that it is wrong of us always to impute evil intentions to the Minister, that we should take it for granted that when powers of this character are taken by the Government, the intention is to use them for good and not in any arbitrary fashion; but there is a situation developing already in which, whether the Minister or the Government likes it or not, there is a growing volume of opinion, especially in the sphere of local government, that those who wish to enter that sphere and to take up membership of local authorities will be entering a field which is very largely circumscribed and limited by the powers which now lie to the hand of the Minister, or of the county or city manager, and, in the final resort, the powers in the hands of the commissioners who may be appointed by the Minister. Because of that, I think it is not incorrect to say that many men and women with a deep interest in public affairs feel that it is to a large extent a waste of effort on their part to devote their time and attention to the welfare of the local community.

Whether that is correct or not is not the important thing. The important thing is whether that opinion does exist, and the very fact that various forms of friction have developed between local authorities and the Department is indicative of the fact that it does exist, and it seems to me that, at a time like this, when I consider it the main duty of the Ministry to secure the widest and most extended form of co-operation from local authorities, any effort the Minister might make towards codifying or improving the system of local government should be in the direction of getting rid of that state of mind which is prevalent in the country to-day, and of inducing in the minds of local authorities an understanding and an appreciation that not only is their co-operation desired but the exercise of their initiative and their responsibility for local affairs will be developed and strengthened as far as possible. I cannot see that happening on the basis of this amendment.

It is quite clear that we have reached a point where, in so far as control of local rates is concerned, the final power is taken from local representatives. It may be argued by the Minister that his action is subject to the findings of a local inquiry. It is scarcely necessary to go into the circumstances surrounding recent local inquiries. The very fact that the local inquiry is conducted by an inspector of his own Department seems to me clearly to limit its effectiveness. Secondly, the whole force of the Department is available to the Minister, acting through that inquiry, to secure and maintain his point of view, if he has already decided on a point of view, in relation to the particular local rate which is in question. Against that, there is merely the ability of a group of local ratepayers constituting the local authority to express and maintain their case not only against the Minister and the inspector but against the whole machinery of the Department, which can be very effective.

In certain circumstances, I would not only extend to the Minister certain of the powers he seeks to take but would be even eager to give them to him, if it were a question of the Minister's taking power to maintain certain defined essential services and if limitations were imposed on the powers to be given. I entirely agree with the Minister that if a local authority adopts an obstructionist attitude and will not provide a rate sufficient to give suitable sanitation, water supplies and house services, there should be power somewhere in the machinery of the State to protect the local inhabitants and to maintain such essential services; but there is a whole field of local expenditure in which there is room for differences of opinion between the Minister and the local authorities, between the national Legislature and the local authority, which is given expression to in many of the Acts we have passed here, in which certain powers are left to a local authority to decide whether or not they will provide a certain service.

Even where mandatory powers are given to the Minister and obligations placed on the local authority to provide new or extended services, there is still the possibility of a difference of opinion as to the quality and quantity of these services. They may be asked to provide, in relation to the Mental Treatment Act, certain local clinics, certain improved laboratory facilities for the treatment of mental disease, and there can be very definite and sincere differences of viewpoint. But, regardless of how sincere or how justifiable the action of a local authority may be with regard to the sums they decide to allocate, we in this amendment are still asked to give an overriding authority to the Minister to enforce his interpretation on this issue.

That seems to me to go beyond the bounds of reason. It may be argued that it is necessary in order to ensure the continuity of essential services. I believe that if the Minister were to reconsider the amendment in the light of trying to keep alive and foster ordinary democratic opinion in this country, on the basis of democratic government, as well as the interest of local ratepayers in their system of local government, while, possibly, at the same time, retaining to himself certain final powers to be used in an emergency, so as to guarantee the continuance of certain defined essential services, subject, of course, to very definite limitations, there would be the possibility of getting an appreciation of his point of view. Instead, we have the wide stretch of the Minister's hand which we find embodied in the amendment. That is a matter of very grave concern to those of us who are concerned, not merely in the efficient discharge of their duties by the members of local authorities, so far as the striking of the rate is concerned, the carrying out of their definite obligations, and the continuance of the general services provided for the community, but with the much bigger problem of trying to foster ordinary, democratic beliefs and opinions amongst the ratepayers, amongst local men and women of public standing who are interested in the community, and in the particular machine that we are operating in the various areas at the present time.

In the criticism that Deputy O'Sullivan made in regard to the original draft of the Bill, so far as this section is concerned, he pointed to the possibility of a supplementary rate being struck, and indicated that the loose form of drafting employed in the section was open to very grave objection. We find that practically the same thing is being retained in the Minister's amendment. There is still the possibility of having a supplementary rate struck. I am a local ratepayer. Possibly I have not the same difficulty as is experienced by other ratepayers in meeting the demand for rates made on them, although I must say the present rate demand is a fairly high one. In many cases, however, especially in the case of farmers, small business people and small tradesmen, the possibility of having a second demand for rates made on them in the one year is going to create very great difficulty, especially if it comes unexpectedly on them.

It is quite true, as the Minister has said, that the striking of an insufficient rate and the consequent meeting of financial obligations in the current year by means of overdrafts is objectionable in many ways. It very often imposes not only an additional burden on the ratepayers in the way of interest charges for that particular year, but burdens that have to be carried over a period of years. Even so, we should have some regard for men in a small way of business or with a limited income. Under the present system, when the rate demand is served on them they know the provision they will have to make during the current year to meet their rates. If, under this amendment, there is the possibility that a second demand for rates may be made on them in the same year, well, that simply will add the straw to the camel's back, and may place them in very great difficulties indeed. In the case of farmers, I can see that it might place them in a very difficult situation. In order to meet the second demand a small farmer may have to sell some of his stock or to dispose of certain of his produce at a time that does not suit him. That would be due to the fact that this second demand was made on him at the wrong time of the year. While the position in regard to overdrafts is objectionable, it seems to me that it is the lesser of two evils. The argument made by the Minister and his reference to the case of the Kerry County Council were not, in my opinion, of sufficient gravity to justify the possibility of the striking of a supplementary rate.

There is one point in the Minister's amendment which struck me as being peculiar. The amendment provides that, in a case where the Minister is not satisfied that a proper rate has been struck, he can order the holding of a local inquiry, and that on receiving the inspector's report, he can make an order requiring a new rate to be struck. Under sub-section (4) of the amendment, if the new rate struck by the local authority is not, in the Minister's opinion, sufficient, he can then remove the members of the rating authority from office. In the early part of his argument, the Minister pointed out that he could not take action until he held a local inquiry. He now holds it, and, acting on the inspector's report, makes an order requiring the local authority to strike a supplementary rate. He then decides that the new rate is still insufficient, and so deciding he can remove the members of the rating authority from office without further inquiry. It seems to me that that is opening the door too wide altogether. If there is going to be the possibility of a local authority refusing to strike a proper rate, some provision should be inserted in the amendment, if it is going to be passed by the Dáil, to ensure that the new rate to be struck will be indicated in the report of the inquiry, so that the Minister will be confined to that rate, and not be in a position to put forward a fictitious figure on which he may remove the members of the local authority from office. Otherwise, he can create an entirely different situation from that envisaged under sub-section (1) where he is required to hold a local inquiry before taking action.

I opened my contribution to the debate in an attitude in which I was fairly sympathetic to the Minister's viewpoint as a whole. In concluding, I want to urge this point on him: that if we are to try to bring about improvements in our social and local services it is essential that we should try to find means of retaining, not merely the co-operation and sympathy of the members of local authorities, but their willing acceptance of any new burdens that we impose upon them. There are, of course, certain essential services that cannot be allowed to go by default, but there is still, as between the Minister and the local authorities and between this Assembly and the local authorities as representing the ratepayers, a wide financial field of local government within which we should provide for the possibility of members of local authorities being able to exercise their rights, of ensuring the continuance and maintenance of essential services, and of seeing that they are not allowed to go by default. Unless we leave some power in the hands of local authorities and realise, as the Minister himself pointed out on a previous occasion in the course of debate, in a public statement outside the House, and by means of special circular, that the final financial control is in the hands of the local representatives of the ratepayers, then I am afraid that the structure of our new local government in this country as well as the future of our social services, are going to be very shaky and very inefficient.

For some 21 years I have been a member of local bodies. I am a member of one of the very few boards of assistance that have been left in this country. In view of the new social services which are introduced from time to time, I cannot see how a local authority will be able to estimate the exact rate that it should strike. The Minister's own Department is not able to do it. In the case of some of the new social services it was not able to give an estimate of what the cost would be, though I must admit that in the past few years there has been an improvement in that respect. I admit quite frankly that, owing to my attitude at practically every second meeting of the board of assistance of which I am a member, especially during the past few years, I was in danger of coming under this particular amendment and I suppose I have been nearly the cause of the amendment being brought forward. As a member of this House, I did not object to a number of new services introduced and passed here. No member of the House objected to them.

I have no objection to the managerial system and while I admit that certain things happened from time to time which made it practically obligatory on the Minister to bring in that system, still I insist at least on the rights of the representatives of the ratepayers to have this voice, that they shall say how much their people are going to pay. I insist on their right to be a determining factor to the extent of saying how much their people will pay. In the manner in which the Minister's Department are carrying out their work, I am not prepared to make any further contribution towards that body. I have steered near the wind, as near the wind as anyone could go in endeavouring to do my duty by the ratepayers and avoid the danger of having the local authority of which I was a member wiped out. Only a month ago I had to refuse to strike a rate for a sanatorium for the treatment of tuberculosis patients in Cork county and city. Why? Because this sanatorium is situated 28 miles from Cork and the Minister refused the right of the elected representatives of the people to visit that sanatorium and to see what was going on there. The visiting committee were allowed to go there, but I maintain the right of any elected representative of the ratepayers of any county at least to go and see where the money is being spent and the manner in which it is being spent. I had to adjourn the meeting for a fortnight. The meeting was adjourned to the 23rd January. On the 22nd January a telephone message was received from the Minister's Department saying he was now prepared to pay the expenses of the board in going to the sanatorium. This is the kind of thing one gets.

We are at present faced with a series of what may be called new services. I shall quote figures from the South Cork Board of Assistance:—Turf for home assistance recipients, £3,750; emergency cash supplementary allowances, £2,772; footwear scheme, £1,890; employment period orders, £547. All these things are clamped down one after another. I said at the commencement that I might be the innocent cause of this amendment. It was decided here that an extra supplemental allowance of 2/6 would be given to old age pensioners, blind pensioners, dependent children of blind pensioners, recipients of disablement benefit, and dependent children of recipients of disablement benefit. This House decided that 75 per cent. of the cost of this scheme would be borne by the State, 25 per cent. by the local authority, the local authority home assistance officers to investigate all cases. The Minister's Department cannot say how much the schemes will cost and do not know how much the schemes will cost. They have not the slightest idea, but they expect the local authority to know it. I quote portion of a letter issued by the Department to the local authority:—

"Custom House, Dublin,

16th March, 1944.

"...The scheme will take effect from 1st April next, and the public assistance authority will be recouped by the Exchequer to the extent of 75 per cent. of the expenditure incurred. The total recoupment to the public assistance authority in the financial year ending 31st March, 1945, will not exceed £8,317."

Evidently the Local Government Department went very exactly into the figures when they brought it down to the odd £17.

What happened? That letter was issued to the South Cork Board of Assistance. Their home assistance officers had to go and investigate the cases of all applicants. In April, 1945, there were 360 persons whom the home assistance officers had returned, after full investigation of their cases, as being entitled to this money but they could not get it because the Local Government Department did not know how many cases there would be. We found on investigation that there were 360 cases. In April, 1945, we received another letter from the Department of Local Government saying: "The maximum grant allocated on these conditions to the South Cork public assistance authority in respect of the year ending 31st March, 1946, is £8,317." We found it quite impossible to keep within that estimate and we raised the matter time after time with the Local Government Department. We could get nowhere. We were told that it was to be allocated on the terms of the Department's letter. I asked the county manager what he was going to do in connection with these 360 cases and he had to tell me, "They are old people". I asked him, "What am I to infer from that?" He said: "They are old people and naturally will die off." That is, Jack should wait until Michael should die. The old age pensioners of the county should queue up and Jack would have to wait until Michael died to get his 2/6. I do not think that this House, when it was voting that money, intended that such considerations should arise. I raised the matter here on the Vote for the Department of Local Government, when we could get no satisfaction from the Department. The Minister—columns 1205 and 1206, Dáil Debates, 29th May, 1945—said:

"With regard to subhead J (5)— Grants towards the provision of supplemental allowances to certain old age pensioners and to certain blind pensioners—the position is that we are prepared to pay 75 per cent. of the total amount expended by Cork on the provision of those supplemental allowances, but we do say that the obligation rests on the Cork local authority to satisfy itself, before it grants a supplemental allowance, that the family circumstances justify the payment of that allowance."

Now, that is fair enough. We immediately went to the South Cork Board of Public Assistance and we raised a supplementary amount of £1,700 to meet that, and applied to the Minister's Department for £1,300,75 per cent. of what was owing to us. This statement of the Minister abrogates the statement of his Department of May 16th, 1944, and April 14th, 1945. The Minister's statement was made in this House on May 29th, 1945. Our application to the Minister's Department for the 75 per cent. allowance met a definite refusal. I have all the letters from the Department in connection with the matter here, but I am not going to inflict them on the House now.

Could the Deputy relate that to amendment No. 31 (a)?

I am explaining that the result is the innocent cause of this amendment. The following is an extract from the minutes:

"Letter from the Department of Local Government, dated 19th September, 1945:

"Referring to letter of 10th August, forwarding a resolution of the board on the subject of additional expenditure in connection with the supplementary cash allowances, and referring to the first paragraph of the Department's letter of the 30th August, which dealt fully with this matter. As stated therein, the grant is a definite sum applicable to the whole country. Its apportionment must necessarily be made on a fixed basis at the commencement of each financial year, and the amounts allocated to each area cannot be varied during the year.

Note: In reply to Mr. Corry the manager stated that expenditure in excess of the grant plus the board's contribution is at present being incurred. No money is being expended unnecessarily. Each case is thoroughly investigated by the superintendent assistance officers.

Mr. Corry moved that the extract from the official printed record of the Dáil proceedings (Vote 41, columns 1205 and 1206, 29th May, 1945) containing Mr. MacEntee's statement to the effect that 75 per cent. of all moneys paid by a local authority under this scheme would be recouped to that authority, be cut out and forwarded to Mr. MacEntee."

That was the position in September. We wrote again in October and got no answer. The estimate came before the local authority for consideration in January. What did I find then? I found that the county manager had not taken credit for £1,300 that was to come from the Department. The county estimate was £13,300 odd for expenses in 1946-47 under this head, but instead of taking credit for 75 per cent. of £13,300, it was for £11,000, leaving us to pay the balance. The law as settled in this House was that the State was to pay 75 per cent. of the money, and the local authority was to be responsible for the investigation. It was only when it was wrenched out by questions in this House a fortnight ago that we succeeded in getting a statement from the Minister that the money would be recouped.

And the Deputy is taking up all this time about it.

I am speaking of the action of the Department in refusing to honour the Minister's word, and in refusing to honour the Minister's bond, contained in the statement of May 29th. It took from May 29th last until February 2nd to do that. I understand now that with the Minister's promise to Cork, demands are flowing in from all the other counties for their share of the Corry grant. The Minister will now have to stump up. I want to relate that to the amendment.

I would like to hear the Deputy coming to amendment No. 31(a).

As chairman of the board of assistance, I insisted on reducing the estimate by £1,300, owed us since last year, and £1,700, balance of 75 per cent. of £13,800. The Minister knows the position I would be in under this new section, and also that of the board of assistance. The trouble is that this is one of the few boards in the Twentysix Counties that has any anxiety as to the manner in which this matter is administered. We are faced with all these new social services, costing £8,000 odd last year. It is practically impossible when you come to administer a new Act to find out the exact sum you have to pay to cover the expenditure. You do not know how many applications there will be. The Local Government Department in its wisdom was able to fix the amount at £8,317. That meant that the home assistance official had to go along, as in the case of a sick man, to turn over an applicant three or four times to see whether he was 1/- or 1d. better off than his neighbour. That was the position of the local assistance officer. It is an unfair position to leave him in, and it is not carrying out the wishes of this House in regard to our treatment of the poor. The Minister would be quite entitled under this new section, when we took credit for the amount due by the Department to the South Cork Board of Public Assistance, to come along and say that there would be a new local inquiry. We know the result of a local inquiry. I remember telling that to Deputies on the opposite benches when they were going to have a commission on agriculture, and they dropped it. I told them what was going to happen. A board of inquiry is the same.

I have a decided objection to this kind of bureaucratic control. It went so far that they refused to honour the Minister's word here. They refused to allow the elected representatives of the people to visit an institution on which £15,000 of the ratepayers' money was being spent. Yesterday, I had to stay at home for a meeting of the sanatorium committee and I landed in here at 6 o'clock this morning to be present for this debate. The bureaucratic control, as is shown in the minutes of the Department, refused to allow the elected representatives of the people their expenses for going to that meeting. The Minister could say that the members had not carried out their duty, that they had refused to strike the rate necessary to maintain the sanatorium and he could have a court of inquiry held and wipe them out. There would be nothing to stop the Minister from doing that under this proposal. I ask the Minister to take it back and reconsider it very carefully in view of the information he has gathered here in connection with the kind of control that is sought. This is bureaucracy gone mad. It comes to this—that officials of the Minister's Department are to ride roughshod over the elected representatives of the people. I consider it gross impertinence for civil servants or anybody else to come along and tell elected representatives that they are not to visit a sanatorium in which their tuberculosis patients are being treated and for which the people who elected them pay rates.

That does not arise on this amendment.

It arises in this way— that I, as chairman of that body on that day, was forced into refusing to consider an estimate because we were not allowed to visit the institution and see how our money was being spent and how the patients were being treated. Under this amendment, the body of which I happened on that date to be chairman could be wiped out of existence. Our action in insisting on the rights of the elected representatives of the people to visit that institution could have been used as a means to wipe us out of existence. The position is the same in connection with our refusal to strike the full rate for supplemental allowances—our refusal to pay not only our own share, which we were paying, but the Minister's share which he was refusing to pay. That could have been used to wipe us out of existence. These are the things which I object to in connection with the amendment by the Minister.

We have listened to a very interesting speech by Deputy Corry. I can assure him that, whatever credit he may claim for any other public service, he is not responsible for this section, unless, by some chance, he happened to be a member of Kerry County Council in 1944-5 or a member of Roscommon County Council——

The Minister wiped them out without this amendment.

The genesis of this section is to be found in Emergency Powers Order, 321. This section, with certain safeguards for the local authority, is designed to enable the local authority to do what it was empowered to do under that Emergency Order. That is to say, where a rate insufficient to maintain essential public services had been struck, the local authority could, under the Order, mend its hand and make adequate provision for the maintenance of those services during the year ahead. That is what Section 23 proposes to continue. It gives the local authority an additional power—a power to mend its hand where it has taken ill-judged and misguided action. Notwithstanding Deputy Corry's long account to the House of the tribulations he has endured under the bureaucracy of the Custom House, for which I am, of course, responsible, I can assure Deputies that Deputy Corry and his and had nothing to do with the origin of this amendment. The Deputy is under a misapprehension as to what might have happened to him or his authority if this amendment had been in operation. I understand that the Deputy is chairman of a tuberculosis committee or a sanatorium committee.

Of the board of assistance.

The board of assistance is not a rating authority and, therefore, the Deputy's board would not be affected by the provisions of Section 23 at all.

You could suspend the county council.

Yes, in certain circumstances. The board of assistance, of which Deputy Corry is chairman, refused to make a demand on the county council for the maintenance of a sanatorium under its control and for which it was responsible because some person in. the Custom House would not allow payment of the expenses incurred by each and every member of that board of assistance when he chose to visit the sanatorium. That is why this board of assistance, charged with reponsibility for, perhaps, hundreds of patients suffering from tuberculosis, refused to make a demand on the county council. As the board of assistance is not a rating authority, that is how the matter must have arisen. The board of assistance has the responsibility imposed upon it of making an estimate and making a demand on the Cork County Council. Let us assume that this demand is properly and legitimately made on Cork County Council. If the county council, being bound to pay to the board of assistance the moneys necessary to enable the board to function properly, refuses to do so, what is to be the position? Are we to allow the sanatorium to close down? Deputy Corry might have addressed himself to that aspect of the matter.

Even under this amendment, is there not a statutory obligation on the county council to supply the demands of the various subsidiary bodies and cannot they compel them so do even without the aid of this amendment?

There is, undoubtedly, a statutory obligation on the county council to meet the demands of those bodies, but suppose Cork County Council refuses to fulfil its statutory obligation.

That is the problem and the possibility that this section is designed to deal with. Supposing it does, what is going to happen? Is the Cork Board of Assistance going to proceed by way of mandamus and compel the county council to raise the money? If the Cork County Council has not struck a rate, how is it going to raise the money?

They have not refused to do so.

The Cork County Council has not done so but there are other local authorities in this country who have and the purpose of this new section is to enable the position created by that refusal to be clarified and rectified, to enable public services to be maintained and to ensure that the expenses of maintaining these public services will be provided in the year in which they fall due and not be passed on to the shoulders of the ratepayers in the following year or raised by way of loan, which would impose an increased burden upon the ratepayers of that particular area. That is the sole purpose of this amendment.

There have been many red herrings ——it is a hackneyed phrase but I think it is as good as any—dragged across the debate. One Deputy who spoke with some consciousness of what the exact position is was Deputy Bennett. He spoke against the amendment but he gave his case away when he reminded the House that the Minister has already power to dissolve a local authority after inquiry. That is not a power which was first given to the Minister for Local Government by the Fianna Fáil Administration That is a power which was conferred on the Minister for Local Government in the Local Government Act of 1923, continued in the Local Government Act of 1925 and confirmed in the Local Government Act of 1941, so that the Minister for Local Government has already the power of dissolution. Therefore we are not, so far as local authorities are concerned, taking powers for the first time to abolish them. Let that be quite clear. Deputy Dillon, I think, had some comprehension of that fact but thinking that other members of the House, particularly members of local authorities, must be at least as well-informed, in regard to the law as Deputy Dillon had shown himself to be, the Deputy proceeded to drag a red herring across the trail. He asked : "If this section is passed, cannot the Minister start proceedings for mandamus?" as if one of the purposes of this new section was to confer the power of moving for a writ of mandamus upon the Minister for Local Government for the first time.

Of course the Minister for Local Government can always proceed by way of mandamus against a local authority which refuses to strike a rate. In fact, the Minister for Local Government did proceed against the Dublin County Council and secured a writ against them for refusing to strike a rate. It is quite true that the members of the council who had voted against the striking of the rate were mulcted in the costs of those mandamus proceedings, very heavily mulcted. But, so far from this proposed new section making it easy for the Minister to secure a writ of mandamus, it would, I believe, on the contrary make it more difficult and would safeguard men who might be stampeded or coerced into taking up an unjustifiable attitude against finding themselves burdened with heavy costs because if the Minister were to move for such a writ, the courts naturally would have to take cognisance of this section.

They would see that the Minister had a certain other course open to him under which he had power to dissolve a county council and see that an adequate rate was struck. So far as Deputy Dillon's argument is concerned, the fact of the matter is that this section in the form in which it is drafted would make it more difficult for the Minister to get a mandamus and to that extent it is a protection and a safeguard for innocent, if you like misguided, members of local authorities who might otherwise be coerced, as some were coerced in the past, to take up an untenable attitude in regard to the duty of providing the finances necessary to maintain public-services. I hope that is an end of the cobwebby fantasy for which Deputy Dillon made himself responsible.

Deputy Morrissey asked: "What is the need for this power; have not the local authorities in general carried out the duties imposed upon them by law? " Certainly, they have, but if, in general, they had not done so they would not be there. The State would have to find some other machinery for administering the local services if local authorities, as at present constituted, did not in general do their duty. But they have not always, at least all of them have not, invariably done their duty. Over a considerable number of years, one or other local authority has had to be dissolved from time to time and the very fact that the Minister of the day had to take that action is an indication that on occasion it is necessary to arm the Minister with the powers which the law has already conferred upon him in respect to local authorities which refuse to discharge the responsibilities for which they were constituted.

Deputy Morrissey asked : have not the local authorities, during the emergency, done their duty? The answer to that is, in general, yes, but in two cases, no. The House is aware of the fact that the Roscommon County Council and the Kerry County Council were both dissolved during the critical years of the emergency. I shall refer, perhaps, to the circumstances later, but at any rate, we have this fact : that local authorities, pursuing an independent policy—a policy of their own, a policy in conflict with the national policy—have chosen to ignore their responsibilities and their statutory duties and to refuse to carry them out on at least two occasions, even during the emergency. Deputy Morrissey then went on to outline what I believe is the main motive behind the principal opposition to this Bill. He referred to the fact that it is possible that the development of the social services—social services for which members of the main Opposition Party, members of the Labour Party and members of the Clann na Talmhan Party are always clamouring —may in future impose heavier burdens upon the local authorities.

These are the very Parties which voted for a motion the other night in this House to provide for a grandiose system of social services which they call social security, and now the members of these Parties are refusing to face the financial obligations which this would impose on local authorities. Deputy Morrissey even said that the local authorities will refuse to meet the charges imposed on them for the extension of the social services. Well, if so, if there are additional charges imposed on the local authorities, by whom are these additional charges going to be imposed? They are not going to be imposed at the arbitary will of the Minister for Local Government. They are not going to be imposed by the arbitrary authority of any individual in this State. If these additional charges are going to be imposed, they will be imposed by a statute of the Oireachtas. So that what is quite clear from Deputy Morrissey's speech is that what the Fine Gael Opposition want to do in regard to this is to give to the local authorities power to disobey the law of the State, power to defy, if you like, the will of the Oireachtas, power, by refusing an adequate rate to maintain the public services at a reasonable standard of efficiency, to reduce those local services to chaos, and power to create a state of anarchy in the local administration and, perhaps, to bring the country to the verge of civil war.

Now, there is nothing new in this attitude of the main Opposition. They tried to do that in 1934 and 1935, when they persuaded the local authorities to refuse to strike rates or to collect rates, or got them to strike insufficient rates. They were beaten in that campaign, and they were beaten mainly because the recalcitrant authorities were dissolved. That was how they were beaten. That is how the rates were collected in Kilkenny, in Laoighis, in Tipperary, in Waterford, and in Westmeath. And they were not dissolved. let me remind the House again, under the provisions of Section 23; they were dissolved under the provisions of the Act of 1925. So that experience has shown that whatever may have been said here in this debate as to how the local authorities in general have discharged their responsibilities—and I am not saying anything to the contrary —the fact remains that we have it on record that the Minister for Local Government and Public Health found it necessary to dissolve the county council of Tipperary, South Riding, on the 21st February, 1934; the Kilkenny County Council on 2nd June of that year; the Laoighis County Council on 5th June of that year; the Waterford County Council on the 6th June of that year, and the Westmeath County Council on the 7th June of that year; and I found it necessary to dissolve the Roscommon County Council on the 2nd June, 1944, and the Kerry County Council on the 6th May, 1945. —two councils dissolved at the very height of the emergency, when the war was coming to a crisis.

These county councils refused to strike the rate necessary to maintain the roads in a proper condition, roads which might have been essential to the defence of this country. I did not dissolve the Roscommon County Council lightly, nor the Kerry County Council. So far from acting hastily in that matter, I tried to persuade and induce the Kerry County Council on two occasions to make proper provisions for maintaining their roads, because the roads of that county, in certain circumstances, might have been vital to the security of this State, but they refused to do that. Deputy Larkin has asked me : Have not the local authorities acted with a sense of responsibility? I am perfectly certain that Deputy Larkin would not suggest for a moment that the Kerry County Council, when it refused to strike an adequate rate for the maintenance of those roads, not in one year, but in successive years, had any proper sense of responsibility; and certainly, when, as a result of their action, hundreds and thousands of road workers were thrown out of employment in 1944 and 1945, they showed very little sense of their responsibilities.

Now, there has been, running through the whole course of this debate, a suggestion that there is something inconsistent with the doctrine of financial control that the provisions of this section are in some way incompatible or inconsistent with the power of financial control which the council exercises. Now, let me make this clear : no local authority, and not even the Dáil itself, I would suggest, has the right to exercise the power of the purse in an irrational and arbitrary way. Local authorities, like every other social organisation or social entity, are bound to discharge the purposes for which they have been instituted, and bound to function according to law. I pointed out that these local authorities were not established as so many independent legislatures with independent taxing powers. They have been established to discharge functions which have been delegated to them by the Oireachtas.

It would be quite possible, if we decided to do it and if it were thought to be feasible, to centralise the administration of local services in Dublin, to appoint every officer from Dublin, and to abolish local authorities altogether. I think it would be very wrong to do that, but it has been done elsewhere.

That is what you are doing here.

No, on the contrary. It has been done elsewhere. There was a system of prefectures in France. We have other alternative systems to the system of local government which exists here. I believe very strongly in the maintenance of the present system. But it will be only possible to maintain it so long as Deputies speak with a sense of responsibility and make it quite clear that these local authorities are set up to discharge responsibilities and that they are not entitled to exercise, as I have said, in an arbitrary and irresponsible way the taxing powers which have been conferred upon them by this House. The main reason why local authorities have been given the power of raising revenues by means of the rates is to ensure that the local services will be maintained, and the House, which has imposed upon the local authorities the duty and the responsibility of maintaining these local services, has also imposed on these local authorities the duty of maintaining these local services at a reasonable standard of efficiency. The law does not contemplate that the discharge of these responsibilities will be a nominal compliance only with the law. Not merely must there be an acceptance of these responsibilities by the local authority in name, but there must be an efficient discharge of these responsibilities by the local authority in fact. All that we are asking here is that where a local authority fails to maintain the local services at a reasonable standard, or fails to pay to any other body any sums which a rating authority is bound to supply to that body, the Minister will be given the power, not to abolish that authority— he has that already; perhaps Deputy Morrissey might not be aware of that fact; he has that already under the Acts dating back to 1923—but power to direct them to comply, and power if he has to abolish them—not powers already possessed by him and not powers derived from this section—to ensure that their successor who will have to administer these local services will be able to raise the revenue necessary to maintain them.

I devoted quite a time at the beginning to emphasising to the House the point which has already been made by Deputy Bennett, that the Minister, whoever he may be, has already power to dissolve a local authority if he is satisfied that that local authority is not discharging its functions properly. This proposed new section does three things. It does not give power to the Minister to dissolve, because that is not necessary; the Minister already has that power. But it gives the Minister power to afford to the local authority a chance to mend its hand, something which he had not the power to do until this Emergency Powers Order was made. Secondly, it gives to the successor to that local authority, to the person appointed to administer the affairs of that local authority, if the members of it should be removed from office, power to provide himself with the funds in the ordinary normal way by a rate. Thirdly, it does this, and this touches the point made by Deputy Larkin. Deputy Larkin, quite justly and rightly, stated that the members of a local authority might refuse to strike the rate which would be demanded by the estimates presented to them by their officers because they might not be satisfied that the money was being properly expended. I have in this amendment a provision for the holding of a local inquiry upon a narrow issue——

Deputy Corry does not like that.

We know what that means.

——a narrow issue as to whether the rate proposed to be struck by the local authority is sufficient or not. What would be the issue in that instance? Would not the issue be as to whether the rate which the local authority had struck would be sufficient to maintain these services at a reasonable standard of efficiency if the money is properly administered? Would not the real issue to be tried, therefore, be as to whether the officers of the local authority, who had been responsible for preparing the estimates upon which the rate was to be based had, in fact, prepared proper estimates; and as to whether, if the rate which the local authority proposed to strike was insufficient, it would not be sufficient if the local services were efficiently administered and operated? Is not that the issue which would be raised at this local inquiry? Is not that the very point which Deputy Larkin made, the very point which this local inquiry is designed to meet, that it was quite possible that members of a local authority might refuse to strike the rate, not because they were unwilling to maintain the local services but because they felt that they were not getting value for their money? Is not that the very issue that would be tried?

Therefore, this section, so far from conferring arbitrary powers upon the Minister and powers which he has not already, is designed to safeguard the local authority in two ways and the ratepayers in all three ways, because it is in fact the ratepayers, the general body of the people, who are concerned in seeing that the local public services are maintained at a proper standard of efficiency. It would, first of all, as I have said, and as I want to repeat, empower the Minister to afford to the local authority a chance to mend its hand. Secondly, it affords to that local authority, if it feels that the services which it has to finance are not being properly administered or efficiently discharged, an opportunity to make that case and to prove it at a local inquiry. Thirdly, in the event of its being necessary for the Minister to dissolve the local authority because it will not avail of the opportunity to mend its hand, it ensures to the ratepayers that, within a very short period after the due date upon which the rates should be made, the successor to the local authority will make proper provision for financing the services of the year and that they will not be faced in a subsequent year with a burden which would be excessive and which might, in fact, be unbearable.

Everybody knows—and especially any Kerry man—what has been the consequence of the failure of the old Kerry County Council to make proper provision for maintaining the roads of the county. When rates in other counties were going down, the rates in Kerry had to be very seriously increased. When the rates in County Dublin were being drastically reduced, the rates in Kerry had to be raised. Why? Because in one year, in 1945-46, it will be necessary for the commissioner administering the affairs of the Kerry County Council to make good out of rates the deficiencies which accrued under the county council which was abolished. That is a very undesirable thing. I am not going to conceal from the House that the rates are high; they are high, perhaps, more in appearance than in reality, on account of the obsolete valuation upon which they are levied. They are high enough, anyhow, and when they are high, surely the only way in which the ratepayers can carry on is to see that every year bears its due share and that the council will not, by striking a grossly insufficient and inadequate rate in one year, impose an impossible burden upon the ratepayers in succeeding years.

That is what this amendment is designed to avoid. It simply ensures that, either the local authority in that year mends its hand, or, if it does not do so, and then its successor or whoever may be administering its affairs will have the opportunity, after the local inquiry has been held—and that inquiry will be held very expeditiously in a case like that—and within three or four weeks after the due date on which the rate should be made, to strike a rate sufficient to maintain the services of the county. There is the whole purpose of this section. There is nothing new in it. It does not give the Minister any fresh power of abolition.

It removes all doubts as to the power.

There was never any doubt about the Minister's power to abolish a local authority after having held an inquiry. As a matter of fact, I think that issue was tried under the administration of the Party of which the Deputy was a member. There never has been any doubt.

There must have been some, when there is this amendment.

No. The amendment was designed to ensure that the local inquiry would be concerned with this one question as to the sufficiency of the rate, that all questions as to the efficiency of the public services under the jurisdiction of the local authority could be thrashed out. There is nothing new in this, there is no additional power of abolition given under this amendment. What is new in it is the safeguard which it affords to the ratepayers and to those members of the local authorities who do not wish to be abolished but would prefer to remain in control of the general administration of the county.

Mr. Morrissey

We have completely misunderstood the Minister and the amendment.

I would not be surprised.

Mr. Morrissey

According to the Minister, this does not take any further powers from the local authority. The Minister is conferring a benefit on the local authority.

Certainly.

Mr. Morrissey

Absolutely. Mind you, that is what all the boys said in Europe.

The Deputy was a member of a Party which sent a deputation to Europe.

You sent to Russia in 1925.

Mr. Morrissey

The less the Minister says about Europe or Russia—whether it is Russia in Europe or in Asia—the better for himself. We are dealing at the moment, not with Russia or Europe, but with this little bit of the world in which we are interested. Even after 20 years, I find it hard to understand the Minister. He is always a bit of a child : sometimes he is playful like child, sometimes he is petulant like a child, sometimes he is a wee bit impish and occasionally, though not this afternoon, a little like an ill-mannered child. To-night he covers up reason with playacting. He wants this House to accept that the man sitting in the Custom House is more concerned with the welfare of the ratepayer, has more regard for the wishes of the ratepayers and is closer to the way in which the ratepayers think than the man who is one of themselves and elected out of the heart of their own parish.

I want to know of what the Minister is afraid. Why is this amendment brought in? The Minister said a local authority is elected to carry out the law, to raise sufficient money to meet its obligations. I said here earlier to-night that they have done that and done it very well. I said also that there is no local authority to-day which has not struck a rate sufficient to meet its obligations, though that rate is calling for 46 per cent. more from the ratepayers' pockets than when the Minister and his colleagues came into power. Although it is 46 per cent. more, the rate was struck and is being paid. Of course, the Minister said the increase was not a real increase, as it was based upon an obsolete valuation. That is the next thing we are to have. We had the Valuation Bill here on the agenda for a long time and it is still not very far from the Minister's mind. He talked about valuations in the Mansion House as well as about the counties. He says now that he has all the powers he wants to deal with a local authority, that he can dissolve it, that he is not taking any fresh power under this section. He is, of course.

Not power of abolition.

Mr. Morrissey

The Minister is taking power to remove them from office, under this amendment. I think the Minister said he was not. The fact of the matter is that this amendment is brought in to deal, not with the present situation but with a situation which only the Minister knows is going to arise. It is brought in, not because he is afraid that any local authority will refuse to meet its normal obligations and carry out the work for which it was established, but because the Minister knows he is going to place on local authorities, within the next year or so, burdens which it was never intended they should carry. The Minister knows that he is going to refuse to meet the promise that was made in this House, to compensate local authorities for the tens of thousands of pounds they have lost in supplying the turf of this country for the last five years.

Is the Deputy in order in making that allegation against the Minister?

Mr. Morrissey

The Deputy will be in order in making any allegation against the Minister. However, I am not going to do that. Of course, I know quite well that the Minister, once again, is in his little playful mood. One thing the Minister has never been able to understand——

Would it not be better for the Deputy to get to the amendment and leave the Minister alone?

Mr. Morissey

There is nothing in the world I would prefer to leaving the Minister alone. The surest way in that direction is for the Minister to leave us alone.

At the next general election, you will not, either.

Mr. Morrissey

I do not know what the Minister is talking about. I am a lot longer in the House than the Minister, and I have survived more general elections than the Minister, notwithstanding the best efforts of the Minister directed against me, even in my own constituency and even when he was in better form than he is nowadays. Of course, he is getting a bit mellow. There is one thing I know. Whatever else the Minister has been able to master since he entered this House, he has never yet been able to understand the first thing about a point of order. There is no man in the House who has less of a grip on relevancy or order than the Minister.

However, that is all beside the point. We are coming back to this amendment, and the fact of the matter is— and there are Deputies on the opposite side who know this as well as I do— that the Minister went to a great deal of trouble, before the last local elections were held, to show us that there was important work to be done by the people who would come forward and be elected on local authorities—very important work—and, in order to secure the best types of men, it was set out that they would have a great many more powers than was commonly thought under the County Management Act, and the power the Minister particularly emphasised that they would have was the power of the purse. No matter what the Minister may say, this amendment removes that completely.

We have heard all the Minister's nonsensical talk about the inquiry. The inquiry is all nonsense. It will be held only if the Minister has reason to believe certain things. He then directs the holding of a local inquiry. He talks about members of local authorities being able to attend before the local inquiry and prove that they are right. How can they prove it and before whom, and how are they to know whether they have proved it or not, because they will not be allowed to listen to the judgment? They will not know if the inspector has reported to the Minister whether they have proved their case or not. It is all nonsense.

The Minister said that this amendment seeks only to ensure that local authorities will carry out their functions with reasonable efficiency. If that is all that is meant, then there is no necessity for the amendment. Local authorities have shown—and we have no evidence to the contrary, no evidence that they have any desire other than to continue doing that—that they are prepared to carry out all the obligations which as local authorities they are supposed to carry out. You can take it the Minister wants this amendment because it is his intention to put on the shoulders of local authorities financial burdens which they were never meant to carry. That is the real reason, and if Deputies do not know that to-night they will know it before this night 12 months.

Some men have ambition to amass wealth and others have ambition to wield power. I think the world has witnessed the result of the latter ambition; the debacle and destruction and desolation that occurred in Europe and elsewhere throughout the world within recent years give ample proof of what it has meant. I felt that when the Minister listened to the advice of his own supporters, men whose opinions he might value, men who have had years of experience on local bodies, men who are capable of forming sound opinions as a result of their years of experience, he would have stopped to consider; but the Minister was not to be deterred from his ambition. He wants to wield, in the Custom House, the power of a Stalin or a Hitler.

Listening to the heat and vigour and determination of the Minister to-night, I could quite understand that he will try to force the Fianna Fáil Party to walk behind him in the Division Lobby and give him the power to dictate to this country. I wonder what has become of the definition of democracy—government of the people, by the people, for the people? Local government in this country from this onwards, once this Bill is passed, will be given to the people by the Minister for Local Government, Deputy MacEntee, sitting in the Custom House in Dublin, and it does not matter two damns whether the people are able to pay for the services which he says they must have. He will not worry about the capacity of the people to pay or the matters that the local authority, drawn from the ranks of the people, would be concerned with—to supply a local service within the capacity of the people financially.

The Minister has evaded the question put to him by nearly every Deputy who spoke to this amendment. All are anxious to know what is the need for this specific power. The Minister suggested that already he has the power of dissolution and he dissolved the Kerry and Roscommon councils. If that is so, what is the necessity for the power set out in this amendment? When Deputy Dillon was developing a point that the Minister had power to institute mandamus proceedings under sub-section (2), the Minister observed "Fantastic", but surely anyone reading sub-section (2) of the amendment will realise that there is specific power with regard to a writ of mandamus. If the local authority does not provide the rate that, in the opinion of the Minister, is necessary, he will instruct that they shall comply with the requirements. If they do not, they will be deemed to fail in their duty. The Minister can proceed by writ of mandamus and he can eventually mulct the unfortunate individual who believes in his heart that he is serving the people to the best of his ability by trying to hold the balance between the people who are entitled to the service and those who have to foot the bill for the service.

The Minister has an alternative in that, after a sham local inquiry, he can abolish the local authority. The Minister told us that it would be quite possible to have the local services centralised in Dublin. What will we have : We will have the Minister with that power and his creature, the county manager, because he is a creature of the Minister and he will carry out the dictates of the Minister at all times. When this is passed we will have local government centralised in the Custom House, under the authority of one individual who will dictate to the Twenty-Six Counties. Deputy Corry suggested it was a civil servant who was responsible for this. It is the Minister for Local Government, and the Minister admitted that it was his responsibility.

The Minister and other Deputies here ought to realise that if we are to preserve democratic institutions in this country, if the electors elect a county council and if that county council does not give efficient service to the people, well then let the people suffer for the short period that that council is in power—at the very most, they cannot be there for more than three years—and give the people an opportunity of mending their hand at the next local election. This is not democracy; it is not government by the people; and it shows no respect whatever for the wishes of the people. The sooner we get away from this sort of thing, the better. The Minister talked about the evil consequences which might result from the failure of a local authority to fulfil its obligations, but is it not this sort of thing which has given rise to war and to civil war How long will any people of spirit permit one man to dictate what they should do, what they should have and what they should pay?

The Minister puts this forward as a substitute for Section 23 of the Bill, but, bad as that section is, it is infinitely better than this amendment. The reason for our objection to the section and to the whole system which the section brings about is the provision for a supplementary estimate, which simply means that a manager can say, in relation to an estimate which he brings in : "It may or may not do, but we can mend our hand at any time during the year. I can go to the local authority for a supplementary estimate."

Over and over again the Minister, in his defence of the managerial system, stressed the point that the local authority had the power of the purse. A local authority under this amendment will no longer have the power of the purse. The Minister will have the power of the purse and will have power to force local authorities to strike a rate which is, in his opinion, a just rate. Because of the mandamus power in sub-section (2), there may be many members of local authorities who, rather than face mandamus proceedings, will swallow their pride and fall in with his wishes when the dictator speaks. It is unfortunate that men who are convinced that this proposal and this whole procedure are wrong are to be compelled to vote against their consciences and to give the Minister the dictatorial power he is looking for here.

I am glad to see that in this debate, unlike other debates, from both sides of the House there has been a certain amount of criticism of this amendment. Section 23 of the Bill was, in itself, very objectionable, and, as has been pointed out, this amendment does not tend to improve it, so far as democratic rule and the point of view of the ratepayers are concerned. It is a funny thing that when we have local bodies elected on a free franchise by the will of the people, these bodies should not be entitled to strike a rate adequate for the services to be provided. If they do not do it, their term of office is short and they can easily be thrown out by the free will of a free people, and another body elected in its place. Why the Minister should take it on himself to intervene and to decide that he is the individual to strike the rate and, in doing that, should claim that he is being democratic, I fail to see. His opinion of the people must be very low or he must think that they are very blind. If he believes they fail to realise that over the heads of a local body a rate can be struck, whether they like it or not, he must think the people of Ireland are entirely stupid and do not know what politics or democracy is at all.

We got local government in this country before this century came in and I suppose that if we had not got local government before getting native government, it is doubtful whether the powers which local authorities have to-day would have been given to them. It is doubtful if we would have such bodies elected at all, but it would be better not to have them than to have them on the basis of the false pretence that they have power to do anything and, above all, to do the one thing the ratepayers take most interest in, to strike a rate to raise money. Councillors are elected every three years and the main interest of electors on these occasions is in the rate they will strike, in how they will handle the finances of the area and in how they will use or abuse the people's purse. We realise that we have many social services to maintain and that there have been heavy demands on the rates and on the people's money.

The people have to provide for extra services, which increases the rates, but when the rates have gone up by leaps and bounds and when everything points to their going up at a much faster pace in the very near future, it is time that people should be taught a lesson or should be made to realise that, over the ratepayers' heads, another individual cannot come along to increase the rates. I wonder why have local authorities so suddenly become so incompetent; why, after 45 or 46 years, have they become so incompetent that they cannot strike a rate? Is it because those who form these bodies are inferior and incapable of carrying out their duties and must be dissolved if they try to put a stop to increases in expenditure? It seems to me that democracy has taken a turn towards hypocrisy, so far as this measure is concerned, because there is no use in any individual—I do not care who he is, or how intelligent he is—claiming, in the Custom House or any other house, that he knows more about local affairs than councillors elected by the vote of the people. I am not surprised that this claim should be made from the other side of the House because it has been a claim of theirs that they have a remedy for every ill and evil that ever came on this little island; but we must talk in a commonsense fashion and must realise that those nearest to the ratepayers are the people who understand the position better than anybody else. It reminds me of King Louis of old who had a saying: "I am the State; I am the law." It is extraordinary that that should be said here in 1946 and that we should still be told that it is democracy, that it is the will of the people.

Irrespective of what may be said here, even if we talked for seven years and seven quarantines, we know well what will happen. The division bell, some day or other, will decide this issue, but I am glad that members of the Fianna Fáil Party had the courage to stand up like honest men and to speak the minds of honest men.

But what will they do in the Division Lobby?

When the bell rings for the division, then is their opportunity to show how much sincerity there is in their statements and in their arguments. On the last day on which this was debated, as well as today, I saw a situation arising which was rather similar to one we heard about recently. I saw two Fianna Fáil parties—one dictated to from the Custom House and the other striving to get its head up. The Party Whip will decide who is the boss, and it may be that the party in the country will have to go under to the party in the Custom House.

The rates, we are told, are high. It seems that the only way of telling the people that things are going to improve is to make the rates higher: that they are going to be made higher in an effort to safeguard the people. Where, in the next few years, is this heavy expenditure going to come from? In the case of my own county we have been asked to strike a rate of 19/10 in the £. I have no doubt that, if our Party were in a majority, we would not strike that rate, irrespective of what the consequences would be. We would provide the most essential services: health services, mental hospital and public assistance services. We would provide for them gladly, but we are certainly not going to strike an estimate of £113,000 for public and trunk roads. That is where we would put the foot down. We told the ratepayers when we went before them for election—other councillors did the same thing—that we would give the best services and spend the people's money as carefully as possible, that we would see that a 1/- was never spent where 10d. or 11d. would do. That is what the people want. An increase of 44 or 45 per cent. in the rates over the past few years is something more than this country can afford. No member of this House, and no county councillor or member of a local body, would mind if the rates were 35/- in the £ if the country could afford to pay that, but everybody knows that at the present moment, in the circumstances in which this little island finds itself, the rate that is struck in every county is becoming too big a burden, much more than the ratepayers can afford. There is only one way in which to teach people a lesson, and that way is not by standing up here and talking about an increase in the rates. South Mayo has taught the lesson which the Minister, his colleagues and his Party should give very close attention to, because they are, as the old saying has it, blind Samsons knocking down the pillars of destruction on top of their own heads.

Mr. Corish

To use a hackneyed phrase, I think there is not much that I can say about this amendment. Possibly, I could mention a thing which has not been adverted to by a Deputy from any side of the House so far, and that is the very name—local government.

The County Management Act took a good portion out of the name local government. I think that this amendment, if passed, will take every shred of meaning from the name local government. To me, as I am sure to most Deputies, the words "local government" mean the administration of local affairs by the local people. Does the Minister, or any Deputy who sits behind him, imagine that local bodies— county councils, corporations or other local bodies—will have any power whatever if this amendment is passed? There has been the tendency for quite a long time to take all power from the local bodies. Members of the Minister's Party have objected, if not too strongly at least strongly enough, and have asked him to repeal certain sections of the County Management Act. On this amendment many members of the Minister's Party have spoken, notably prominent members of county councils, such as my fellow Deputy from the County Wexford, Deputy Allen, who has had a large experience of local government. They have asked the Minister to do that.

What I am surprised at, and what, possibly, I reluctantly admire the present Minister for Local Government and Public Health for, is that he takes such a delight in proving himself such an unpopular person. A number of Deputies have attacked this amendment, but to my mind they have not made the right approach to it. That view of mine may be due to the fact that I am a new Deputy, and that, possibly, I do not understand the criticisms that are made here of Ministers or of amendments to Bills. But we have had Deputies getting up and swearing high and holy about totalitarianism, Hitlerism and dictatorship in trying to get the Minister to withdraw his amendment. To my mind, that certainly is not going to get Minister MacEntee to take back anything which he puts forward. Therefore, I think that the best line for the Minister to adopt on this amendment is to listen to what is being said by members of his own Party if he is not prepared to listen to what Opposition Deputies have to say. The Minister talked of Deputy Corry, and, I think, accused him of misrepresenting the facts. I think he went so far as to say that Deputy Corry was not interpreting the amendment properly. Now, apart from the fact that the present Minister for Local Government and Public Health has not the slightest confidence whatever in local representatives through the country, he is now beginning not to have any faith in the intelligence of members of his own Party.

The people have elected these local councillors. The elections occur often enough—every three years. Everyone must admit that that is not too long a period of office for any local body. In the event of a council failing to strike a rate, the remedy, as Deputy Hughes pointed out, is not abolition of the local body but an appeal to the electorate, as sensible people, as the type of people who sent the Minister and his Party into office, to elect a body which will be competent and willing to carry out its duty.

The Minister expressed grave concern for the road workers of County Kerry. He may correct me, but I think he described them as "these unfortunate few hundred men who were thrown out of work because the Kerry County Council refused to strike a rate". It is late in the day for the Minister to be concerned about local government officials. My knowledge and experience of local government officials is that the local bodies are concerned about their officials, but when they send proposals to the Custom House for the improvement of the miserable salaries which the Custom House proposes to give these local officials, the Minister is the very first to cut them down and to refuse them.

I do not think the Minister has much defence for this amendment. He has spoken at length, he has risen several times in his attempt to defend the amendment, but what struck me forcibly was that he repeated himself so often and spoke of the advantages of the amendment so often. He started off by telling us the three important things that were in this amendment and that were for the betterment of the ratepayers and of the local body, but I began to distrust his defence when I heard him protest too much about the advantage of the amendment. I would not accuse him of dictatorship, of totalitarianism, but I would appeal to him to listen, if not to the Opposition, to those experienced local councillors who are members of his own Party. It seems to me that this is the Minister's own particular amendment. It does not seem to represent general policy. It does not seem to be prompted by the broad policy of the Fianna Fáil Party when men like Deputy O'Rourke, Deputy Allen and other prominent Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party are asking the Minister, if not to withdraw the amendment, to modify it. I would appeal to the Minister to listen to those experienced men and, to some extent, to listen to the Opposition. I know he is not in the habit of taking suggestions from the Opposition, but possibly, on this occasion, when there is such a big principle involved, when it means such a revolutionary change in local government, if he will not withdraw the amendment, he will at least modify it to some extent.

I was wondering if the Minister, before putting down this amendment, had consulted his followers throughout the country, people such as county councillors, members of borough councils, members of the Fianna Fáil Party. In view of the fact that a number of Fianna Fáil Deputies have attacked this amendment and that a very big volume of public opinion is bitterly opposed to further interference with the work of public men, such as county councillors and borough councillors, I am wondering to what extent, if any, the Minister has consulted anybody outside his immediate associates in the Cabinet.

If there were a general movement throughout the country on the part of county councils and borough councils to strike a rate not commensurate with their obligations in respect to social services and other amenities I could understand the raison d'être of this amendment but will the Minister instance for us cases in which borough councils or county councils have refused to strike an adequate rate, especially in respect to social services? Is it because one, two, three, even four public bodies have been remiss in this respect that other public authorities are to be penalised? I have fairly considerable experience of public bodies. I have been a member of the Cork Borough Council for a long number of years. Even in face of hostility from such bodies as ratepayers' associations and some chambers of commerce, notwithstanding their sending deputations to us to keep the rates within a certain figure, we have rigidly adhered to the rate that we had struck except in one or two instances where we were able to do some cheese-paring but which certainly was not to the disadvantage of public or social services. That is the spirit, I think, that animates most public men in this country. At the risk of repeating myself I want to ask, is it because one, two, or a few bodies have erred in this direction and have not acted up to their responsibility to the community that other bodies are to be penalised and to be dissolved or that the Minister should take certain powers—arbitrary powers, in my view?

I could quite understand it if there were a general movement to create trouble in the country by some outside influence. Let us assume for one moment that there was some outside influence, some sinister influence, at work in order to bring to an end or to handicap the activities of local bodies and so starve the social services. Then I would say that the Minister, even at the risk of being called "a Hitler", or "a Mussolini", or any other term of opprobrium that would be used towards him, would be justified in his efforts, and I would applaud his efforts in the circumstances. But these circumstances are not present, and I feel that this is an insult to the community of men and women who undertake the responsibility of public representation on these bodies, and who give very valuable service, frequently at considerable expense and considerable inconvenience. I cannot say with any truth that I know of even one man in Cork County or City who has gained anything financially or otherwise by membership of these public bodies. I hesitate to believe that members of local bodies are so inept, so faulty, or so criminal, if you like, that they would starve the social services simply to show the ratepayers or the disgruntled people in the country who have no public spirit, that they are worthy of support at future elections because they can keep the rates down to the very minimum.

I echo the sentiments expressed by Deputy Corish and Deputy Commons, who pointed to the fact that the Minister is taking power which no Minister at any time in the history of Dáil Eireann ever attempted to take. We have the City Management Act; we have the County Management Act. I believe the City Management Act was necessary, and that even the County Management Act in many cases was necessary. County management is one thing; city management is one thing; but taking such powers as these is an approach towards Hitlerism. A public man in this country was condemned on public platforms and in the Press for certain statements made at an I.L.O. conference abroad, that this country will one of these days become the last outpost of Fascism. I do not believe it, but this is the writing on the wall. That gentleman was pilloried all over the country for daring to say that. He said it, at any rate, and now the action which the Minister intends to take in this amendment will lead many people to think that the Minister will drive this country into something like the last bulwark of Fascism. I say that in all sincerity. The Minister should get away from that sort of Hitlerite mentality.

I do not want to use offensive language but I feel that the Minister is outstepping the authority given him by those who elected him. I wonder if such a policy was ever outlined in the Fianna Fáil plan. So far as I read it, there was no mention of it. The Minister need not, at all times, consult the Fianna Fáil clubs but I think that the impress he will leave on this measure will be one that will not be shared by his own Cabinet. We know what happened in another Cabinet when another gentleman, not now a member of the House, took a shilling off the old age pensioners. That brought about the downfall of that Government. The Minister should seriously consider whether he is not paving the way to the downfall of the Fianna Fáil Government. That may be one of the things which will force him to lend his ears to the appeals made to him not to drive the people into a pen and treat them as if they were a lot of sheep who have to do as he says. If this amendment becomes part of the Act, it will be one of the biggest blots of the many that have appeared on the Fianna Fáil plan or programme. As one who never wants to be offensive, I suggest that the Minister seriously consider the point made by Deputy Corish. If he does not want to hearken to the advice and criticism of Deputies on opposing benches, he should have some consideration for the feelings of members of his own Party.

When Deputy Commons was speaking and referring to the Fianna Fáil Deputies who had attacked this amendment, I interjected: "We will see if they go into the Division Lobby in favour of it." That, I suggest, will strike at the roots of democratic government. Those Deputies are sounding boards of public opinion in their own areas. They do not lightly issue the warnings they have given to the Minister. They have given due consideration to the figure they will cut when they go back to their constituents. Having made speeches against the amendment, having told the Minister of its consequences, having told him of the probity, intelligence and ability of members of the county councils, they will be obliged to answer the question: "What did you do on this amendment; did you vote for it or against it?" The Minister should consider the humiliating and degrading position in which he will put some of his own followers if he insists on this amendment.

I ask him to give the matter further consideration. By changing the words of the amendment, he may make it more acceptable. I offer this advice sincerely and in the hope that the Minister will not cause numbers of people outside, including some of his own best supporters, to think that we are facing towards Hitlerism and Fascism. It may be that the Minister himself will get the discredit of hastening the coming of Fascism here.

When I first read this amendment, I felt that there was something seriously wrong with it. When I had heard the first few speeches against it, I had still some doubts. But when I had heard many members of the Opposition speak, I was convinced that there was nothing at all wrong with it. The Opposition alternative would appear to me to be: if there is anything wrong in local affairs, if there is not sufficient money raised to meet the social services, or to maintain the roads, leave them there for three years; if the country agrees to that, they can elect the same county council, and, if they disagree, they can put in a new county council. That is what I heard Deputy Hughes enunciate. Is that the policy? Hardly anybody would agree with that policy. Rates and taxation are difficult to collect. Everybody has an objection to meeting those commitments but the State must be maintained. If there is one thing we must maintain, in the world we are facing, it is road service. A Deputy from Mayo objected to maintaining the roads at all. The policy of his Party is, apparently, to leave them there. During the six years of war, the roads could not have been properly maintained. I wonder what it will cost now to do what, in ordinary times, would have been done piecemeal. If the roads are allowed to fall into disrepair, it will cost enormous sums to restore them. Did not Fine Gael take all those powers in the Local Government Act of 1925? Had they not full powers to do everything that can be done under this measure?

Why do you want this Bill, then?

You did nothing; that is why we have to do it now.

Is the Opposition policy to leave things over for three years, and let the people elect a new county council? What sort of a position would we have then? We had county councils which objected to doing certain things, and we may have them again. Deputy Mulcahy had them and the Government that comes after us may have them. There is no alternative to this course except mulcting the ratepayers in double rates the following year. That happened in Dublin and other counties which took those peculiar views. I could understand the argument that the Revenue Commissioners should collect all these charges but I do not think that that would be acceptable. What the Minister is trying to ensure is that there will be some definite method of securing that the democratic principle of local representation will continue.

That is grand.

And that you will not have the extraordinary policy instituted in which one county council will do nothing and collect the lowest possible amount of rates and, when everything gets into chaos, the succeeding council will have to do what they omitted to do. I read the amendment several times. I was doubtful about it at first, but, having heard the main Opposition and Clann na Talmhan, I am convinced that the amendment is essential.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported.
Committee to sit again to-morrow.
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