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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 13 Mar 1946

Vol. 99 No. 19

Committee on Finance. - Emergency Powers (373) Order, 1946—Motion to Annul.

I move:—

That Emergency Powers (373) Order, 1946, be and is hereby annulled.

This Order, in effect, provides that Orders made under the Emergency Powers Acts, whether by the Government or by a Minister under the Order entitling a Minister to make such an Order, are to be judicially noticed in the courts without proof. In other words, a person can be tried and convicted under an Emergency Powers Order without a copy of that Order being produced to the court or proved. I can find no justification whatever, even in expendiency, for the making of this Order.

If Deputies will bear with me for a few moments, I can give the history of how this Order was made, and I think that language of emphasis, much less language of exaggeration, is not required to bring home to the House the seriousness of the making of this Order. Deputies are aware that, under the Emergency Powers Acts, beginning in 1939 at the commencement of the war, the Government were given extensive powers to enable them to meet the situation created by the world war which was then at its inception. Under Section 2 of the parent Act of 1939, the Government were empowered to make by Order during the emergency—

"such provisions as are in the opinion of the Government necessary or expedient for securing the public safety or preservation of the State or for the maintenance of public order or for the provision and control of supplies and services essential to the life of the community."

A number of categories were mentioned in that section to which I have referred. The Government were uncontrolled so far as the powers conferred on them by the Oireachtas were concerned in relation to the type of Orders they were to make, but the Oireachtas gave them a headline that the Orders were to be made only where such Orders were necessary or expedient for the public safety, the preservation of the State, the maintenance of public order or in relation to matters connected with essential services and supplies. It passes my imagination to conceive how the making of this Order falls within any of these categories, made, in particular, at the time at which and in the circumstances in which it was made.

The particular Order costs only 2d. and to prove that Order in a criminal case in court, all that is necessary for the solicitor or counsel appearing for the State is to hand it across two or three feet of space to the registrar of the court. This Order has been passed to enable that small formality to be dispensed with. In order that counsel for the State may not have to put into the hands of the registrar of the court Emergency Powers Orders costing a few pence, the provisions of the Emergency Powers Acts have been invoked.

A case was brought against a man named Kennedy for alleged infringement of Orders in relation to, I think, sugar, and that case gave rise to the circumstances in which this Order was passed. He was convicted by the Special Criminal Court — the military court or military tribunal, as it is popularly called—and it is a matter perhaps of some significance that in the course of that case counsel for one of the parties being prosecuted in connection with the sale of sugar had to direct the attention of the court to the fact that apparently the State itself did not know the Orders under which the proceedings were being brought, because it appeared that defending counsel knew the Orders better than the State itself and had to point out that some of the indictments brought against some of these men were in fact brought under Orders which had in fact been repealed, and a verdict of not guilty had accordingly to be entered by the court in respect of some of these charges.

I have verified that statement from the counsel engaged in the case—I was not myself engaged in the case until a later stage. At all events, in respect of some of the charges, a conviction was obtained, and at no time during the hearing of that case were the Orders under which the proceedings were brought and in respect of which it was alleged that criminal offences had been committed by the defendants, proved before this lay tribunal of military gentlemen. Heavy penalties were imposed and the matter was brought to the Court of Criminal Appeal who set aside the conviction on the grounds that these Orders had not been proved.

In the course of the judgment in that case, the principle upon which the judgment proceeded was stated by the learned judge who delivered the judgment of the court. When I read that judgment and draw the attention of Deputies to the provisions of this Order, it will be clear that this Order, which was passed under the authority of the Emergency Powers Acts and is supposed to be justified by reference to an emergency situation, in effect and in fact contravenes one of the most fundamental principles in criminal law and in the conduct of criminal cases in court.

Mr. Justice Davitt, in giving judgment in the Court of Criminal Appeal, setting aside those convictions, enunciated a principle—a principle which is centuries old and which we are supposed to have taken over and certainly thought we had taken over. The learned judge, giving the judgment of the Court of Criminal Appeal in this case, restated and emphasised it anew. It is the principle which was abrogated and given no adherence to by counsel for the State conducting these prosecutions. The learned judge said:—

"The burden of proof which rests upon the prosecution in a criminal case cannot, however, be eased in this or any other case. Every fact necessary to establish the guilt of an accused person must be proved clearly and beyond reasonable doubt. Not merely that, it must be proved in evidence at the trial. It is not sufficient if the court satisfies itself otherwise than by the evidence submitted at the trial. The proper way to establish the fact that the Orders in question were properly made in exercise of the powers conferred by the Act of 1939 was by providing that fact by evidence, either by one of the methods provided by Section 4 of the Documentary Evidence Act, 1925, or otherwise. This was not done. It is not sufficient to establish, if it could be established, that the Special Criminal Court itself had knowledge of what ought to have been proved in evidence."

Every lay man knows—to adapt the old cliché consecrated by Macaulay, "every schoolboy knows"—that the burden of proof in a criminal case rests on the prosecution. It is merely stating an old principle, a principle that was nullified by the proceedings in this case of Kennedy. This is the principle which has been abrogated by this Order, No. 373, which is the subject of the present motion. It is now no longer necessary to prove these documents in evidence.

It is well known that there have been vast quantities of these Emergency Powers Orders promulgated by the Government. There is no statutory obligation on the Government to publish any of those Orders. In this connection, may I refer in passing— apologising to Deputies for anything that may appear to be technical—as it is of very grave import and bringing with it the consideration of a very wide principle, to the Rules Publication Act, 1893. That was a British statute and provided that, in respect of certain statutory orders, it was necessary to give notice of the making of those orders before they were made, in the Official Gazette or otherwise. That Act does not apply to Orders of this kind, which are to be laid on the Table of the House. As a matter of fact, the opinion has been held, since the establishment of this State, that that Act is, to say the least of it, of doubtful validity in this country, having regard to the constitutional changes which have taken place. Reference is made in one famous case, where two people were executed, to the fact that the Rules Publication Act of 1893 did not apply to the Emergency Powers Order in this case. I will refer to that in a moment. It shows the evils which may result from the continuance of this Order, if the Government insist on its continuance. The position is that a Stationery Office copy of one of these Orders, costing a few pence, is sufficient proof of its existence and all that is required in a Criminal Court is for the prosectuor to hand it into court. Now, this simple operation, this inexpensive operation, may be dispensed with, on this Order made by the Government. Of course, in Kennedy's case the conviction was quashed.

The next step in the history of this transaction was that the Attorney General prosecuting in this case, gave himself a certificate for leave to appeal to the Supreme Court. He did not ask the court, as is laid down in the statute, for leave to appeal against the judgment. Where a matter raises a question of exceptional public importance and where it is desirable in the public interest that there should be a decision of the Supreme Court on a point of law in a matter arising out of a decision of the Court of Criminal Appeal, there can be an appeal, under the statute, to the Supreme Court, if the court gives a certificate or if the Attorney General gives a certificate. In reference to that simple matter, all that had to be done was to spend a few pence on a Stationery Office copy of the Order and hand it a few feet across to the registrar's table. That was regarded by the Attorney General as a matter of exceptional public importance, in respect of which it was desirable that there should be a decision of the Supreme Court, in the public interest. I pass over any action of the Attorney General in giving himself that certificate. The case came before the Supreme Court and at that stage I came into it and argued it before the Supreme Court.

The point was raised that there was no appeal given to the Attorney General against an acquittal or conviction, against the order of the Court of Criminal Appeal quashing the conviction and directing an acquittal—as happened in this case. That was argued fully for several days by leading counsel of the State and eventually, on a Thursday afternoon between three and four o'clock, the Supreme Court gave their judgment, holding that no appeal lay in the circumstances of that case, no appeal from an acquittal and no appeal from an order of the Court of Criminal Appeal directing a conviction of the Special Criminal Court to be quashed and an acquittal to be entered. That happened on Thursday afternoon and this Order was made on Friday morning, within a few hours. The Order is dated 1st February, 1946. The judgment of the Supreme Court in the Kennedy case holding that the Attorney General had no appeal was given on the day before in the late afternoon. What was the necessity for the undue haste in making that Order? All that was required in the Kennedy case, as I have said, was to hand in the Orders. Apparently, even in the Kennedy case, not merely were the Orders not handed in, but the State apparently did not know or were not fully apprised of the various orders in respect of which the prosecutions were being brought.

Now the position is that anybody may be prosecuted under an Emergency Powers Order and not a single document of any kind—either a Stationery Office copy or a copy printed or typewritten — need be handed in. There is no necessity for proof. That is the position of the law as it stands at the moment. I would ask Deputies, in the light of those facts, to advert back to Section 2, which gives power to the Government to make that Order and I would ask them to remember the circumstances in which the section was passed, with a world war breaking out and when we were threatened with very grave repercussions from that war, even if we escaped the full consequences of it. Was it necessary for the Government, with that undue haste, to pass an Order saving the State a few pence and a solicitor a little expenditure of energy in leaning across a few feet of space and handing that to the registrar of the court? How was that necessary "to secure public safety or the preservation of the State, for the maintenance of public order or the provision and control of supplies essential to the life of the community?" The day after that judgment was delivered in the Court of Criminal Appeal, the position was the same exactly as it was the day before, except in so far as Kennedy was concerned. He got out of it. The same rule applied under the Documentary Evidence Act of 1925, which was referred to in the judgment of Justice Davitt which I have mentioned. It was necessary to prove that the document in evidence was in existence, to go through the simple procedure I have already described two or three times. That was deleted and, in order to save a few pence and a small expenditure of energy, literally hundreds of pounds, if not more, have been expended in legal costs and a conviction upset.

I ask Deputies to say that this Order is a gross abuse of the powers granted under the Emergency Powers Acts. Last July, when the Government came into this House and asked for the continuance of these powers, the case was made that it was the intention of the Government to get rid, as quickly as possible, of all these powers under the Emergency Powers Acts except to the extent that it was absolutely necessary to exercise those powers largely, if not entirely, in relation to matters of supply. The idea, it was suggested at that time by the Taoiseach, was that he only wanted the minimum of powers and, without committing himself, he said he merely wanted them to see that the country would have sufficient supplies. We have, fortunately, in this country been living for the past 12 months in a state of great peace, in a state where the courts are functioning normally, properly and well, and why it should be necessary for the Government—I say it without undue emphasis and certainly not with exaggeration—to abuse the powers conferred on them by the Emergency Powers Act of 1939, passes my comprehension.

It is possible to make a case to show the evils that may come from the existence of this Order. It is probable that no counsel conducting a prosecution will have the effrontery to say: "There is an Emergency Powers Order in existence, I will tell you what it is, and it is this," and the court will have to take it. I repeat what I said a short time ago, and on which I was more or less abused by the Taoiseach. There has been the utmost difficulty in getting these Emergency Powers Orders. It is impossible even for a trained lawyer, whose job it is to know what these Orders are, to follow them. I will ask the Minister for Justice to give to the House—if he does not do so now, I will ask him by way of Parliamentary Question—how many Orders have been made since 1939 under the Emergency Powers Acts. It is impossible for anybody to follow them. I made the case that it was possible for Orders to be made by the Government and people not to be able to get a copy of them. The Taoiseach told the Leas-Cheann Comhairle then that he was not accusing me of telling lies but, whether he was or not, I had a procession of my colleagues at the Bar next day telling me of the various times when they tried to get Orders and could not.

In one case, where counsel was unable to get an Order, he rang up the Department and asked whether the facts he gave them were covered by any Emergency Powers Orders. After a certain amount of finessing he was told they were. He asked could he have a copy of the Order, but they said "No", there was no copy available. Finally, he got a typewritten copy. If he had not gone to the trouble of ringing up the Department his client would have been prosecuted under an Order that neither he nor his counsel could get.

Let me refer to one case, or rather comment on a case which occurred some years ago, so that I may not be accused of exaggeration or stating what may not be in fact the truth, as the Taoiseach was good enough to say. I refer the House to a judgment of the late Chief Justice in the case of the State (Quinlan) against Kavanagh and others. The report is in the 1935 Irish Reports, at pages 262 and 263. I was engaged in the case. A writ of habeas corpus was obtained; a conditional order was obtained in respect of Lieutenant Quinlan who, it was alleged by us, was illegally detained. The Supreme Court held that he was and released him and, having been beaten on every point, on the last line of defence the State counsel purported to justify the detention of Lieutenant Quinlan under regulations made under Article 2A prescribing prisons into which men arrested under the provisions of that Article could be detained. These are the words of the Chief Justice in his judgment, which is in the Irish Reports for all time. He referred to the regulations made under Article 2A, Section 10, sub-section (2), naming a list of nine prisons in which prisoners might be detained or imprisoned, and then he goes on—these are his words:—

"The court asked for a copy of the regulations to which he, that is, counsel for the State referred. None could be supplied. Neither party before the court had a copy. Enquiry at the Law Library elicited the information that no copy had been supplied to the Law Library and apparently their existence was unknown. The court then inquired of counsel for the State whether, if the court sent a messenger to the Stationery Office or the Government Sales Shop for Official Publications, a copy could be purchased, which we were prepared to do immediately. The answer was that a copy could not be procured in that way because the document was not on sale and could not be purchased either by the public or even for our official use. We then asked whether the document was not in print and whether printed copies could not be supplied for the use of the court. The answer by State counsel was that the regulations had not been printed, and that the court would not be furnished with a full copy of the regulations in print or in any other form, but that counsel proposed to hand to the court certified typed copies of extracts from the regulations containing those parts of the regulations upon which they intended to rely and base their argument and they declined to allow the court to see any other part of the regulations or to consider them as a whole with reference to the intended argument. It is difficult to speak with restraint of such a proceeding. It is questionable, indeed, if one should speak of it with restraint. It is an affront to the court. To permit it would be a travesty of justice, and, for my part, I reject an argument so proffered as incapable in law of being entertained by any court of justice."

That was the judgment of the late Chief Justice in reference to regulations which are not Orders under these Emergency Powers Acts. But there can be no doubt that such a state of affairs as was adverted to by the Chief Justice in the judgment which I have read, and which I myself copied from the Official Reports, can be repeated with impunity if this Order is allowed to remain in force. The subject-matter of the comments by the Chief Justice were regulations made by the Government, or by a Minister, I think.

That there were Orders of the Government passed under the Emergency Powers Acts and under which two men were arrested and detained and subsequently tried and executed, and that they exist, I will also demonstrate by reference to the Official Reports. There were two Orders made by the Government and under these Orders two men were arrested and detained and could not be given, and were not given, a copy of the Order under which they were arrested and detained, nor could their legal advisers get it. They then applied for a writ of habeas corpus and at that time, when the conditional Order was applied for, those Orders were not procurable and had not been printed or published. The case to which I refer is the case of McGrath and Harte, and it is reported in the Irish Reports of 1941, the report beginning on page 68 and the judgment of Mr. Justice Gavan Duffy, to which I need only briefly refer, begins on page 69:—

"The subsisting committal Order, entitled under certain emergency laws (1),"

those are the laws to which I have been referring—that is, the Emergency Powers Acts—

"justified the detention by reference to two Orders, called the Emergency Powers Orders (Nos. 41 and 41A), 1940, under which the trial was held. It appeared that the making of Order No. 41 had only been announced in the last number of Iris Oifigiúil; it has been the practice to print, in the Statutory Rules and Orders series, and put on sale, Orders entitled Emergency Powers Orders, which cover a wide variety of topics, but it appeared that Orders Nos. 41 and 41A, being very recent, had not yet been published and that the solicitor for the prisoners had not succeeded in obtaining them. The prisoners stated that these Orders had not been supplied to them.”

"In an ordinary case I could have adjourned the application, to be renewed as soon as official prints or certified copies of the two Orders had been procured, but this course was not open to me in view of the immediate imminence of the execution of the death sentences. In this dilemma I made a conditional order for each man, because I could not, in a capital case, without seeing the text of the two vital Orders, make the grave assumptions against the condemned men involved in blindly taking for granted the contents of the two Orders as justifying the departure from ordinary law."

Deputies will see that these two men were tried and sentenced to death under Emergency Powers Order which had not been published, of which they could not get a copy, and of which their legal advisers could not get a copy. They were, of course, subsequently supplied when a writ of habeas corpus was applied for, and the court held that the Orders were valid, but the men were executed. I refer to that case as emphasising what did occur, and as pointing to the dangers of what may occur if this Order proceeds. There is no obligation, so far as I know, on the Government to publish, much less to print Orders, made under the emergency powers code.

A recent decision of the Court of Criminal Appeal has laid it down—and I hope this House will take note of the decision, if and when the Government comes this year for a continuance of the power of the Emergency Powers Acts—that in reference to the obligation imposed on citizens of this country by Emergency Powers Orders, it is the duty of citizens to find out for themselves what their obligations are, and even in cases where in ordinary language a citizen would be justified in assuming that an offence would not be committed, by adopting that course of action, if he makes a mistake, he must take the consequences. The position is that these Orders need not be published; they need not be printed. There is no obligation on the State to furnish any individual citizen with any of these Orders. The citizen must find out for himself, how he can, and where he can, whether he has committed any offence under the Order or not. If he is prosecuted, the position is that either the solicitor for the State, or counsel for the State, or whoever conducts the prosecution, need not produce in court, or prove in any way, the Order under which a man is going to be prosecuted and condemned. The court is supposed to know and to take judicial notice.

I cannot imagine a court acting without seeing one of these Orders in some official form. That is not the point. The point is that it may happen as it happened in the McGrath and Harte case, where two people were tried, convicted and sentenced to death under two Emergency Powers Orders which had not been published. Private citizens might find themselves infringing the law unintentionally because they cannot get these Emergency Powers Orders when they are not available. Experience has shown how difficult it is—not very frequently—in some cases to get these Orders. There are instances where the Orders have not been published, certainly for some considerable time afterwards. Whether you know that these Orders are there or not you inadvertently commit an offence under one of these Orders and they need not be proved in court. Much of what I have said would be ground for annulling this Order, even within the legal and moral powers of the Government.

I have emphasised the aspect that there was no justification whatever for making this Order, or for the promulgation of such an Order under the emergency powers conferred on the Government under these Acts. That Order, in my submission to the House, is entirely unjustified by any of the powers which it was intended by the Oireachtas to give the Government. There is, in fact, no justification or necessity for it. I stated several times, and I repeat, for the benefit of those who were not here when I said it before, that all this Order does is to save State counsel the trouble of leaning across a few feet in court and handing to the registrar a print of the Order printed and published by the Stationery Office which costs only a few pence.

How was the State jeopardised? Where did the public interest suffer by that? I submit to the House that it would be wrong and unjust to allow this Order to continue to have the course of law, as, apparently, it has at the moment. Accordingly, I press upon Deputies to look upon this matter as calmly as possible, and as calmly as I tried to put the case, feeling as I do very strongly, that the annulment of this Order is necessary; that it is a violation of the fundamental principles of criminal practice and criminal law; that a person is not proved guilty until the State by evidence proves his guilt beyond all reasonable doubt; and not merely proves it by evidence, but by means by which facts and documents are put in evidence in accordance with well - established and old - established criminal procedure.

What I have to say is this, that the Order is entirely and absolutely necessary. The Deputy spoke about proving the Order. I am sure he did not deliberately mean to mislead the House. The ordinary layman is probably not aware that the practice in the Special Criminal Court has been, since it was set up, for the registrar to obtain copies of every Order and, whenever a case was brought, each member of the court was given a copy of that Order. It was not considered necessary that counsel should go through the formality that has been described by Deputy Costello of actually handing in the Order, seeing that the members of the court already had the Order. Apparently that was not in accordance with the law. The Court of Appeal has held that that should have been done. But the practice in all these cases has been, as I say, for the registrar to procure copies of these Orders and hand each member of the court a copy of the Order. As a matter of fact, in the case which the Deputy has been describing, the details of these Orders were dealt with and actually it was in the transcript of the evidence, although, naturally, as the Order was not proved in the accepted manner, that is, by counsel saying formally, "I hand in this Order", that does not appear, because, of course, it did not happend and, as I say, it was believed it was not necessary. That has been the practice. The result would be, if we were not to make this Order, that every case that has been tried by that court would be in doubt; it could be quashed, possibly, because that formality was not gone through.

I will admit immediately that if the court could not get these Orders and if people did not know about them and did not get them, that would be entirely unjust. I have made inquiries and I am given to understand that at no time was that the position with the Special Criminal Court. In the case mentioned by Deputy Costello, the Order that was made was an Order sending these particular people for trial, not before this Special Criminal Court but before a military court which was set up here at a very critical period when some police officers had been shot down—as most Deputies will remember—and a special court had been established with the full consent of the Oireachtas to deal with crimes of that type. It was necessary for the Government to make an Order sending these people before that court. Some judges, I believe, were of the opinion that it was not necessary to make that Order at all but, anyway, as a precautionary measure, that Order was made and, of course, it was, as everyone acquainted with the proceedings at that time will remember, a time when everybody felt that actions of the kind that were being dealt with by that court had to be dealt with promptly in order to put down a terrorist attack on the State. So, to rely on that, I do not think is fair.

I think the Deputy has left the House under the impression that the court has been proceeding in the absence of these Orders. It has not. If we did not make this Order, as I say, all the cases would be in doubt. Some of them were not punitive. Take the Rent Restrictions Act. If a case was tried under that Act and the Order had not been proved, that case might be upset. The Deputy did not inform the House, which is composed mainly of laymen, that an ordinary Act does not require to be proved, that the court take judicial notice of an ordinary Act of Parliament—that it has not to be proved. It is up to me to let Deputies know that that is the position. Deputy Costello has not told us that it is not the position, but he did not inform us that it is the position.

In Section 10 of the Emergency Powers Act it was thought that we had provided that these Emergency Powers Orders would be in the same category as Acts. That was the intention and on that assumption the counsel always acted until it was challenged. I think the first occasion it was challenged in the court was this case of Kennedy. So that, all these cases have gone on ever since the establishment of that court, and no case, apparently, was appealed on the point that the Order had not been proved. Therefore, it really amounts to a technicality. Admittedly, counsel was not acting in accordance with the law, as decided by the Court of Appeal. We say that it is absolutely and entirely necessary that we should make sure of the position and not leave it in doubt.

As to the retrospective part of it, the intention under Section 10 of the Emergency Powers Act was that these Emergency Powers Orders should have the same effect as an ordinary law. That is not the case, according to the decision of the court, and in making this Order we have simply made that position secure. There is no question about our right to do it. The validity of the thing has been established. I am not going to follow all these cases except to make it clear that there is nothing new in this. The practice has been followed ever since this court was set up, not alone in this court, but I understand that the position in the ordinary courts, the District Court, and the Circuit Court, is somewhat the same. Take the case of breaches of the tillage Order. I understand the practice was that when the first of these cases came before the court, the State Counsel generally proved the Order once. He just handed in the Order on the first occasion, and from that out took it for granted that the court had knowledge of the Order. There is just a danger that if this Order were not made, every one of those cases could be reopened and we would have a state of chaos, which, of course, the Government is not going to stand for. Therefore, I say, there is every necessity for this Order and every justification for it. I have put the case as plainly as I possibly can, and I want Deputies to know what exactly the position is.

I do not propose to follow Deputy Costello, because I am completely incapable of doing it, into the events which happened in the different courts operating or dealing with cases prosecuted under the various emergency regulations, but I do state that it came, not once, but many times, inside my own knowledge, hearing lawyers complain to me, merely because I was a Deputy, of the impossible position they found themselves in from time to time in defending clients and being unable to get copies of the emergency Orders under which their clients were being prosecuted. That is a matter which those closer to the courts have far more knowledge of than I have. What strikes me about this particular motion is, it is a motion to repeal or rescind one Emergency Powers Order made in February, 1946. In any ordinary democratic Assembly, in any State having a Parliament, whose function it is to make laws, it is normally regarded as unique and entirely exceptional that a situation should arise where any citizen of that State would be arrested, prosecuted and imprisoned for any offence against any Act not passed through that particular Parliament. Some six years ago we met here at night, under the shadow of an immense and terrible war, when none of us knew how rapidly we might be engulfed in that war, and the Government brought in an Emergency Empowering Act, and in that Act they asked for powers to replace legislation by regulation, by emergency Order. The case made was that such terrible difficulties might arise during the war that the ordinary speed of legislation would be unable to cope with those difficulties; that the procedure of legislation was rather slow, and that situations might conceivably arise during the course of the war when something had to be done imperatively, and it would be impossible to deal with it through Parliament. That was the case made, and that case is there on the records of this House. The power asked for by the Government to legislate by emergency Order was in the event of some terrible crisis where Parliament could not operate, in the event of some imminent danger, where it was necessary to take speedy action, and where delay would be dangerous. We went through the five years of that war from beginning to end.

Seven months after the war is completely over and is just history, we have this kind of felon-setting emergency Order still being made, not honouring the pledge given by the Taoiseach last December, speaking for the Government, that it was their intention to get as rapidly away as they safely could from utilising all powers under the Emergency Act and that the continuation of that Act would only be used to the extent that is essential in the public interest. I wonder will the Minister tell us what is the use of the head of the Government, speaking in his own name and claiming to speak in the name of the Government, making a statement to that effect, where the honour of the individual and of the Government is involved, that during the continuation of that Act it will only be used to the very minimum extent and to the extent necessitated by the public interest. Was this some case of dire necessity? Was this some situation that could not be dealt with other than by an emergency Order passed between daybreak and twilight; passed, as Deputy Costello told us, some 18 hours after a certain case had been dealt with? My support of the motion before the House is the measure of my opposition to a Government, after the war is over, continuing to use and to abuse powers that were reluctantly given to the Government only to deal with really acute emergencies that might have arisen in the course of the war.

I am sure the Deputies will consider this matter calmly, because it should not affect their political opinions or affiliations. Anybody who listened to this debate, particularly Deputies who have no experience of legal matters, cannot but have been unfavourably impressed by the weakness of the argument which the Minister put forward. It may be that there are good grounds for the introduction of this Order, but, if there are, they have not been given to the House. The Minister said that in the ordinary way in the Special Criminal Court the Registrar had copies of the various Orders, that they were available, and that it was unnecessary and was not the practice to produce these Orders before the court. I want to inform the House that at the time of the specific case to which Deputy Costello referred, the Kennedy case, there were a number of other people charged and there were at least three or four sets of defending counsel and solicitors.

At the beginning, and on a number of occasions during the course of that trial, the point was made that these Orders had not been put in evidence. An opportunity was given to State Counsel to hand in the Orders and they declined to do so. If, as the Minister asserts, the ordinary practice is that these Orders are in the possession of the Registrar, then in this case, in which at least five people were charged, these Orders were not in court. Not alone were they not in court, but during the course of the trial it transpired that the Orders under which certain charges were being preferred against the accused people had been repealed. During the course of the trial, the court had to make amendments to the charges to which the accused were pleading. I do not know whether Deputies are aware that it can make a considerable difference to an accused person if he finds himself charged with doing or conspiring to do certain acts between certain dates. In this particular case some of these Orders were not available.

Mr. Boland

Is the Deputy referring now to the Kennedy case?

Mr. Boland

I say that these Orders were discussed for 16 days while that case was proceeding.

The vital Orders? Counsel for the defence had to produce the Orders which counsel for the State, the members of the court, or the Registrar, had not in their possession.

I was in one of the cases.

Mr. Boland

I am certain that the Orders on which they were found guilty were discussed for 16 days, and that they were in the hands of both counsel and the court.

They could have been proved easily.

Mr. Boland

Yes.

Why were they not?

Mr. Boland

Because they thought there was no necessity. I explained that before the Deputy came in.

They found it was not convenient. The State Counsel would not bring them in. Is the Minister aware that some of the Orders under which these people were being indicted had been repealed?

Mr. Boland

They were not found guilty on these.

Only for the defending counsel they would have been found guilty. If the individual was not able to brief counsel he would have been found guilty, because the court was not made aware of it by the State. I want to impress on Deputies that, in this particular case, only for the fact that the defending solicitor and counsel had procured at considerable difficulty these specific Orders these people would have been convicted under Orders which were no longer in force. Time and again, the Taoiseach said that these Orders would not be retained any longer than the necessities of the emergency justified. It is now almost a year since the termination of hostilities, and we have had over six years of the Emergency Powers Act. Deputies must realise that, not alone is the necessity for these Orders draw- ing to a close, but that it is entirely unnecessary and unfair to people who may be charged in the future to bring in an Order of this kind at this stage of the emergency.

On the principle that rash people rush in where angels fear to tread, I intervene briefly in this debate. Like other Deputies, I am accustomed to having shoals of these Emergency Powers Orders delivered to me. I have often wondered how the average citizen who is affected by these Orders can hope to study their provisions and keep within their various requirements. There is, however, or, at least, I believed there was, one safeguard for the ordinary citizen, that is, that when brought into court he would not be convicted of having violated any Order until the court was satisfied that he had so violated the Order and until the Order was produced in court as definite evidence of the fact.

Emergency Powers (No. 373) Order was delivered to me some time ago and I must confess that, as a layman, I did not know exactly what it meant. There are only two or three operative words in the Order, and I gather from Deputy Costello that its effect is to ensure that it will not be necessary in future to prove the existence of an Emergency Powers Order in order to get a conviction. The Minister asserts that a similar position operates in regard to Acts of the Oireachtas, but surely he will acknowledge that there is a very fundamental difference between Acts of Parliament and Emergency Powers Orders. There is at least a distinction in the manner in which they are enacted. Acts of Parliament require considerable public discussion before they become law, and the public have some chance of knowing that they have been enacted, but half-a-dozen Emergency Powers Orders may be made in one night and they immediately become operative. The ordinary citizen has no protection.

And they may not be available for three months.

And possibly a copy of an Order may not be circulated, as Deputy Davin suggests. It has been decided by the courts that it is absolutely necessary to have these Orders proved in court, and I think the courts would not decide that it is necessary to have them proved without very good reason. There have been very good reasons why they should be so proved. There might be dangers of a miscarriage of justice, or of persons being accused of offences under Orders which might possibly have been repealed, and therefore it is the opinion of the courts that these Orders should be proved in court. That was a wise and prudent decision on the part of the courts, and a decision which should not be set aside by an Order such as this.

I think a very useful purpose has been served in seeking to annual this Order. I am expressing my opinion merely as a layman. Laymen do not have the opportunity to know all the procedure in the courts, to know all the implications of various Acts and regulations, unless they learn by very costly experience. I have not had an opportunity of learning the law either in the formal way of studying it as a member of the legal profession or of studying it through the courts, and I am speaking purely as a layman. On the face of it, I think this Order is unjustifiable.

I understand that when the Minister was replying to the motion in the name of Deputy Costello and myself, he expressed the view that people in this House should be rather chary of dealing with the cases of McGrath and Harte.

Mr. Boland

I did not say any such thing. It is a pity the Deputy was not here. If he had been here, he would have heard what I said.

In any event, I understand that the Minister has the view that, because policemen were being shot at that time, this case should be treated rather delicately.

Mr. Boland

Not at all.

Did the Minister bring in any question of policemen being shot?

Mr. Boland

I did, of course.

It is a welcome change in the Minister.

Mr. Boland

There has been no change whatever.

I remember when I sat on the opposite benches, and we asked whether people would assist in the tracking down of those responsible for a very notorious political assassination in this country, a man now a member of the Minister's Government asked——

Mr. Boland

Keep to the Minister himself. I am speaking of my attitude. I never stood for murdering policemen.

Your colleague did.

Mr. Boland

I never did, and I repudiate any such suggestion. It is not fair, Sir, that the Deputy should be allowed to make it.

The Minister's colleague asked if——

Mr. Boland

I repudiate the Deputy's suggestion.

If the Minister would only keep quiet——

Mr. Boland

Why should I keep quiet under such a charge as that?

Ministers are not responsible to this House until they become Ministers, and the actions of a man before he became a Minister should not be raised in this fashion.

Mr. Boland

It was never my attitude at any time.

I intended to draw this in in contrast with the question which was asked in this House and backed by the political Party to which the Minister belongs——

Mr. Boland

That may be different.

——did we ask the people to become informers, and did we ask the people to assist the police in connection with a notorious political assassination? Now the Minister is all thin-skinned because people are talking about a man who was sentenced to death for the murder of a policeman, or some person assisting the forces of justice in this country, because at the time Orders had not been proved. I say it is a welcome conversion and I repeat that.

Mr. Boland

I deny it.

I hope the conversion extends to the members of the Minister's Party and that they are all in the same mood as he to be hot and indignant over the slaughter of policemen.

Mr. Boland

I never stood for it at any time.

If men slaughter policemen, they should suffer for it. I will join hands with the Minister on that, but there is any amount of ways in connection with the law and under the law in which men can be made to suffer for that. All we ask is that the formalities be observed. I object to this business of trying to drag in that sort of nonsense into what ought to be a cold discussion.

Mr. Boland

I did not draw it in.

The Minister did speak about the murder of policemen.

Mr. Boland

I did, because Deputy Costello referred to the case.

I am going to refer to the same case.

Mr. Boland

Why did he draw it in?

Surely this barrage of vocables of an unintelligible type ought to be prevented. If the Minister wants to make another speech, let him get up and make it.

Mr. Boland

I have already spoken.

Let him get up on his feet and make it, if he wants to make another speech.

Mr. Boland

I am not entitled to do so.

I will give the Minister free leave and the House will give him all the leave required, or some of his colleagues might speak for him. Bring them in. They are going to walk behind the Minister into the division lobbies. Let them say what is in their minds and let them say whether they approve of this view that, because a policeman was shot, we cannot attend to the formalities of the carrying out of justice in connection with such a murder. At any rate, I say that it is a welcome conversion. Let all the opposite side of the House luxuriate now in the mood that is on them. It has taken a good many years to bring them to that point.

What is at issue in this matter? Simply this: whether slovenly prosecutions should be allowed to go on or not. The Government have been armed—better than any Government outside dictatorships in the world have been armed—with powers to repress violence, and not merely to repress violence but to do anything which they state is required for the purpose of dealing with this country in a state of emergency such as now exists. They are given every power. They are given power to pass Emergency Powers Orders, to lay them on the Table of the Dáil and to give us information about them, and, until we get the House by a majority to refuse them, they can operate on them and everything they do under them, even though they are eventually repealed, is good and binding.

Not merely that, but under an Emergency, Powers Order they can produce subsidiary instructions, which need never be put on the Table of the House. What we object to is that they have attempted several times to act on Orders which were not even published and, on one occasion, the notable case of McGrath and Harte, they operated so far as to get a sentence of death passed on people, who may have richly deserved it, without the Orders that were necessary to justify that position being produced to the court, and without those Orders being published, the judge who gave the conditional order in that case saying that those Orders had not been published. We ask that they should be published and we ask that people should get knowledge of them.

We ask that there should be an opportunity to those who represent them, even if they are criminals, to have the Orders looked through, to find out if they mean what counsel for the prosecution says they mean, to see whether the court could be coerced into holding that they mean that or something else, to see whether there is any flaw in them, instead of merely having some counsel briefed by the State appearing before the court and saying: "I tell you what is in the Order and you must act on that." All that counsel has to do is to produce the document and hand it in, but it makes for great ease and convenience not to have to hand it in, it makes for greater ease and convenience not to have to make it at all, it makes indeed for considerable administrative ease—even though a man's life may be at stake— to make the Order after the event and to justify what has been done.

We suggest that that is not right, when a man's life is at stake. What we ask is that these things should be proved in the ordinary way. There have been notable instances, to which my friend Deputy Costello has referred to-day, in which the courts have used language not measured by any restraint whatever, upon the practice of attempting to get people condemned, sometimes to death and sometimes to sentences of imprisonment, on Orders that were not proved or established, or shown not to have been in existence at the time the sentence was passed.

Is there anything new in the way of hardship in asking that, before a man's most precious possession, his life, is taken from him, the statements on which the court is asked to condemn him to death be produced to the court? That is what we ask. I suggest that, apart from that element of natural justice, it keeps the whole Department on its toes and tends, therefore, towards efficiency and prevents inefficiency. It prevents ignorant and inefficient prosecutions, by having certain particulars required by the courts when prosecutions are brought against people. The judge who decided the Kennedy case said that the burden of proof which rests upon the prosecution in a criminal case cannot be eased in this or in any other case. Is that not a good statement of fact? Would it not appeal to most people, that when a man is going to have either his liberty taken from him or his life taken from him, the most exhaustive burden of proof should be put upon the prosecutors in a case and should be satisfied to the point that a court will say: "You have convinced me that every bit of the onus of proof put upon you has been discharged"?

Why is there all this meticulousness about what the Minister would be pleased to term "criminals"? First of all, in this country, we still carry on the pretence that people are innocent until the last moment when a sentence of guilty is pronounced against them. Why are we so careful of people who, from the point of view of the man in the street, taking the case made in an effective way through the newspapers, may be considered guilty of some crime? Why should we all be so subservient to the criminals? First of all, there is a tradition in this country, a tradition which goes back very far, right to the roots of Christianity. Under it we may see an inefficient Minister slaughter calves, but it is not so easy to see another inefficient Minister kill human beings. The difference is that the human being is distinct from the calves, because he has a soul, because he is a Christian, because there is something attaching to his dignity as a human person which requires that he should not be treated as one treats an animal. What is required with regard to these people? All that tradition has given to us and all that we pretended to incorporate in the Constitution in the year 1937, with regard to the trial of human beings. We were not even content to say that we had to have an independent judicial authority to try them.

We adopted the same scheme as in other countries, where human life is regarded as something essentially sacred, and we would not let even a professional judge deal with those people on his own. We thought we would not have even the sort of tribunal which sometimes sits on the judicial bench. We would not operate that in its entirety, so that a man might come to be tried with the result that either his life or his freedom would be in jeopardy. We said in regard to all that: "We even take you away from the scope of the professional judicial authority and give you into the control of 12 people like ourselves." We have adopted the system here, or have pretended to adopt it, of having judge and jury to try criminal matters.

Then we discovered that this Constitution of ours, which pretends to grant all the fundamental rights that any modern Constitution does assure to its people, only granted them in a weakened form. We found, in connection with the Offences Against the State Act, that it was possible here for a Minister for Justice to sign a foolproof warrant, scheduled in an Act, and send a man to jail, without charge or without any prospect of even a charge being brought against him.

We removed that man, not merely from the jury but from the judge. Then we found also that, in our Constitutional scheme, we could establish the Special Criminal Courts and when we established them we could send our people before judges, but without juries. Even though there was an appeal to a judicial tribunal, we effectively did away with the right of a man to be tried by 12 people of the same type as himself. We eased the Minister's situation in connection with the Offences Against the State Act, by giving him power to send named people to jail, on what I call a fool-proof warrant. We have arranged all sorts of devices for the Minister, by refusing to put upon him the burden of proof put upon an ordinary person, put upon the State ordinarily in a criminal case. We allowed him to take people away from that survey of the ordinary courts and send them before a special court.

We gave the Government one monstrous Emergency Powers Order, which enabled them to change the whole law of evidence in regard to people brought before special courts, where a man could listen with his elbows on a counter to a conversation, and take it down without the knowledge of the person who was speaking and could produce it in court without producing the individual who was said to have made a confession. That could be put in and urged, in order to have a man condemned, either to death—as was done in certain cases—or to the deprivation of his liberty. We have abrogated the rule of evidence in that matter, the ordinary rule which says that, if a person is alleged to have made a statement, that person should be produced in court. We have given the Minister power to take down and put forward a record like that and keep the man who was said to have uttered those words out of the witness box, and the State has sent men to their death on conversations alleged to have been taken down in that way.

Will the Deputy relate that to the Order?

I am coming to the Order.

The Deputy is a long time coming to it.

I was dealing with the Order before the Deputy was here.

That is untrue.

I have got away from it, to show how we have short-circuited what we have done. We allowed the Minister, during the emergency, to deal with what are called emergency cases. Now, at the end of it, all we ask is to allow the Minister to get the courts to take judicial notice of Orders, even of Orders that are not published Orders and proceeding from the Department. However, the courts are to take this in their stride, on the statement of some prosecutor, and the court is not to be allowed to analyse the Order. Counsel is not to be allowed to see what he can do to pick holes in the Order and see where there is any loophole of escape for the alleged criminal. All this is done, not because there is really any question of people breaking through the law, not because of any defect in the ordinary courts, not because the courts refused to stand up to their duties, not because the courts have been found to be amendable to pressure from the accused, such as used to be put on juries long ago. None of these things have been happening and the courts have been running quite smoothly. The only thing that has happened in recent months is that prosecutions have been becoming more and more inefficient and those briefed by the Minister, through the Attorney General, are notoriously incapable of attending to the ordinary laws in connection with the running of cases. The Minister now has to fortify them by this, which means that they can now go into a court of law and say "Well, if we do not produce an Order, that is no matter; the Order is there and, if we refer to it, well and good."

Remember what may happen. McGrath and Harte are an example— men condemned to death on Orders that were not published. Supposing that the Order were published and it was found there was any flaw in it, irreparable harm has been done if a man has been executed. The judge, in granting the conditional Order, said that he might not have thought of this point ordinarily, but, he said, a certain course was not open to him in view of the immediate imminence of the execution of the death sentence. Will people reflect on that? Men had been condemned to death. They were awaiting execution. The death sentence was imminent and yet the Orders on which the court had purported to send these men to their death had not been published or produced in court. Supposing there had been some infinitesimal flaw in these Orders which meant that the court, on seeing them, would not have sent the men to their deaths, and they had been, nevertheless, executed, how would the Minister excuse the judicial or the Ministerial murder which would have been effected under these conditions?

The way he proposes to evade that particular matter is this Order. Every subordinate instrument is now taken in evidence as if it were a statute. That is, whether it is available to the accused and his representatives or not; that is, whether it had been published or not; that is, simply if it is made up on the morning of the execution in the Minister's office and, on the occasion on which an appeal is taken—fruitlessly in the circumstances—the Minister can justify himself post factum and post mortem by the production of an Order. Weighing the cases one against the other, have we any respect in this country still for human life? Even though it is that meanest of all creatures, an alleged criminal, as long as that man is at the point of being merely alleged to be a criminal, has he rights in this country? Has he the right only to have this, that whatever is the evidence against him should be produced against him, that if a prosecutor wants to rely on an Order he should put it in?

This is not a question of extreme difficulty of proof. It is a matter of making the public clear as to what is happening. It is a matter of having publicity. It is a matter of having the court knowing what it is doing, and having the court knowing what it is doing by reliance on a printed sheet instead of what somebody says of it. In England many years ago a judge declined to allow that a statutory Order became operative from the same date as it would have been operative if it were a statute, and his simple grounds were those, that in connection with a statute there is great publicity. The matter is produced in a piece of legislation.

Those who are concerned about it can get a certain amount of public opinion forming for or against it. If it is a piece of ordinary legislation, there are five stages to it in one House, and if it is bi-cameral, there are eight or nine stages. There is delay and the public can be taught whatever there is to be known about it. There is the whole force of publicity and of public opinion backing or being against whatever is proposed.

As against that you have Orders. An Order may be laid, as it was called, on the Table of the House, or put in the Library. A subordinate instrument need not be so published. With regard to a subordinate instrument—and that is where the great grievance is in connection with this Order—it need never see the light of day and there is no question of public opinion forming around it. There is no question of anyone arguing for or against, because the matter has not appeared. The Minister thinks of something and embodies that in some typescript; that is lying in his office and it is sufficient to enable a prosecutor to say: "This is the Order and this is what you, the courts, must take judicial notice of". Nobody has a chance of arguing about it, no one knows what is in it, and the counsel appearing for a man may not get a chance of analysing the instrument to see if it correctly carries out the idea behind it.

In these circumstances, we are asking the House not to permit itself to give anything so wholly dictatorial as this Order would demand. We ask the House to see that if these Orders are to be produced in court, they ought at least to be capable of proof and that means only one thing, that Orders will be of such a shape and form that they can be handed in, and of such a shape and form as that people can analyse them to see if they effectively mean and will carry out what they say. If you do not do that, you might as well give the man whose interest in keeping down the slaughter of police——

Mr. Boland

I always was against that. Now, listen here. It is not good enough that the Deputy should be allowed to get away with that.

The Deputy may not charge the Minister or his colleagues of being——

Of being in favour of murder of anyone.

Mr. Boland

Of being only now so anxious to prevent the slaughter of police—that is what the Deputy says.

I do accuse the Minister of not being anxious. It is a great thing to have the Minister and his colleagues now——

Mr. Boland

I object to the Deputy's statement. His accusation has no foundation.

May I say this? On the day on which two men would not assist the police and would not become informers, the Minister was notably silent. I was here on that occasion.

If the Deputy wants a vote taken on this motion tonight, there is not very much more time.

Mr. Boland

I am prepared to meet the Deputy on that point any time he likes.

I am glad the Minister is in his present mood.

Mr. Boland

It has always been my mood; it is my mood at all times.

It was not always.

Mr. Boland

It was, at all times.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 29; Níl, 49.

  • Anthony, Richard S.
  • Broderick, William J.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Davin, William.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Heskin, Denis.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Larkin, James (Junior).
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Spring, Daniel.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Connor, John S.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Shanahan, Patrick.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ua Donnchadha, Dómhnall
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies McMenamin and Coogan; Níl: Deputies Kissane and O Briain.
Question declared negatived.
Barr
Roinn